David M. Farrell and Roger Scully
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199285020
- eISBN:
- 9780191713651
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199285020.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The past fifteen years have seen declining public support for European integration, and widespread suggestions that a legitimacy crisis faces the European Union (EU). Many in the EU have believed ...
More
The past fifteen years have seen declining public support for European integration, and widespread suggestions that a legitimacy crisis faces the European Union (EU). Many in the EU have believed that this problem could be effectively tackled by vesting greater powers in the European Parliament (EP), the Union's only directly-elected institution. The central argument of this book is that, while considerable efforts have been made to increase the status of the EP, it is in crucial respects a failure as a representative body. This failure is grounded in the manner in which the parliament is elected. The electoral systems used for EP elections in many EU countries are, the book argues, actively obstructive of Europe's voters being represented in the way that they are most likely to respond positively towards. While the behaviour of EP members is shaped strongly by the electoral systems under which they are elected (which vary across the twenty-five member states of the EU), the electoral systems currently in place push most of them to behave in ways contrary to what citizens desire. Drawing on public opinion data, surveys of MEPs and considerable qualitative interview evidence, this book that the failure of parliamentary representation in the EU has a strong foundation in electoral institutions.Less
The past fifteen years have seen declining public support for European integration, and widespread suggestions that a legitimacy crisis faces the European Union (EU). Many in the EU have believed that this problem could be effectively tackled by vesting greater powers in the European Parliament (EP), the Union's only directly-elected institution. The central argument of this book is that, while considerable efforts have been made to increase the status of the EP, it is in crucial respects a failure as a representative body. This failure is grounded in the manner in which the parliament is elected. The electoral systems used for EP elections in many EU countries are, the book argues, actively obstructive of Europe's voters being represented in the way that they are most likely to respond positively towards. While the behaviour of EP members is shaped strongly by the electoral systems under which they are elected (which vary across the twenty-five member states of the EU), the electoral systems currently in place push most of them to behave in ways contrary to what citizens desire. Drawing on public opinion data, surveys of MEPs and considerable qualitative interview evidence, this book that the failure of parliamentary representation in the EU has a strong foundation in electoral institutions.
Jan Zielonka
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199292219
- eISBN:
- 9780191603754
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199292213.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter traces the initial gap between the current and the new member states. It tries to establish to what degree various domestic reforms undertaken by individual post-communist countries have ...
More
This chapter traces the initial gap between the current and the new member states. It tries to establish to what degree various domestic reforms undertaken by individual post-communist countries have succeeded in rendering them more compatible with the former EU-15. It argues that the overall success of the reform process is beyond doubt in all eight countries that joined the Union in 2004, and even in the so-called “pre-ins”: Romania and Bulgaria. However, although new members have made considerable progress in securing peace and building democracy and free markets, their progress is uneven across individual fields and countries, thus increasing diversity within the EU as a consequence of enlargement.Less
This chapter traces the initial gap between the current and the new member states. It tries to establish to what degree various domestic reforms undertaken by individual post-communist countries have succeeded in rendering them more compatible with the former EU-15. It argues that the overall success of the reform process is beyond doubt in all eight countries that joined the Union in 2004, and even in the so-called “pre-ins”: Romania and Bulgaria. However, although new members have made considerable progress in securing peace and building democracy and free markets, their progress is uneven across individual fields and countries, thus increasing diversity within the EU as a consequence of enlargement.
Paul Whiteley, Patrick Seyd, and Antony Billinghurst
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199242825
- eISBN:
- 9780191604140
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242828.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This book examines the recovery of the British Liberal Democrat Party, emphasizing the role of the grassroots party members in shaping this recovery. A number of factors have contributed to the ...
More
This book examines the recovery of the British Liberal Democrat Party, emphasizing the role of the grassroots party members in shaping this recovery. A number of factors have contributed to the party’s resurgence, including the performances of its main rivals, the Conservative and Labour parties, and the decline in partisan attachments throughout the entire electorate. However, evidence shows that the grassroots party has played the decisive role in bringing this about. The key players are the men and women who joined the party as members, and then actively worked on its behalf by campaigning or standing in local and national elections when the political climate was cold. A major focus of the book is to examine these people. The future electoral prospects for the party are also discussed, including the question of whether or not it can replace its rivals as the second, or even the first, party of British electoral politics.Less
This book examines the recovery of the British Liberal Democrat Party, emphasizing the role of the grassroots party members in shaping this recovery. A number of factors have contributed to the party’s resurgence, including the performances of its main rivals, the Conservative and Labour parties, and the decline in partisan attachments throughout the entire electorate. However, evidence shows that the grassroots party has played the decisive role in bringing this about. The key players are the men and women who joined the party as members, and then actively worked on its behalf by campaigning or standing in local and national elections when the political climate was cold. A major focus of the book is to examine these people. The future electoral prospects for the party are also discussed, including the question of whether or not it can replace its rivals as the second, or even the first, party of British electoral politics.
