Jeffrey T. Kenney
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780195131697
- eISBN:
- 9780199785001
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019513169X.003.0003
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
The evocation of Kharijism first occurred in connection with the activities and ideas of the Society of Muslim Brothers. On two separate occasions, in 1948 and 1954, the Muslim Brothers were accused ...
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The evocation of Kharijism first occurred in connection with the activities and ideas of the Society of Muslim Brothers. On two separate occasions, in 1948 and 1954, the Muslim Brothers were accused of being Kharijite. These isolated episodes adumbrate the trend toward accusations of Kharijism that came to inform a range of political and religious rival groups in Egypt — government, official al-Azhar, conservative, Islamist, and secular. This chapter examines the first wave of accusations of Kharijism as they were applied in general to the Society of Muslim Brothers, and in particular to the writing and figure of Sayyid Qutb, a one-time literary critic who became the voice of Islamist militancy.Less
The evocation of Kharijism first occurred in connection with the activities and ideas of the Society of Muslim Brothers. On two separate occasions, in 1948 and 1954, the Muslim Brothers were accused of being Kharijite. These isolated episodes adumbrate the trend toward accusations of Kharijism that came to inform a range of political and religious rival groups in Egypt — government, official al-Azhar, conservative, Islamist, and secular. This chapter examines the first wave of accusations of Kharijism as they were applied in general to the Society of Muslim Brothers, and in particular to the writing and figure of Sayyid Qutb, a one-time literary critic who became the voice of Islamist militancy.
Peter A. Swenson
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195142976
- eISBN:
- 9780199872190
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195142977.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter picks up where the last left off, in the 1930s, when the Swedish Social Democratic Party took power, and instead of undermining solidarism, actually helped employers achieve their long ...
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This chapter picks up where the last left off, in the 1930s, when the Swedish Social Democratic Party took power, and instead of undermining solidarism, actually helped employers achieve their long sought‐after solidaristic goal of compressing wage levels across industries. During the Great Depression, Social Democratic intervention against militant unions in the building and construction trades brought their wages down to levels long sought by employers, and inaugurated a decade‐long period of labor‐management harmony and consensual politics despite Social Democratic domination. This harmony was based on a cross‐class alliance of interest between major export‐oriented sectors of Swedish industry and the social democratic labor movement, reflected in the details of achievements of other political and industrial relations of the decade: the Social Democratic government's crisis program against unemployment and the famous 1938 Basic (Saltsjöbaden) Agreement between the labor and employer confederations.Less
This chapter picks up where the last left off, in the 1930s, when the Swedish Social Democratic Party took power, and instead of undermining solidarism, actually helped employers achieve their long sought‐after solidaristic goal of compressing wage levels across industries. During the Great Depression, Social Democratic intervention against militant unions in the building and construction trades brought their wages down to levels long sought by employers, and inaugurated a decade‐long period of labor‐management harmony and consensual politics despite Social Democratic domination. This harmony was based on a cross‐class alliance of interest between major export‐oriented sectors of Swedish industry and the social democratic labor movement, reflected in the details of achievements of other political and industrial relations of the decade: the Social Democratic government's crisis program against unemployment and the famous 1938 Basic (Saltsjöbaden) Agreement between the labor and employer confederations.
Peter A. Swenson
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195142976
- eISBN:
- 9780199872190
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195142977.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter wraps up the analysis of solidarism's development through the 1950s with historical evidence showing how employers strongly favored continued wage compression, a fact that thoroughly ...
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This chapter wraps up the analysis of solidarism's development through the 1950s with historical evidence showing how employers strongly favored continued wage compression, a fact that thoroughly undermines the mythology that employers reluctantly traded centralized negotiation of an egalitarian structure of wages across firms and industries in exchange for the labor confederation's suppression of wage militancy. Wage solidarism and restraint, consensually pursued in multiindustry collective bargaining, generated endemic labor scarcity, which in turn gave rise to a profusion of welfare capitalist benefits offered by firms to attract and retain labor. The employers’ confederation proved unsuccessful in unilaterally suppressing this resurgent segmentalism, and these difficulties help explain employer support for welfare state politics during the 1940s and 1950s.Less
This chapter wraps up the analysis of solidarism's development through the 1950s with historical evidence showing how employers strongly favored continued wage compression, a fact that thoroughly undermines the mythology that employers reluctantly traded centralized negotiation of an egalitarian structure of wages across firms and industries in exchange for the labor confederation's suppression of wage militancy. Wage solidarism and restraint, consensually pursued in multiindustry collective bargaining, generated endemic labor scarcity, which in turn gave rise to a profusion of welfare capitalist benefits offered by firms to attract and retain labor. The employers’ confederation proved unsuccessful in unilaterally suppressing this resurgent segmentalism, and these difficulties help explain employer support for welfare state politics during the 1940s and 1950s.
