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This chapter considers media ownership and the media landscape in Israel. Following a summary of media in that country, the rest of the chapter focuses on print media (newspapers, book publishing, magazine publishing), audiovisual media (radio, broadcast television, multichannel TV platforms, video channels, film), telecommunications media (wireline and wireless telecom), and Internet media (Internet Service Providers, search engines, online news market). Traditional print concentration in Israel is declining, while digital media are evolving into a vertically integrated, highly concentrated distribution system. Magazines, book publishing, pay TV, and online news portals demonstrate healthy competition, while concentration for newspapers and broadcast television has been declining for a while. The major telecom players are the incumbent Bezeq, as well as Partner Communications, and Cellcom. Cable TV is dominated by HOT, and broadcast TV by Channel 2, Channel 10, and the public IBA. The largest newspapers are Yediot Aharonot and Israel Hayom. Overall, the number of media voices in Israel, calculated on a per-capita basis, is near the top of the countries investigated.

This chapter focuses on media ownership and concentration in Portugal. Following an overview of the Portuguese media landscape, the rest of the chapter focuses on print media (newspapers, book publishing, magazine publishing), audiovisual media (radio, broadcast television, film), telecommunications media (wireline and wireless telecom), and Internet media (Internet Service Providers, search engines, online publishing). Also included is an analysis of cross-media concentration by advertising revenues. The Portuguese media industry is highly concentrated, with few operators dominating the market. In telecom, there is a close integration Portugal Telecom with Brazilian network provider Oi Telemar. In audiovisual media, the large firms are ZON, Prisa, and the public RTP. In print media, the main firms are Impresa and Cofina.

This chapter examines media ownership and concentration in India. Following an overview of the Indian media landscape, the remainder of the chapter focuses on print media (newspapers, book publishing, and magazine publishing), audiovisual media (radio, broadcast television, multichannel TV platforms, video channels, and film), telecommunications media (wireline and wireless telecom), and Internet media (Internet Service Providers, search engines, and online news market). The most significant area of growth for Indian media markets has been in the provision of vernacular language content. Concentration is increasing in the rapidly expanding and diversifying telecommunications and pay TV markets, but not in the print media market. The wireless telecom market has a strong presence of the large industrial conglomerates Bharti, Reliance, and Tata, which reduced the role of the wireline state incumbent BSNL. A similar evolution has taken place for television, where the role of the state-run Presar Bharti has declined due to the entry of Zee Entertainment, Sun group, and DEN Networks. In the print media, major firms are BCCL

This chapter considers media ownership and concentration in Brazil. After completing an overview of the Brazilian media landscape, the remainder of the chapter describes print media (newspapers, book publishing, magazine publishing), audiovisual media (radio, broadcast television, multichannel TV platforms, film), telecommunications media (wireline and wireless telecom), and Internet media (Internet Service Providers, search engines, online news market). Brazil has been experiencing major growth in media and telecom services. The main company is the Globo group, which dominates TV and newspapers, with strong positions in radio and magazines. In telecom, the major firms are Oi Telemar, Telefonica, Telmex, and Telecom Italia.

This chapter, first in the book’s section of country reports and the first of the sections on Europe, examines media ownership and concentration in Belgium. Following an overview of the Belgian media landscape, the remainder of the chapter focuses on print media (newspapers, book publishing, magazine publishing), audiovisual media (radio, broadcast television, multichannel TV platforms, video channels, film), telecommunications media (wireline and wireless telecom), and Internet media (Internet Service Providers, search engines, online news market). The limited number of media groups and high levels of cross-ownership are typical for Belgian media markets. Most media groups have developed a varied portfolio of media products in different markets or segments, but none of them are capable of dominating multiple market sectors at the same time. A severe division of the countries content media exists along the line of the two major language communities. Telecom is dominated by the incumbent Belgacom. In cable television, the major firm is Telenet.

This chapter begins the section on countries in Asia and the Pacific. It examines media ownership and concentration in Australia. Following an overview of the Australian media landscape, the remainder of the chapter focuses on print media (newspapers, book publishing, magazine publishing), audiovisual media (radio, broadcast television, multichannel TV platforms, film), telecommunications media (wireline and wireless telecom), and Internet media (Internet Service Providers, search engines). Australian media ownership has been dominated by media families such as the Murdochs and the Packers. The mixture of concentrated ownership and powerful personalities means that media policy has been a contentious issue. In telecom, too, there have been contentious battles over policy between the government and the major network operator Telstra.