Paul Whiteley, Patrick Seyd, and Antony Billinghurst
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199242825
- eISBN:
- 9780191604140
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242828.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter examines the social and demographic profiles as well as the political attitudes of Liberal Democrat party members, drawing upon an earlier study of Liberal Democrat party to identify ...
More
This chapter examines the social and demographic profiles as well as the political attitudes of Liberal Democrat party members, drawing upon an earlier study of Liberal Democrat party to identify changes in their profiles during the 1990s. Comparisons are made between the social backgrounds of party members and those of Liberal Democrat voters to determine what differences, if any, exist between the two types of party supporters. Activism within the party and whether there is any evidence of a decline in participation in recent years are analyzed. The evidence suggests that while many party members are active, there has been a decline in party activism over time and a weakening of the ties between the party and its members.Less
This chapter examines the social and demographic profiles as well as the political attitudes of Liberal Democrat party members, drawing upon an earlier study of Liberal Democrat party to identify changes in their profiles during the 1990s. Comparisons are made between the social backgrounds of party members and those of Liberal Democrat voters to determine what differences, if any, exist between the two types of party supporters. Activism within the party and whether there is any evidence of a decline in participation in recent years are analyzed. The evidence suggests that while many party members are active, there has been a decline in party activism over time and a weakening of the ties between the party and its members.
Paul Whiteley, Patrick Seyd, and Antony Billinghurst
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199242825
- eISBN:
- 9780191604140
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242828.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter begins by examining if there is evidence that a set of belief structures underlies the attitudes of party members. This is followed by an analysis of the sources of ideological ...
More
This chapter begins by examining if there is evidence that a set of belief structures underlies the attitudes of party members. This is followed by an analysis of the sources of ideological variations in the grassroots party, paying particular attention to the social characteristics of members, as well as their political experiences and political roots. It is shown that there is a distinctive set of principles underlying Liberal Democrat political ideology. The ideology centres around individual freedom and tolerance in relation to lifestyle issues, a belief in redistribution and social equality, a commitment to free markets and a positive attitude to internationalism, as exemplified by members’ views of the European Union (EU).Less
This chapter begins by examining if there is evidence that a set of belief structures underlies the attitudes of party members. This is followed by an analysis of the sources of ideological variations in the grassroots party, paying particular attention to the social characteristics of members, as well as their political experiences and political roots. It is shown that there is a distinctive set of principles underlying Liberal Democrat political ideology. The ideology centres around individual freedom and tolerance in relation to lifestyle issues, a belief in redistribution and social equality, a commitment to free markets and a positive attitude to internationalism, as exemplified by members’ views of the European Union (EU).
Vivien A. Schmidt
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199266975
- eISBN:
- 9780191709012
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199266975.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter argues that it would do better to conceive of the EU as a regional state in the making, and as such as a regional union of nation-states in which the creative tension between the Union ...
More
This chapter argues that it would do better to conceive of the EU as a regional state in the making, and as such as a regional union of nation-states in which the creative tension between the Union and its member-states ensures both ever-increasing regional integration and ever-continuing national differentiation. It considers the EU’s move to regional sovereignty, the variability of the EU’s regional boundaries, the composite character of EU identity, the compound framework, and the fragmented nature of the EU’s democracy. It ends with a discussion of the real sources of the democratic deficit in the EU, linked to the lack of ideas and discourse about national democracy, and how this affects simple and compound national polities.Less
This chapter argues that it would do better to conceive of the EU as a regional state in the making, and as such as a regional union of nation-states in which the creative tension between the Union and its member-states ensures both ever-increasing regional integration and ever-continuing national differentiation. It considers the EU’s move to regional sovereignty, the variability of the EU’s regional boundaries, the composite character of EU identity, the compound framework, and the fragmented nature of the EU’s democracy. It ends with a discussion of the real sources of the democratic deficit in the EU, linked to the lack of ideas and discourse about national democracy, and how this affects simple and compound national polities.
Vivien A. Schmidt
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199266975
- eISBN:
- 9780191709012
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199266975.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter begins with a brief overview of the EU’s policymaking processes in comparison with national processes. It then outlines the EU’s impact on the macro patterns of its member-states’ ...