Roderic Ai Camp
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199742851
- eISBN:
- 9780199866298
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199742851.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Political reforms which impact on the electoral process can have long-standing and unintended consequences on the characteristics of political leadership, on the gatekeepers of that leadership, and ...
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Political reforms which impact on the electoral process can have long-standing and unintended consequences on the characteristics of political leadership, on the gatekeepers of that leadership, and on the homogeneity of leadership under a democratic electoral model. The peculiarities of a legislative system, particularly in the way that it is structured, can unquestionably slow down the processes that democratic electoral change typically engenders, by determining the type of leaders selected and who does the selecting. Democratic change, measured by numerous background variables of the leading politicians, can be extraordinarily radical in scope. Institutions play an important role in the backgrounds of political leadership, particularly in their credentials and their recruitment. In spite of these important influences produced by perceptions of a politician's career experiences and accomplishments, non-institutional relationships based on familial linkages are extensive in Mexico, potentially exerting greater influence on their selection than those experiences or credentials which are publicly visible and concrete. Democracy is enhancing an increase in politicians' experiences and credentials typically associated with a democratic process, including negotiating and bargaining skills; yet democracy also has increased party militancy significantly and consequently the level of partisanship has expanded, not only among governors, but among politicians holding important national positions, including members of congress.Less
Political reforms which impact on the electoral process can have long-standing and unintended consequences on the characteristics of political leadership, on the gatekeepers of that leadership, and on the homogeneity of leadership under a democratic electoral model. The peculiarities of a legislative system, particularly in the way that it is structured, can unquestionably slow down the processes that democratic electoral change typically engenders, by determining the type of leaders selected and who does the selecting. Democratic change, measured by numerous background variables of the leading politicians, can be extraordinarily radical in scope. Institutions play an important role in the backgrounds of political leadership, particularly in their credentials and their recruitment. In spite of these important influences produced by perceptions of a politician's career experiences and accomplishments, non-institutional relationships based on familial linkages are extensive in Mexico, potentially exerting greater influence on their selection than those experiences or credentials which are publicly visible and concrete. Democracy is enhancing an increase in politicians' experiences and credentials typically associated with a democratic process, including negotiating and bargaining skills; yet democracy also has increased party militancy significantly and consequently the level of partisanship has expanded, not only among governors, but among politicians holding important national positions, including members of congress.
Joseph Chinyong Liow
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195377088
- eISBN:
- 9780199869527
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195377088.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
This chapter explores expressions of Muslim militancy and extremism as they have emerged in Malaysia. While small in numbers and increasingly enervated as an ideology, militant extremism is ...
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This chapter explores expressions of Muslim militancy and extremism as they have emerged in Malaysia. While small in numbers and increasingly enervated as an ideology, militant extremism is nevertheless an important expression of Islamism that has occasionally surfaced in Malaysia and influenced thinking on trends and patterns. The chapter scrutinizes the Malaysian government’s confrontation with Islamic militancy in its domestic political sphere by investigating its operational and ideological countermeasures against the backdrop of an escalating Islamist political discourse. The chapter further discusses the Islamic factor in Malaysian foreign policy as another means by which the UMNO-led government bolsters its Islamic credentials, and it looks at how PAS has developed its own foreign policy agenda for similar purposes.Less
This chapter explores expressions of Muslim militancy and extremism as they have emerged in Malaysia. While small in numbers and increasingly enervated as an ideology, militant extremism is nevertheless an important expression of Islamism that has occasionally surfaced in Malaysia and influenced thinking on trends and patterns. The chapter scrutinizes the Malaysian government’s confrontation with Islamic militancy in its domestic political sphere by investigating its operational and ideological countermeasures against the backdrop of an escalating Islamist political discourse. The chapter further discusses the Islamic factor in Malaysian foreign policy as another means by which the UMNO-led government bolsters its Islamic credentials, and it looks at how PAS has developed its own foreign policy agenda for similar purposes.
Adam Ewing
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691157795
- eISBN:
- 9781400852444
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691157795.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter explores racial politics during the First World War, which acted as a catalyst in which old and richly drawn contests of authority and power were shifted on their axis, disrupted, and ...