This chapter examines how the Gülen Movement (GM) has successfully mobilized in the Turkish media and its efforts to persuade Turkish society via the so-called manufactured consent. It begins by discussing Turkish media in relation to Muslim politics, the erosion of monopoly in the country's print and broadcast media, and the Feza Media Group's impact on Turkish journalism. It then considers the GM media's two goals aimed at maintaining their legitimacy as a part of a distinctly “nonpolitical” social project. First, they must appeal to a Turkish public in terms that bridge social conservatism with international neo-liberalism. Second, they must frame their objectives so as to normalizes the ongoing shift from old to new power in Turkey. It also describes how the Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi's (Justice and Development Party) efforts in foreign policy to broaden Turkey's bilateral relations with regional neighbors, and with developing countries in Africa and Southeast Asia greatly favor GM-affiliated business interests worldwide.

This chapter describes media ownership and concentration in South Africa. After a quick look at the South African media scene, the chapter analyzes print media (newspapers, book publishing, magazine publishing), audiovisual media (radio, broadcast television, multichannel TV platforms, video channels, film), telecommunications media (wireline and wireless telecom), and Internet media (Internet Service Providers, search engines, online news market). South Africa’s media landscape is highly concentrated. In the audiovisual media, the dominant players are the government public service broadcaster SABC and the private Naspers. In telecom, the governmental Telkom dominates, with Vodacom, NTN, and Cell C rivals in mobile communications.

This chapter argues that the 2008 global economic crisis and the economic restructuring that followed have accelerated state-led digitization, corporation, and capital accumulation within the state media system. After contextualizing media reforms as part of the state’s cultural-system reform program, the chapter examines the case of digital TV, tracing the bumpy process of using convergence as a cover to corporatize cable networks and content production while revealing the leading role of state-owned digital media companies exemplified by Shanghai Media Group and Zhejiang Wasu in this process. It also underscores the inherent contradictions of the corporate digital-TV enterprise, especially demand deficiency resulting from systematic socioeconomic inequality and the contingency of public service left to the discretion of state companies that manage digital TV.

This chapter looks at media ownership and concentration in Finland. After an overview of the Finnish media landscape, the rest of the chapter examines print media (newspapers, book publishing, magazine publishing), audiovisual media (radio, broadcast television), telecommunications media (wireline and wireless telecom), and Internet media (Internet Service Providers). Several mass media industries are becoming more and more competitive in Finland, such as broadcast television and book publishing. Newspapers and magazines remain highly concentrated despite the regionalism that characterizes their markets; the radio industry is still highly concentrated, with the public broadcaster YLE dominating the market. Wireline and wireless telecom and ISP also remain highly concentrated, with Telia Sonera and Elisa the largest.

This chapter examines media ownership and concentration in Switzerland. Following an overview of the Swiss media landscape, including major debates in Switzerland concerning changes in regulation, the remainder of the chapter focuses on print media (newspapers, book publishing, magazine publishing), audiovisual media (radio, television, film), telecommunications media (wireline and wireless telecom), and Internet media (Internet Service Providers, search engines, online news market). Concentration is relatively moderate in Switzerland. While concentration indices appear to be quite high for some industries, the Swiss market is small compared to other European markets. There is a good amount of cross-border inflow of media from adjoining countries, which adds to the media diversity in a country divided by three major language groups. Unusual for present Europe, the telecom incumbent, Swisscom, is state-owned, with other participation by TDC, Liberty Global, and Orange. In cable TV, Liberty Media is dominant; in audiovisual media, the public SRG/SSR, plus German and French broadcasters; and in print media, Ringier, Tamedia, and Axel Springer.

This chapter is about media ownership and concentration in the Netherlands. Once it has summarized the Dutch media landscape, the remainder of the chapter looks toward print media (newspapers, magazine publishing), audiovisual media (radio, broadcast television, multichannel TV platforms, video channels, film), telecommunications media (wireline and wireless telecom), and Internet media (Internet Service Providers, search engines). Print media is becoming less concentrated, while concentration is increasing in the audiovisual sector whose main firms are the public NPB, RTL (Bertelsmann). Internet media have seen concentration progress along a U-shaped curve between 2001 and 2010. The main telecom firms is the incumbent KPN. In cable television, it is Ziggo and Liberty Global.