More
This chapter begins with a brief overview of the EU’s policymaking processes in comparison with national processes. It then outlines the EU’s impact on the macro patterns of its member-states’ national policymaking and its impact on the micro patterns of member-states’ sectoral policymaking. This is followed by an extensive illustration of both macro and micro patterns of policymaking in France, Britain, Germany, and Italy. Although Europeanization has been equally (although differently) disruptive to the statist patterns of policymaking of France and of Britain, Britain has had a harder time accepting EU-related changes but an easier time in influencing their formulation. Europeanization has yet again been least disruptive to Germany’s corporatist and legalistic patterns of policymaking, and most salutary to those of Italy, by reinforcing corporatism while denying clientelism.Less
This chapter begins with a brief overview of the EU’s policymaking processes in comparison with national processes. It then outlines the EU’s impact on the macro patterns of its member-states’ national policymaking and its impact on the micro patterns of member-states’ sectoral policymaking. This is followed by an extensive illustration of both macro and micro patterns of policymaking in France, Britain, Germany, and Italy. Although Europeanization has been equally (although differently) disruptive to the statist patterns of policymaking of France and of Britain, Britain has had a harder time accepting EU-related changes but an easier time in influencing their formulation. Europeanization has yet again been least disruptive to Germany’s corporatist and legalistic patterns of policymaking, and most salutary to those of Italy, by reinforcing corporatism while denying clientelism.
Vivien A. Schmidt
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199266975
- eISBN:
- 9780191709012
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199266975.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This concluding chapter argues that the prospects for democracy in the EU are nevertheless good so long as national leaders and national publics face up to the problems. But facing up to the problems ...
More
This concluding chapter argues that the prospects for democracy in the EU are nevertheless good so long as national leaders and national publics face up to the problems. But facing up to the problems will not be easy. For the EU level, it requires recognizing that for the time being, at least, reinforcing democracy cannot mean creating more governing by and of the people through any directly elected government. And yet more ‘democracy’ is clearly required. The difficulty is that doing more with regard to democracy butts up against the contradictions inherent in the fragmented basis of EU democracy.Less
This concluding chapter argues that the prospects for democracy in the EU are nevertheless good so long as national leaders and national publics face up to the problems. But facing up to the problems will not be easy. For the EU level, it requires recognizing that for the time being, at least, reinforcing democracy cannot mean creating more governing by and of the people through any directly elected government. And yet more ‘democracy’ is clearly required. The difficulty is that doing more with regard to democracy butts up against the contradictions inherent in the fragmented basis of EU democracy.
Andrew Jordan and Adriaan Schout
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199286959
- eISBN:
- 9780191713279
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199286959.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter introduces the basic administrative mechanisms for coordinating EU policy in the five actors. For each actor, it describes the most important administrative parts and explains the ...
More
This chapter introduces the basic administrative mechanisms for coordinating EU policy in the five actors. For each actor, it describes the most important administrative parts and explains the processes through which they seek to coordinate their input to EU policy making, both internally (that is, intra-departmentally) and with cognate actors (that is, inter-departmentally). To permit comparison, it begins by analysing the main coordination instruments and roles within each actor. It then describes the mechanisms through which each coordinates the various phases of EU policy making described in Chapter 2. Finally, it comments on how each is currently attempting to upgrade its coordination system.Less
This chapter introduces the basic administrative mechanisms for coordinating EU policy in the five actors. For each actor, it describes the most important administrative parts and explains the processes through which they seek to coordinate their input to EU policy making, both internally (that is, intra-departmentally) and with cognate actors (that is, inter-departmentally). To permit comparison, it begins by analysing the main coordination instruments and roles within each actor. It then describes the mechanisms through which each coordinates the various phases of EU policy making described in Chapter 2. Finally, it comments on how each is currently attempting to upgrade its coordination system.
Andrew Jordan and Adriaan Schout
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199286959
- eISBN:
- 9780191713279
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199286959.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter analyses the administrative capacities that this actor has developed to coordinate the implementation of EPI across the whole of the EU (that is, EU-EPI). In so doing, it moves on from ...
More
This chapter analyses the administrative capacities that this actor has developed to coordinate the implementation of EPI across the whole of the EU (that is, EU-EPI). In so doing, it moves on from looking at the ways in which this particular actor operates in its immediate institutional space, to gauge how all the actors coordinate together in a network or networks. This chapter is written to fit a standard analytical framework, which is outlined in Chapter 2.Less
This chapter analyses the administrative capacities that this actor has developed to coordinate the implementation of EPI across the whole of the EU (that is, EU-EPI). In so doing, it moves on from looking at the ways in which this particular actor operates in its immediate institutional space, to gauge how all the actors coordinate together in a network or networks. This chapter is written to fit a standard analytical framework, which is outlined in Chapter 2.
Sydney D. Bailey and Sam Daws
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198280736
- eISBN:
- 9780191598746
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280734.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Looks at the people that make up the UN Security Council. It starts with sections on the Secretary‐General and the President, and goes on to discuss permanent members (of which there are five — from ...