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This chapter explores racial politics during the First World War, which acted as a catalyst in which old and richly drawn contests of authority and power were shifted on their axis, disrupted, and transformed. From the ascendant black capital of Harlem, a militant “New Negro” movement had emerged, its proponents hoping to more dramatically leverage the “new theater” created by the war to reshape global relations of race and class inequality, to celebrate militant and respectable black masculinity, and to replace an old cadre of elitist and ineffectual black leadership with a new brand of uncompromising mass politics. Joining the stream of West Indians heading for New York, Marcus Garvey was a fortunate witness to the birth of the New Negro movement. By the end of the war, thoughts of returning to Jamaica forgotten, he had begun to pull the movement's center of gravity toward himself and his organization.Less
This chapter explores racial politics during the First World War, which acted as a catalyst in which old and richly drawn contests of authority and power were shifted on their axis, disrupted, and transformed. From the ascendant black capital of Harlem, a militant “New Negro” movement had emerged, its proponents hoping to more dramatically leverage the “new theater” created by the war to reshape global relations of race and class inequality, to celebrate militant and respectable black masculinity, and to replace an old cadre of elitist and ineffectual black leadership with a new brand of uncompromising mass politics. Joining the stream of West Indians heading for New York, Marcus Garvey was a fortunate witness to the birth of the New Negro movement. By the end of the war, thoughts of returning to Jamaica forgotten, he had begun to pull the movement's center of gravity toward himself and his organization.
Julia Bush
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199248773
- eISBN:
- 9780191714689
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199248773.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The internal problems of the NLOWS were linked to evolving gender beliefs as well as to contested organizational tactics. This chapter reviews various aspects of anti-suffrage gender ideology, ...
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The internal problems of the NLOWS were linked to evolving gender beliefs as well as to contested organizational tactics. This chapter reviews various aspects of anti-suffrage gender ideology, developed both within the NLOWS and through dialogue between suffragists and women anti-suffragists. Anti-suffrage women commented with increasing dismay upon female sexual behaviour in early 20th-century Britain, connecting suffragette militancy to various forms of sexual deviance. Feminism was attacked as a sexualized threat to social solidarity and imperial strength. However, anti-suffrage women hesitated to exaggerate links between the more insidious forms of feminism and the suffrage cause, partly because of their awareness of shared ground with many suffragists over issues of moral reform. Though a suffrage truce was never likely in the pre-war years, the anti-suffrage forward policy and related constitutional reform proposals were closely aligned to the suffragists' advocacy of more feminized forms of citizenship.Less
The internal problems of the NLOWS were linked to evolving gender beliefs as well as to contested organizational tactics. This chapter reviews various aspects of anti-suffrage gender ideology, developed both within the NLOWS and through dialogue between suffragists and women anti-suffragists. Anti-suffrage women commented with increasing dismay upon female sexual behaviour in early 20th-century Britain, connecting suffragette militancy to various forms of sexual deviance. Feminism was attacked as a sexualized threat to social solidarity and imperial strength. However, anti-suffrage women hesitated to exaggerate links between the more insidious forms of feminism and the suffrage cause, partly because of their awareness of shared ground with many suffragists over issues of moral reform. Though a suffrage truce was never likely in the pre-war years, the anti-suffrage forward policy and related constitutional reform proposals were closely aligned to the suffragists' advocacy of more feminized forms of citizenship.
P. J. Cain
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198203902
- eISBN:
- 9780191719141
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203902.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter shows that, in the Edwardian period, Hobson's thinking on imperial matters was, at worst, schizoid and, at best, puzzling. One strand of his writings was in a direct line of succession ...
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This chapter shows that, in the Edwardian period, Hobson's thinking on imperial matters was, at worst, schizoid and, at best, puzzling. One strand of his writings was in a direct line of succession from Imperialism: A Study. He also printed numerous articles in which he warned of the dangers of parasitism and its consequences. This was accompanied by a stream of writings contradicting some key arguments in Imperialism: A Study. His advocacy of free trade led him into dangerous intellectual territory. In An Economic Interpretation of Investment, Hobson presented imperialism not as a reversion to militancy and barbarism so much as a necessary stage in an economic globalisation that would eventually lead every area of the world, whether advanced or backward, towards liberty and prosperity.Less
This chapter shows that, in the Edwardian period, Hobson's thinking on imperial matters was, at worst, schizoid and, at best, puzzling. One strand of his writings was in a direct line of succession from Imperialism: A Study. He also printed numerous articles in which he warned of the dangers of parasitism and its consequences. This was accompanied by a stream of writings contradicting some key arguments in Imperialism: A Study. His advocacy of free trade led him into dangerous intellectual territory. In An Economic Interpretation of Investment, Hobson presented imperialism not as a reversion to militancy and barbarism so much as a necessary stage in an economic globalisation that would eventually lead every area of the world, whether advanced or backward, towards liberty and prosperity.
Lori A. Flores
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780300196962
- eISBN:
- 9780300216387
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300196962.003.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Latin American Studies
This chapter explores the racial and labor landscapes of the Salinas Valley prior to World War II. The land that became the Salinas Valley was inhabited by Native Americans for 700 years before the ...
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This chapter explores the racial and labor landscapes of the Salinas Valley prior to World War II. The land that became the Salinas Valley was inhabited by Native Americans for 700 years before the Spanish, who colonized Mexico in 1521, arrived in present-day California. The valley's first residents were mostly migrants from the eastern United States, Canada, England, Germany, Ireland, Denmark, Italy, Portugal, and Switzerland. This chapter considers race-making in California after the U.S.-Mexican War and Gold Rush and how conceptions of racial difference led to the ethnic succession of Asian and Mexican workers in the state's fields. It shows how racialized beliefs that Asians and Mexicans were “naturally suited” for stoop labor led to other forms of discrimination It also discusses the strikes staged by “Okie” and Filipino agricultural workers during the 1930s, along with the antiunion hostility displayed in these moments of labor militancy and its impact on Mexican-origin workers.Less
This chapter explores the racial and labor landscapes of the Salinas Valley prior to World War II. The land that became the Salinas Valley was inhabited by Native Americans for 700 years before the Spanish, who colonized Mexico in 1521, arrived in present-day California. The valley's first residents were mostly migrants from the eastern United States, Canada, England, Germany, Ireland, Denmark, Italy, Portugal, and Switzerland. This chapter considers race-making in California after the U.S.-Mexican War and Gold Rush and how conceptions of racial difference led to the ethnic succession of Asian and Mexican workers in the state's fields. It shows how racialized beliefs that Asians and Mexicans were “naturally suited” for stoop labor led to other forms of discrimination It also discusses the strikes staged by “Okie” and Filipino agricultural workers during the 1930s, along with the antiunion hostility displayed in these moments of labor militancy and its impact on Mexican-origin workers.
Patricia Sullivan
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195382419
- eISBN:
- 9780199932641
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195382419.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter chronicles the ways in which NAACP officers tried to harness wartime militancy in the South. The NAACP achieved some notable successes, but experienced just as many frustrations. ...
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This chapter chronicles the ways in which NAACP officers tried to harness wartime militancy in the South. The NAACP achieved some notable successes, but experienced just as many frustrations. Director of Branches Ella Baker worked tirelessly, and to good effect, to ensure that the much-publicized growth in NAACP membership translated into meaningful protest. But at the end of the war she resigned, deeply frustrated by the unwillingness of national leaders to support her efforts. Others—such as W. E. B. Du Bois—would be forced out by the organization’s postwar turn against Communism. Ultimately it would be the “legal insurgency” that took hold in the South that would provide the greatest legacy of the NAACP’s wartime work in the region—an insurgency dependent not just upon the organization’s legal team, however, but also upon the new infrastructure of branches and the heightened aspirations generated by the war.Less
This chapter chronicles the ways in which NAACP officers tried to harness wartime militancy in the South. The NAACP achieved some notable successes, but experienced just as many frustrations. Director of Branches Ella Baker worked tirelessly, and to good effect, to ensure that the much-publicized growth in NAACP membership translated into meaningful protest. But at the end of the war she resigned, deeply frustrated by the unwillingness of national leaders to support her efforts. Others—such as W. E. B. Du Bois—would be forced out by the organization’s postwar turn against Communism. Ultimately it would be the “legal insurgency” that took hold in the South that would provide the greatest legacy of the NAACP’s wartime work in the region—an insurgency dependent not just upon the organization’s legal team, however, but also upon the new infrastructure of branches and the heightened aspirations generated by the war.
Gurudas Das
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198079781
- eISBN:
- 9780199081738
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198079781.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Indian Politics
The book provides a lucid account of the dynamics of development of civil wars in the Northeastern Region (NER)—the second soft underbelly of India after Jammu and Kashmir. The central argument of ...