More
Looks at the people that make up the UN Security Council. It starts with sections on the Secretary‐General and the President, and goes on to discuss permanent members (of which there are five — from China, France, the Russian Federation, the United Kingdom and the United States) and non‐permanent members, of which details are given for each year from 1946 to 1997. The next section gives details of other participants in the UN Security Council: UN member states that are non‐members of the Council; the PLO/Permanent Observer for Palestine; the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia; UN member states that are non‐members of the Council in informal consultations of the whole; troop‐contributing states; individuals and regional organizations. The next two sections of the chapter discuss permanent missions of member states to the Council, and groups (bodies of UN members) within the Council with certain ideological or regional interests. The remaining sections discuss regionalism, credentials, the representation of China and diplomatic precedence.Less
Looks at the people that make up the UN Security Council. It starts with sections on the Secretary‐General and the President, and goes on to discuss permanent members (of which there are five — from China, France, the Russian Federation, the United Kingdom and the United States) and non‐permanent members, of which details are given for each year from 1946 to 1997. The next section gives details of other participants in the UN Security Council: UN member states that are non‐members of the Council; the PLO/Permanent Observer for Palestine; the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia; UN member states that are non‐members of the Council in informal consultations of the whole; troop‐contributing states; individuals and regional organizations. The next two sections of the chapter discuss permanent missions of member states to the Council, and groups (bodies of UN members) within the Council with certain ideological or regional interests. The remaining sections discuss regionalism, credentials, the representation of China and diplomatic precedence.
Juan Molinar Horcasitas and Jeffrey A. Weldon
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199257683
- eISBN:
- 9780191600241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019925768X.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Mexico has a long experience with highly majoritarian variants of mixed‐member systems, but has recently been made more proportional in a process of democratization. Electoral reform has developed ...
More
Mexico has a long experience with highly majoritarian variants of mixed‐member systems, but has recently been made more proportional in a process of democratization. Electoral reform has developed along two major axes: the degree of proportionality, and the composition of the electoral authority, with the parties often trading openness on one axis for closure on the other. Sometimes trade‐offs in reform negotiations followed a third dimension—the registration requirements for new parties. This chapter first describes the evolution of the Mexican electoral formulae from 1963 to today, explaining the rationale of each phase of reform either as a majority party decision or as a trade‐off between government and opposition; the phases described are the plurality party deputy system (1963–1976), the mixed‐member majoritarian (MMM) minority representation system (1979–1985), the governability clause of the 1988 law, the governability clause with ‘moving escalator’ of the 1991 law, and the abandonment of the governability clause in the 1994 law. The last part of the chapter focuses on the last round of electoral reforms (the 1997 law), in which the mixed‐member majoritarian (MMM) system reintroduced in 1994 (after the earlier brief interludes of systems that combined MMM with mixed‐member proportional (MMP) arrangements under the 1988 and 1991 laws), was further reformed to result in a more proportional allocation of seats, with the dominant principle depending on the vote distribution.Less
Mexico has a long experience with highly majoritarian variants of mixed‐member systems, but has recently been made more proportional in a process of democratization. Electoral reform has developed along two major axes: the degree of proportionality, and the composition of the electoral authority, with the parties often trading openness on one axis for closure on the other. Sometimes trade‐offs in reform negotiations followed a third dimension—the registration requirements for new parties. This chapter first describes the evolution of the Mexican electoral formulae from 1963 to today, explaining the rationale of each phase of reform either as a majority party decision or as a trade‐off between government and opposition; the phases described are the plurality party deputy system (1963–1976), the mixed‐member majoritarian (MMM) minority representation system (1979–1985), the governability clause of the 1988 law, the governability clause with ‘moving escalator’ of the 1991 law, and the abandonment of the governability clause in the 1994 law. The last part of the chapter focuses on the last round of electoral reforms (the 1997 law), in which the mixed‐member majoritarian (MMM) system reintroduced in 1994 (after the earlier brief interludes of systems that combined MMM with mixed‐member proportional (MMP) arrangements under the 1988 and 1991 laws), was further reformed to result in a more proportional allocation of seats, with the dominant principle depending on the vote distribution.
Matthew Soberg Shugart and Martin P. Wattenberg
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199257683
- eISBN:
- 9780191600241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019925768X.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Mixed‐member electoral systems are described as a mixture of two principles of electoral system design: majoritarian systems, which usually have single‐seat districts with plurality rule and tend to ...