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The book provides a lucid account of the dynamics of development of civil wars in the Northeastern Region (NER)—the second soft underbelly of India after Jammu and Kashmir. The central argument of the book revolves round the interlinkages among external security threats, economic underdevelopment, and consequent internal insecurity. It reveals how the development of the region has become hostage of the security perception of the Indian state about her northeastern borders in the first place; and then how the consequent underdevelopment has led to the rise in internal insecurity, which in turn arrested economic progress and denied human security. It, then, portrays the crisis of legitimacy and development of fragile state syndrome among the subunits in the region, which have been caught in conflict traps. The book suggests a four-fold policy measures needed for breaking this conflict trap in the NER. First, the promotion of economic development of the NER through cross-border development cooperation as the dynamics of national development framework has failed to address the issue. Second, improving the governance by way of adopting federal solution to separatist and secessionist demands and practising the politics of accommodation rather than politics of exclusion. Third, as the sphere of operation of the militant movements transcend the territorial boundary of the nation states, it is, thus, important to engage the neighbouring nations for preventing violence. Fourth, the nation states have to work together to redefine the concept of ‘right to self-determination’ to mean ‘right to self-governance’ rather than ‘right to political independence’.Less
The book provides a lucid account of the dynamics of development of civil wars in the Northeastern Region (NER)—the second soft underbelly of India after Jammu and Kashmir. The central argument of the book revolves round the interlinkages among external security threats, economic underdevelopment, and consequent internal insecurity. It reveals how the development of the region has become hostage of the security perception of the Indian state about her northeastern borders in the first place; and then how the consequent underdevelopment has led to the rise in internal insecurity, which in turn arrested economic progress and denied human security. It, then, portrays the crisis of legitimacy and development of fragile state syndrome among the subunits in the region, which have been caught in conflict traps. The book suggests a four-fold policy measures needed for breaking this conflict trap in the NER. First, the promotion of economic development of the NER through cross-border development cooperation as the dynamics of national development framework has failed to address the issue. Second, improving the governance by way of adopting federal solution to separatist and secessionist demands and practising the politics of accommodation rather than politics of exclusion. Third, as the sphere of operation of the militant movements transcend the territorial boundary of the nation states, it is, thus, important to engage the neighbouring nations for preventing violence. Fourth, the nation states have to work together to redefine the concept of ‘right to self-determination’ to mean ‘right to self-governance’ rather than ‘right to political independence’.
Terryl L. Givens and Matthew J. Grow
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195375732
- eISBN:
- 9780199918300
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195375732.003.0016
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Of Pratt’s many roles, he considered his apostleship paramount. He clearly felt an affinity with Paul. His Autobiography was a self-conscious construction; his late sermons provide a different window ...
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Of Pratt’s many roles, he considered his apostleship paramount. He clearly felt an affinity with Paul. His Autobiography was a self-conscious construction; his late sermons provide a different window on the man Parley Pratt. He never fully reconciled his life’s many tensions: liberty and religious persecution, militancy and meekness, millennialism and pragmatism, spiritual richness and relentless poverty, and finally, honor killing and martyrdom. His legacy was unambiguous: Paul-like in his elaboration and systematizing of Mormon doctrine, through Voice of Warning and Key to Science of Theology. Ultimately, he was more motivated by his loyalty and love than his sense of duty.Less
Of Pratt’s many roles, he considered his apostleship paramount. He clearly felt an affinity with Paul. His Autobiography was a self-conscious construction; his late sermons provide a different window on the man Parley Pratt. He never fully reconciled his life’s many tensions: liberty and religious persecution, militancy and meekness, millennialism and pragmatism, spiritual richness and relentless poverty, and finally, honor killing and martyrdom. His legacy was unambiguous: Paul-like in his elaboration and systematizing of Mormon doctrine, through Voice of Warning and Key to Science of Theology. Ultimately, he was more motivated by his loyalty and love than his sense of duty.
Ebrahim Moosa
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469620138
- eISBN:
- 9781469623337
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469620138.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
Taking us inside the world of the madrasa—the most common type of school for religious instruction in the Islamic world—this book provides a resource on orthodox Islam in global affairs. Focusing on ...