More
Mixed‐member electoral systems are described as a mixture of two principles of electoral system design: majoritarian systems, which usually have single‐seat districts with plurality rule and tend to give greater representation to the two parties that receive the most votes; and proportional systems, which have multi‐seat districts, usually with party lists, and typically produce parliamentary representation that largely mirrors the vote shares of multiple parties. In the prototype mixed‐member system, half the seats in a legislative chamber (the nominal tier) are elected in single‐seat districts and the other half (the list tier) are elected from party lists allocated by proportional representation; such systems come in a wide variety of options, with the most important choices involved being those of how seats and/or votes are linked between the two tiers. Defines mixed‐member electoral systems as a subset of the broader category of multiple‐tier electoral systems. The typology of systems outlined is arranged in three main sections: Mixed‐Member Systems as Variants of Multiple‐Tier Electoral Systems; Majoritarian or Proportional: Linkage Between Nominal and Tier Lists—mixed‐member majoritarian (MMM) and mixed‐member proportional (MMP) systems; and How MMM and MMP Systems Work: Simple Systems and Additional Variables—this section includes a table of mixed‐member systems in use around the world in 1999.Less
Mixed‐member electoral systems are described as a mixture of two principles of electoral system design: majoritarian systems, which usually have single‐seat districts with plurality rule and tend to give greater representation to the two parties that receive the most votes; and proportional systems, which have multi‐seat districts, usually with party lists, and typically produce parliamentary representation that largely mirrors the vote shares of multiple parties. In the prototype mixed‐member system, half the seats in a legislative chamber (the nominal tier) are elected in single‐seat districts and the other half (the list tier) are elected from party lists allocated by proportional representation; such systems come in a wide variety of options, with the most important choices involved being those of how seats and/or votes are linked between the two tiers. Defines mixed‐member electoral systems as a subset of the broader category of multiple‐tier electoral systems. The typology of systems outlined is arranged in three main sections: Mixed‐Member Systems as Variants of Multiple‐Tier Electoral Systems; Majoritarian or Proportional: Linkage Between Nominal and Tier Lists—mixed‐member majoritarian (MMM) and mixed‐member proportional (MMP) systems; and How MMM and MMP Systems Work: Simple Systems and Additional Variables—this section includes a table of mixed‐member systems in use around the world in 1999.
Bernhard Wessels
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296614
- eISBN:
- 9780191600227
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296614.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter is the fifth of six on the question of political representation in the EU. It analyses to what extent institutional differences between the member‐states of the EU are constraining the ...
More
This chapter is the fifth of six on the question of political representation in the EU. It analyses to what extent institutional differences between the member‐states of the EU are constraining the attitudes of representatives in respect of one major aspect—whom to represent; this is done by exploring the role orientations of members of the European Parliament (MEPs) and comparing them with those of members of 11 national parliaments (MNPs). The first section of the chapter presents a brief conceptualization of representational roles by looking at general conclusions from previous research, and defining 5 representational foci in two dimensions: group specificity (party voters; specific (interest) groups) and regional scope (constituency; all people in the nation concerned; all people in Europe). The next section looks at the distributions of these five foci of representation across parliamentary levels (MEPs or MNPs) over the 15 member‐states of the EU; data are from the 1996 European Parliamentarians Study, and indicate striking differences between countries. The last (and largest) section of the chapter looks for explanations for these differences in foci of representation. These include personal factors (social background; political experience), institutional settings (the regional dimension—the relationship between role orientation, competitiveness and electoral systems; the group dimension—the relationship between role orientation and the encompassiveness and inclusiveness of interest group systems; and the European focus of representation in relation to the size and experience of a member‐state).Less
This chapter is the fifth of six on the question of political representation in the EU. It analyses to what extent institutional differences between the member‐states of the EU are constraining the attitudes of representatives in respect of one major aspect—whom to represent; this is done by exploring the role orientations of members of the European Parliament (MEPs) and comparing them with those of members of 11 national parliaments (MNPs). The first section of the chapter presents a brief conceptualization of representational roles by looking at general conclusions from previous research, and defining 5 representational foci in two dimensions: group specificity (party voters; specific (interest) groups) and regional scope (constituency; all people in the nation concerned; all people in Europe). The next section looks at the distributions of these five foci of representation across parliamentary levels (MEPs or MNPs) over the 15 member‐states of the EU; data are from the 1996 European Parliamentarians Study, and indicate striking differences between countries. The last (and largest) section of the chapter looks for explanations for these differences in foci of representation. These include personal factors (social background; political experience), institutional settings (the regional dimension—the relationship between role orientation, competitiveness and electoral systems; the group dimension—the relationship between role orientation and the encompassiveness and inclusiveness of interest group systems; and the European focus of representation in relation to the size and experience of a member‐state).
Andrew Reynolds
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295105
- eISBN:
- 9780191600128
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295103.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Together with Chs 5 and 6, Ch. 7 forms the historical, empirical, and quantitative heart of the book, providing the foundational evidence against which earlier postulated theories are gauged (Ch 1 ...