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Taking us inside the world of the madrasa—the most common type of school for religious instruction in the Islamic world—this book provides a resource on orthodox Islam in global affairs. Focusing on postsecondary-level religious institutions in the Indo-Pakistan heartlands, the text explains how a madrasa can simultaneously be a place of learning revered by many and an institution feared by many others, especially in a post-9/11 world. The book describes the daily routine for teachers and students today. It shows how classical theological, legal, and Qur'anic texts are taught, and it illuminates the history of ideas and politics behind the madrasa system. Addressing the contemporary political scene, the book introduces us to madrasa leaders who hold diverse and conflicting perspectives on the place of religion in society. Some admit that they face intractable problems and challenges, including militancy; others, the text states, hide their heads in the sand and fail to address the crucial issues of the day. Offering practical suggestions to both madrasa leaders and U.S. policymakers for reform and understanding, the book demonstrates how madrasas today still embody the highest aspirations and deeply felt needs of traditional Muslims.Less
Taking us inside the world of the madrasa—the most common type of school for religious instruction in the Islamic world—this book provides a resource on orthodox Islam in global affairs. Focusing on postsecondary-level religious institutions in the Indo-Pakistan heartlands, the text explains how a madrasa can simultaneously be a place of learning revered by many and an institution feared by many others, especially in a post-9/11 world. The book describes the daily routine for teachers and students today. It shows how classical theological, legal, and Qur'anic texts are taught, and it illuminates the history of ideas and politics behind the madrasa system. Addressing the contemporary political scene, the book introduces us to madrasa leaders who hold diverse and conflicting perspectives on the place of religion in society. Some admit that they face intractable problems and challenges, including militancy; others, the text states, hide their heads in the sand and fail to address the crucial issues of the day. Offering practical suggestions to both madrasa leaders and U.S. policymakers for reform and understanding, the book demonstrates how madrasas today still embody the highest aspirations and deeply felt needs of traditional Muslims.
Douglas Johnston
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195367935
- eISBN:
- 9780199851805
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195367935.003.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
The World Trade Center and the Pentagon attacks indicate that one of the worst threats that the world could experience involves combining religious extremism with weapons used for mass destruction. ...
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The World Trade Center and the Pentagon attacks indicate that one of the worst threats that the world could experience involves combining religious extremism with weapons used for mass destruction. Although several efforts are made to address these threats, we fail to recognize the underlying cause, therefore measures have to be taken for religious activity to be channelled to more helpful and productive purposes. As religious militancy has recently become an emerging issue in America, US foreign policy should be giving more attention to the political importance of religion. The need arises to establish a better connection with the Muslim world through cultural engagement or making an effort to understand others' views and what they value, and to help them realize their aspirations.Less
The World Trade Center and the Pentagon attacks indicate that one of the worst threats that the world could experience involves combining religious extremism with weapons used for mass destruction. Although several efforts are made to address these threats, we fail to recognize the underlying cause, therefore measures have to be taken for religious activity to be channelled to more helpful and productive purposes. As religious militancy has recently become an emerging issue in America, US foreign policy should be giving more attention to the political importance of religion. The need arises to establish a better connection with the Muslim world through cultural engagement or making an effort to understand others' views and what they value, and to help them realize their aspirations.
Gary Dorrien
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780300205602
- eISBN:
- 9780300216332
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300205602.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
The civil rights movement began in 1884 with a call for what became the National Afro-American League; it had a brilliant movement of hope in the Niagara Movement of 1905 to 1909; it entered a second ...
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The civil rights movement began in 1884 with a call for what became the National Afro-American League; it had a brilliant movement of hope in the Niagara Movement of 1905 to 1909; it entered a second phase of activism in 1909 with the founding of the NAACP; and the black social gospel provided a home and ballast for the NAACP across the country. The black social gospel tradition that led to King came mostly from the radical and reform schools of the social gospel housed in the NAACP and the black churches.Less
The civil rights movement began in 1884 with a call for what became the National Afro-American League; it had a brilliant movement of hope in the Niagara Movement of 1905 to 1909; it entered a second phase of activism in 1909 with the founding of the NAACP; and the black social gospel provided a home and ballast for the NAACP across the country. The black social gospel tradition that led to King came mostly from the radical and reform schools of the social gospel housed in the NAACP and the black churches.
Linda O. McMurry
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195139273
- eISBN:
- 9780199848911
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195139273.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter discusses Ida B. Wells's transformation from teacher to journalist. When social relationships failed to satisfied her yearnings, Ida turned to her work and political activities for ...