More
Together with Chs 5 and 6, Ch. 7 forms the historical, empirical, and quantitative heart of the book, providing the foundational evidence against which earlier postulated theories are gauged (Ch 1 and 2), and upon which subsequent comparisons, recommendations, and conclusions are based. Chapter 7 deals with the methodology used for an election re-running exercise under alternative electoral systems, presents the results obtained for each of the five country case studies presented in the book, and discusses the practical implications of each set of re-running observations, as well as the positive and negative consequences for stability and representative government; further details of the methods used for crafting districts for re-runs are given in an appendix at the end of the book. The chapter first discusses the importance of re-running evidence, and second, outlines the range of alternative electoral systems used for the re-runnings, justifying their inclusion in the exercise, and addressing the underlying assumptions and methodological objections. Third, results are given of plurality single-member districts (SMD) elections re-run in Malawi, Zambia, and Zimbabwe under the alternative vote in single-member districts (AV-SMD), the alternative vote in multi-member districts (AV-MMD), list proportional representation (PR) in regionally defined multi-member districts, and list PR in one national multi-member district. Finally, the results are given of re-running the list PR elections held in Zimbabwe, South Africa, and Namibia under plurality SMD, AV-SMD, AV-MMD, and the list PR method not utilized in the actual elections.Less
Together with Chs 5 and 6, Ch. 7 forms the historical, empirical, and quantitative heart of the book, providing the foundational evidence against which earlier postulated theories are gauged (Ch 1 and 2), and upon which subsequent comparisons, recommendations, and conclusions are based. Chapter 7 deals with the methodology used for an election re-running exercise under alternative electoral systems, presents the results obtained for each of the five country case studies presented in the book, and discusses the practical implications of each set of re-running observations, as well as the positive and negative consequences for stability and representative government; further details of the methods used for crafting districts for re-runs are given in an appendix at the end of the book. The chapter first discusses the importance of re-running evidence, and second, outlines the range of alternative electoral systems used for the re-runnings, justifying their inclusion in the exercise, and addressing the underlying assumptions and methodological objections. Third, results are given of plurality single-member districts (SMD) elections re-run in Malawi, Zambia, and Zimbabwe under the alternative vote in single-member districts (AV-SMD), the alternative vote in multi-member districts (AV-MMD), list proportional representation (PR) in regionally defined multi-member districts, and list PR in one national multi-member district. Finally, the results are given of re-running the list PR elections held in Zimbabwe, South Africa, and Namibia under plurality SMD, AV-SMD, AV-MMD, and the list PR method not utilized in the actual elections.
Sydney D. Bailey and Sam Daws
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198280736
- eISBN:
- 9780191598746
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280734.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The Procedure of the UN Security Council is the definitive book of its kind and has been widely used by UN practitioners and scholars for over twenty years. This new revised and ...
More
The Procedure of the UN Security Council is the definitive book of its kind and has been widely used by UN practitioners and scholars for over twenty years. This new revised and thoroughly updated third edition encompasses the many changes in Council procedure that have occurred since the end of the Cold War, which ushered in new possibilities for international co‐operation, and increased recourse to the UN. The last decade has seen the Gulf War and a plethora of new and often complex peacekeeping operations, from Bosnia to Rwanda, and such increased demands and associated expectations have placed a spotlight on the role and functioning of the Security Council. Recent years have seen a greater recourse to informal consultations of Council members prior to Council meetings, and the search for consensual Council decision‐making has led to differences of opinion on both procedural and substantive matters being dealt with largely during such consultations. This has produced calls from non‐members for greater Council transparency. Other proposals, both from within and outside the UN, have advocated reforms to the Council's composition or working methods to ensure its continued effectiveness and legitimacy. The new edition attempts to reflect the many recent developments in the procedure of the Security Council, while still reflecting the considerable continuity that exists with the past. In particular, to illustrate and illuminate aspects of Council procedure, many examples have been used from the UN's early years, since this was the time when many of the original precedents were created. Some of the anecdotes that touch on the human side of Council diplomacy have also been retained. The new edition includes new information on the following: the Provisional Rules of Procedure; public and private meetings; consultations and briefings with non‐members and troop‐contributors, including transparency, Presidential briefings, and orientation debates; informal consultations and ‘Arria formula’ meetings; the appointment of the Secretary‐General of the UN; relationships with the UN General Assembly, the UN International Court of Justice, the UN Trusteeship Council, and the UN Military Staff Committee; subsidiary organs, including sanctions committees; the veto and Security Council membership; Chapter VII resolutions, UN peacekeeping and UN‐authorized enforcement; Council enlargement and de jure and de facto Charter amendments; changes in Council documentation; and ad hoc and regional groupings in the Council.Less
The Procedure of the UN Security Council is the definitive book of its kind and has been widely used by UN practitioners and scholars for over twenty years. This new revised and thoroughly updated third edition encompasses the many changes in Council procedure that have occurred since the end of the Cold War, which ushered in new possibilities for international co‐operation, and increased recourse to the UN. The last decade has seen the Gulf War and a plethora of new and often complex peacekeeping operations, from Bosnia to Rwanda, and such increased demands and associated expectations have placed a spotlight on the role and functioning of the Security Council. Recent years have seen a greater recourse to informal consultations of Council members prior to Council meetings, and the search for consensual Council decision‐making has led to differences of opinion on both procedural and substantive matters being dealt with largely during such consultations. This has produced calls from non‐members for greater Council transparency. Other proposals, both from within and outside the UN, have advocated reforms to the Council's composition or working methods to ensure its continued effectiveness and legitimacy. The new edition attempts to reflect the many recent developments in the procedure of the Security Council, while still reflecting the considerable continuity that exists with the past. In particular, to illustrate and illuminate aspects of Council procedure, many examples have been used from the UN's early years, since this was the time when many of the original precedents were created. Some of the anecdotes that touch on the human side of Council diplomacy have also been retained. The new edition includes new information on the following: the Provisional Rules of Procedure; public and private meetings; consultations and briefings with non‐members and troop‐contributors, including transparency, Presidential briefings, and orientation debates; informal consultations and ‘Arria formula’ meetings; the appointment of the Secretary‐General of the UN; relationships with the UN General Assembly, the UN International Court of Justice, the UN Trusteeship Council, and the UN Military Staff Committee; subsidiary organs, including sanctions committees; the veto and Security Council membership; Chapter VII resolutions, UN peacekeeping and UN‐authorized enforcement; Council enlargement and de jure and de facto Charter amendments; changes in Council documentation; and ad hoc and regional groupings in the Council.
Patrick R. Laughlin
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691147918
- eISBN:
- 9781400836673
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691147918.003.0001
- Subject:
- Psychology, Social Psychology
This introductory chapter provides an overview of group problem solving. Group problem solving involves complementary, divisible, optimizing, intellective tasks for which a demonstrably correct ...
More
This introductory chapter provides an overview of group problem solving. Group problem solving involves complementary, divisible, optimizing, intellective tasks for which a demonstrably correct answer exists within a conceptual system. Group problem solving may be analyzed in terms of four basic constructs: group task, group structure, group process, and group product. The group task is what the group is attempting to do. Group structure is the organization of the group, including (a) roles, the different positions within the group, (b) norms, the expected beliefs and behaviors for the group members, and (c) member characteristics, the demographic, physical, and psychological attributes of each group member. Group process is how the group members interact with and influence one another. Finally, group product is the collective group response or output. The correspondence of the product to the objective of the group defines success or failure and determines the rewards or punishments for the group members.Less
This introductory chapter provides an overview of group problem solving. Group problem solving involves complementary, divisible, optimizing, intellective tasks for which a demonstrably correct answer exists within a conceptual system. Group problem solving may be analyzed in terms of four basic constructs: group task, group structure, group process, and group product. The group task is what the group is attempting to do. Group structure is the organization of the group, including (a) roles, the different positions within the group, (b) norms, the expected beliefs and behaviors for the group members, and (c) member characteristics, the demographic, physical, and psychological attributes of each group member. Group process is how the group members interact with and influence one another. Finally, group product is the collective group response or output. The correspondence of the product to the objective of the group defines success or failure and determines the rewards or punishments for the group members.
Sören Holmberg
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296614
- eISBN:
- 9780191600227
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296614.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter is the last of six on the question of political representation in the EU. It examines the extent to which European parliamentarians have the correct view of voters’ preferences, and the ...