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This chapter discusses Ida B. Wells's transformation from teacher to journalist. When social relationships failed to satisfied her yearnings, Ida turned to her work and political activities for sustenance. Working in the public schools during a period of increased politicization of the system exposed her to the racial politics of Memphis, which stimulated her newspaper career. Dissatisfaction with teaching pushed Wells toward journalism as an alternative vocation. Increasing political militancy came to provide a focus for the anger that poisoned her relationships with others and also with herself.Less
This chapter discusses Ida B. Wells's transformation from teacher to journalist. When social relationships failed to satisfied her yearnings, Ida turned to her work and political activities for sustenance. Working in the public schools during a period of increased politicization of the system exposed her to the racial politics of Memphis, which stimulated her newspaper career. Dissatisfaction with teaching pushed Wells toward journalism as an alternative vocation. Increasing political militancy came to provide a focus for the anger that poisoned her relationships with others and also with herself.
Gene Andrew Jarrett
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814743386
- eISBN:
- 9780814743874
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814743386.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Cultural Studies
The political value of African American literature has long been a topic of great debate among American writers, both black and white, from Thomas Jefferson to Barack Obama. This book traces the ...
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The political value of African American literature has long been a topic of great debate among American writers, both black and white, from Thomas Jefferson to Barack Obama. This book traces the genealogy of this topic in order to develop an innovative political history of African American literature. It examines texts of every sort to parse the myths of authenticity, popular culture, nationalism, and militancy that have come to define African American political activism in recent decades. The book argues that unless we show the diverse and complex ways that African American literature has transformed society, political myths will continue to limit our understanding of this intellectual tradition. Cultural forums ranging from the printing press, schools, and conventions, to parlors, railroad cars, and courtrooms provide the backdrop to this African American literary history, while the foreground is replete with compelling stories, from the debate over racial genius in early American history and the intellectual culture of racial politics after slavery, to the tension between copyright law and free speech in contemporary African American culture, to the political audacity of Barack Obama's creative writing. This book is a bold explanation of what's at stake in continuing to politicize African American literature in the new millennium.Less
The political value of African American literature has long been a topic of great debate among American writers, both black and white, from Thomas Jefferson to Barack Obama. This book traces the genealogy of this topic in order to develop an innovative political history of African American literature. It examines texts of every sort to parse the myths of authenticity, popular culture, nationalism, and militancy that have come to define African American political activism in recent decades. The book argues that unless we show the diverse and complex ways that African American literature has transformed society, political myths will continue to limit our understanding of this intellectual tradition. Cultural forums ranging from the printing press, schools, and conventions, to parlors, railroad cars, and courtrooms provide the backdrop to this African American literary history, while the foreground is replete with compelling stories, from the debate over racial genius in early American history and the intellectual culture of racial politics after slavery, to the tension between copyright law and free speech in contemporary African American culture, to the political audacity of Barack Obama's creative writing. This book is a bold explanation of what's at stake in continuing to politicize African American literature in the new millennium.
Linda Cooke Johnson
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- November 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780824834043
- eISBN:
- 9780824870300
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Hawai'i Press
- DOI:
- 10.21313/hawaii/9780824834043.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
China's historical women warriors hailed from the northeast (Manchuria) during the Liao (907–1125) and Jin (1115–1234) dynasties. They rode horseback astride, were good at hunting and shooting, and ...
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China's historical women warriors hailed from the northeast (Manchuria) during the Liao (907–1125) and Jin (1115–1234) dynasties. They rode horseback astride, were good at hunting and shooting, and took part in military battles. Several led armies against the enemy Song state. This book represents a groundbreaking effort to survey the customs and lives of these women from the Kitan and Jurchen tribes who maintained their native traditions of horsemanship, militancy, and sexual independence while excelling in writing poetry and prose and earning praise for their Buddhist piety and Confucian ethics. Although much work has been devoted in the last few years to Chinese women of various periods, this book incorporates recent archaeological discoveries and information drawn from Liao and Jin paintings as well as literary sources and standard historical accounts. Conquest women combined agency and assertiveness drawn from steppe traditions with selected aspects of Chinese culture such as ethics and literacy. These confident and talented women were rarely submissive in matters of sexuality and spouse selection, but they were subject to the restrictions of marriage and the levirate if widowed. The women of the northeast stand in vivid contrast to their counterparts in the south, where female identity was molded by a millennia of Confucian ethics and women were increasingly sequestered in the home and constrained by concepts of virtue. The book provides new insights into the history of steppe patterns of feminine behavior and reveals new areas of comparative study.Less
China's historical women warriors hailed from the northeast (Manchuria) during the Liao (907–1125) and Jin (1115–1234) dynasties. They rode horseback astride, were good at hunting and shooting, and took part in military battles. Several led armies against the enemy Song state. This book represents a groundbreaking effort to survey the customs and lives of these women from the Kitan and Jurchen tribes who maintained their native traditions of horsemanship, militancy, and sexual independence while excelling in writing poetry and prose and earning praise for their Buddhist piety and Confucian ethics. Although much work has been devoted in the last few years to Chinese women of various periods, this book incorporates recent archaeological discoveries and information drawn from Liao and Jin paintings as well as literary sources and standard historical accounts. Conquest women combined agency and assertiveness drawn from steppe traditions with selected aspects of Chinese culture such as ethics and literacy. These confident and talented women were rarely submissive in matters of sexuality and spouse selection, but they were subject to the restrictions of marriage and the levirate if widowed. The women of the northeast stand in vivid contrast to their counterparts in the south, where female identity was molded by a millennia of Confucian ethics and women were increasingly sequestered in the home and constrained by concepts of virtue. The book provides new insights into the history of steppe patterns of feminine behavior and reveals new areas of comparative study.