More
This chapter is the last of six on the question of political representation in the EU. It examines the extent to which European parliamentarians have the correct view of voters’ preferences, and the extent to which ‘wishful thinking’—the tendency to see what one wants to see—is a problem in this context. Previous research on this subject is first briefly summarized, and then an analysis is made of data from the European Representation Study on elite perceptions (perceptions of members of the European Parliament, MEPs, and of national parliaments, MNPs) of voter attitudes to four issues: a common European currency; a massive employment policy within the EU; the removal of national borders; and the left–right dimension. The elite perception data are used to test three hypotheses derived from perceptual theory and previous research on elite perception of mass attitudes. Three models of perceptual accuracy, designated assimilation ordering, contrast ordering, and wrong direction ordering, are also advanced. Overall, it is found that a largely irrational tendency towards wishful thinking is more significant for members’ knowledge of voter opinion than other more rational processes of knowledge acquisition; however, the parties that made this analysis possible (i.e. those with opinions differing from those of their voters) constituted a minority among both MNPs (30%) and MEPs (28%), which is precisely the situation in which information channels need to be functioning better rather than worse.Less
This chapter is the last of six on the question of political representation in the EU. It examines the extent to which European parliamentarians have the correct view of voters’ preferences, and the extent to which ‘wishful thinking’—the tendency to see what one wants to see—is a problem in this context. Previous research on this subject is first briefly summarized, and then an analysis is made of data from the European Representation Study on elite perceptions (perceptions of members of the European Parliament, MEPs, and of national parliaments, MNPs) of voter attitudes to four issues: a common European currency; a massive employment policy within the EU; the removal of national borders; and the left–right dimension. The elite perception data are used to test three hypotheses derived from perceptual theory and previous research on elite perception of mass attitudes. Three models of perceptual accuracy, designated assimilation ordering, contrast ordering, and wrong direction ordering, are also advanced. Overall, it is found that a largely irrational tendency towards wishful thinking is more significant for members’ knowledge of voter opinion than other more rational processes of knowledge acquisition; however, the parties that made this analysis possible (i.e. those with opinions differing from those of their voters) constituted a minority among both MNPs (30%) and MEPs (28%), which is precisely the situation in which information channels need to be functioning better rather than worse.
Albert Weale, Geoffrey Pridham, Michelle Cini, Dimitrios Konstadakopulos, Martin Porter, and Brendan Flynn
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199257478
- eISBN:
- 9780191698460
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199257478.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union, Environmental Politics
Over the last thirty years, the European Union (EU) has created a system of environmental governance in Europe. With a large number of legislative measures, the EU's environmental policy is broad in ...
More
Over the last thirty years, the European Union (EU) has created a system of environmental governance in Europe. With a large number of legislative measures, the EU's environmental policy is broad in scope, extensive in detail, and often stringent in effect. Environmental governance also extends to the ways in which decision-making on environmental policy has become institutionalised within Europe, both at the level of the EU itself and in the practices of the member states. This book seeks to understand this new system of environmental governance both at the European level and at the level of member states. It argues that the system is multi-level, horizontally complex, evolving, and incomplete. Locating developments at the European level in theories of European integration, it goes on to examine the extent of convergence and divergence in environmental policy among six member states: Germany, Spain, Greece, Italy, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom. It then looks at the operation of the system of environmental governance through an examination of policy case studies before examining the wider political significance of these developments.Less
Over the last thirty years, the European Union (EU) has created a system of environmental governance in Europe. With a large number of legislative measures, the EU's environmental policy is broad in scope, extensive in detail, and often stringent in effect. Environmental governance also extends to the ways in which decision-making on environmental policy has become institutionalised within Europe, both at the level of the EU itself and in the practices of the member states. This book seeks to understand this new system of environmental governance both at the European level and at the level of member states. It argues that the system is multi-level, horizontally complex, evolving, and incomplete. Locating developments at the European level in theories of European integration, it goes on to examine the extent of convergence and divergence in environmental policy among six member states: Germany, Spain, Greece, Italy, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom. It then looks at the operation of the system of environmental governance through an examination of policy case studies before examining the wider political significance of these developments.
Andrew Reynolds
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295105
- eISBN:
- 9780191600128
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295103.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This is the third of four chapters that discusses the theoretical underpinnings of the research on democratization in southern Africa that is described in the book, and deals with the theoretical ...
More
This is the third of four chapters that discusses the theoretical underpinnings of the research on democratization in southern Africa that is described in the book, and deals with the theoretical debate underlying the choice of electoral system in divided societies. The five sections of the chapter are: The Importance of Electoral Systems; The Range of Electoral Systems; What Criteria Should Electoral Systems Aim to Fulfil?; The Debate over Electoral Systems and Conflict Management in Africa (single-member district plurality, proportional representation, the alternative vote in multi-member districts (the Horowitz proposal for South Africa); and Conclusion. The overall discussion includes reference not only to four of the country case studies presented in the rest of the book (Namibia, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe) but also to numerous other countries worldwide.Less
This is the third of four chapters that discusses the theoretical underpinnings of the research on democratization in southern Africa that is described in the book, and deals with the theoretical debate underlying the choice of electoral system in divided societies. The five sections of the chapter are: The Importance of Electoral Systems; The Range of Electoral Systems; What Criteria Should Electoral Systems Aim to Fulfil?; The Debate over Electoral Systems and Conflict Management in Africa (single-member district plurality, proportional representation, the alternative vote in multi-member districts (the Horowitz proposal for South Africa); and Conclusion. The overall discussion includes reference not only to four of the country case studies presented in the rest of the book (Namibia, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe) but also to numerous other countries worldwide.