Martin Pugh
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199250226
- eISBN:
- 9780191697890
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199250226.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Social History
This chapter analyses and evaluates militancy which is designed to show it as a far more varied and in some ways subtle movement than is usually thought. Militancy is revealed as involving a wide ...
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This chapter analyses and evaluates militancy which is designed to show it as a far more varied and in some ways subtle movement than is usually thought. Militancy is revealed as involving a wide spectrum of participation including purely nominal and temporary involvement by many women. The extent to which suffragettes and suffragists crossed the supposedly clear line between militancy and non-militancy, which suggests that the divisions over tactics assumed far less significance at local level than they did in London and among the leadership ranks, is emphasized. It also examines the character of the WSPU by juxtaposing the radicalism of its methods and its reputation with the reality of its members' position within the economic and social establishment, and by highlighting the inconsistency involved in attacking private property while simultaneously exploiting private wealth to sustain the campaign. The chapter concludes by explaining the decisive failure and decline of WSPU by 1914.Less
This chapter analyses and evaluates militancy which is designed to show it as a far more varied and in some ways subtle movement than is usually thought. Militancy is revealed as involving a wide spectrum of participation including purely nominal and temporary involvement by many women. The extent to which suffragettes and suffragists crossed the supposedly clear line between militancy and non-militancy, which suggests that the divisions over tactics assumed far less significance at local level than they did in London and among the leadership ranks, is emphasized. It also examines the character of the WSPU by juxtaposing the radicalism of its methods and its reputation with the reality of its members' position within the economic and social establishment, and by highlighting the inconsistency involved in attacking private property while simultaneously exploiting private wealth to sustain the campaign. The chapter concludes by explaining the decisive failure and decline of WSPU by 1914.
Paul Wallace
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198075547
- eISBN:
- 9780199082056
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198075547.003.0005
- Subject:
- Religion, Sikhism
This chapter reports that, contrary to stereotypes, the Sikhs are not essentially violent, but militant where ‘militancy’ does not mean violence in actions and reactions alone but also an aggressive ...
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This chapter reports that, contrary to stereotypes, the Sikhs are not essentially violent, but militant where ‘militancy’ does not mean violence in actions and reactions alone but also an aggressive and passionate stand for the cause of their religion and the Gurus. The chapter explores the development of non-violent militancy extending from the Gurdwara Reform movement (through to 1925) which restored the control of Sikh temples to the Panth; the Punjabi Suba movement (1947–66) which established the present boundaries of Punjab; the non-violent battle against Indira Gandhi’s Emergency; and the political battle that brought closure to the violence of the Khalistan movement (1993–2008). The author concludes that, in the light of the non-violent settlement of the Sikh terrorism movement (demanding Khalistan), other ethnic groups can learn that non-violent struggles can also achieve goals.Less
This chapter reports that, contrary to stereotypes, the Sikhs are not essentially violent, but militant where ‘militancy’ does not mean violence in actions and reactions alone but also an aggressive and passionate stand for the cause of their religion and the Gurus. The chapter explores the development of non-violent militancy extending from the Gurdwara Reform movement (through to 1925) which restored the control of Sikh temples to the Panth; the Punjabi Suba movement (1947–66) which established the present boundaries of Punjab; the non-violent battle against Indira Gandhi’s Emergency; and the political battle that brought closure to the violence of the Khalistan movement (1993–2008). The author concludes that, in the light of the non-violent settlement of the Sikh terrorism movement (demanding Khalistan), other ethnic groups can learn that non-violent struggles can also achieve goals.
