Melissa S. Williams
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780198297703
- eISBN:
- 9780191602948
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829770X.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
One of the central aims of deliberative theory is to redeem the ideal of impartiality by defining political processes in a manner that avoids bias against valid social interests. The first section of ...
More
One of the central aims of deliberative theory is to redeem the ideal of impartiality by defining political processes in a manner that avoids bias against valid social interests. The first section of this chapter presents the broad outlines of theories of deliberative democracy and explores the place of the concept of impartiality within them. In the next section, the different kinds of contributions that marginalized group perspectives make to democratic deliberation are explored. Next, drawing on and extending the recent feminist critiques of deliberative democracy, two interrelated challenges to deliberative theory are examined: one focused on the standard of reasonableness and the idea of reason‐giving, and the other on the contingent social and political circumstances under which marginalized‐group perspectives may sway the judgement of other citizens. Finally, the implications of these changes for our more general notions of the virtues and responsibilities of citizenship are examined.Less
One of the central aims of deliberative theory is to redeem the ideal of impartiality by defining political processes in a manner that avoids bias against valid social interests. The first section of this chapter presents the broad outlines of theories of deliberative democracy and explores the place of the concept of impartiality within them. In the next section, the different kinds of contributions that marginalized group perspectives make to democratic deliberation are explored. Next, drawing on and extending the recent feminist critiques of deliberative democracy, two interrelated challenges to deliberative theory are examined: one focused on the standard of reasonableness and the idea of reason‐giving, and the other on the contingent social and political circumstances under which marginalized‐group perspectives may sway the judgement of other citizens. Finally, the implications of these changes for our more general notions of the virtues and responsibilities of citizenship are examined.
Robert Wuthnow
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780195150896
- eISBN:
- 9780199834938
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195150899.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Social capital in the United States has been declining since the 1950s. While many important forms of social capital have declined, newer ways of connecting with friends and neighbours have emerged. ...
More
Social capital in the United States has been declining since the 1950s. While many important forms of social capital have declined, newer ways of connecting with friends and neighbours have emerged. The largest decline in social capital has occurred among marginalized groups whose living situations have worsened.Less
Social capital in the United States has been declining since the 1950s. While many important forms of social capital have declined, newer ways of connecting with friends and neighbours have emerged. The largest decline in social capital has occurred among marginalized groups whose living situations have worsened.
Iris Marion Young
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198297550
- eISBN:
- 9780191716751
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198297556.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Democratic participation and fair representation are not contraries, but rather mutually require one another. In societies with structural injustices that politically marginalize some groups, ...
More
Democratic participation and fair representation are not contraries, but rather mutually require one another. In societies with structural injustices that politically marginalize some groups, fairness and inclusion generally require taking special measures to encourage the representation of members of marginalized groups in decision‐making bodies.Less
Democratic participation and fair representation are not contraries, but rather mutually require one another. In societies with structural injustices that politically marginalize some groups, fairness and inclusion generally require taking special measures to encourage the representation of members of marginalized groups in decision‐making bodies.
Laura Evans
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199742745
- eISBN:
- 9780199895052
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199742745.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter reviews the puzzle of American Indian tribal governments' political successes. Institutional niches in the federal government provide tribes with subtle outside help with cultivating ...
More
This chapter reviews the puzzle of American Indian tribal governments' political successes. Institutional niches in the federal government provide tribes with subtle outside help with cultivating expertise. Expertise then matters because it provides building blocks for future political victories—building blocks that are easily overlooked by scholars. Institutional niches help marginalized groups with developing technical policy expertise, provide opportunities to get to know the external environment, and offer exposure to a variety of strategies and organizational forms. Groups can maintain and improve a niche's support by seeking modest yet serial adjustments in their access to officials, in overall policy frameworks, and in the specific technical procedures of federal agencies. While institutional niches may seem unremarkable in a single snapshot, their effects accumulate into impressive outcomes with wide-ranging consequences. Variegated institutions such as federalism matter because they enable quiet successes.Less
This chapter reviews the puzzle of American Indian tribal governments' political successes. Institutional niches in the federal government provide tribes with subtle outside help with cultivating expertise. Expertise then matters because it provides building blocks for future political victories—building blocks that are easily overlooked by scholars. Institutional niches help marginalized groups with developing technical policy expertise, provide opportunities to get to know the external environment, and offer exposure to a variety of strategies and organizational forms. Groups can maintain and improve a niche's support by seeking modest yet serial adjustments in their access to officials, in overall policy frameworks, and in the specific technical procedures of federal agencies. While institutional niches may seem unremarkable in a single snapshot, their effects accumulate into impressive outcomes with wide-ranging consequences. Variegated institutions such as federalism matter because they enable quiet successes.
Iris Marion Young
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198297550
- eISBN:
- 9780191716751
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198297556.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Theories of deliberative democracy presume too narrow an understanding of political communication. Several forms of communication additional to argument are important for political debate, especially ...
More
Theories of deliberative democracy presume too narrow an understanding of political communication. Several forms of communication additional to argument are important for political debate, especially between members of more dominant and more marginalized groups. Greeting, rhetoric, and narrative each have important functions for public acknowledgement of interlocutors and communication when premises are not shared.Less
Theories of deliberative democracy presume too narrow an understanding of political communication. Several forms of communication additional to argument are important for political debate, especially between members of more dominant and more marginalized groups. Greeting, rhetoric, and narrative each have important functions for public acknowledgement of interlocutors and communication when premises are not shared.
Alfred Stepan
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199915187
- eISBN:
- 9780199933495
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199915187.003.0002
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, South and East Asia
Eminent political scientist Alfred Stepan analyzes the subjective responses of individuals when asked how their conditions have changed and how they see the future without necessarily connecting them ...
More
Eminent political scientist Alfred Stepan analyzes the subjective responses of individuals when asked how their conditions have changed and how they see the future without necessarily connecting them to the policies. His findings unequivocally show that a rising proportion of the people say their fortunes are improving while a declining proportion say the opposite. This trend also carries over to their expectations for the future economic prospects.Less
Eminent political scientist Alfred Stepan analyzes the subjective responses of individuals when asked how their conditions have changed and how they see the future without necessarily connecting them to the policies. His findings unequivocally show that a rising proportion of the people say their fortunes are improving while a declining proportion say the opposite. This trend also carries over to their expectations for the future economic prospects.
Steven Brint
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691182667
- eISBN:
- 9780691184890
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691182667.003.0001
- Subject:
- Education, Higher Education
This chapter argues that the traditional structures and purposes of colleges and universities are intended to produce two outcomes: the expansion of knowledge, principally in the disciplines but also ...
More
This chapter argues that the traditional structures and purposes of colleges and universities are intended to produce two outcomes: the expansion of knowledge, principally in the disciplines but also at their interstices, and the development of students' cognitive capacities and subject matter knowledge. The chapter shows that these objectives gave rise to two movements. One was the movement to use university research to advance economic development through the invention of new technologies with commercial potential. The other was to use colleges and universities as instruments of social inclusion, providing opportunities to members of previously marginalized groups, including women, racial—ethnic minorities, and members of the LGBTQ community. They were driven both by external parties and the great philanthropic foundations, and by campus constituencies who benefited from their advance.Less
This chapter argues that the traditional structures and purposes of colleges and universities are intended to produce two outcomes: the expansion of knowledge, principally in the disciplines but also at their interstices, and the development of students' cognitive capacities and subject matter knowledge. The chapter shows that these objectives gave rise to two movements. One was the movement to use university research to advance economic development through the invention of new technologies with commercial potential. The other was to use colleges and universities as instruments of social inclusion, providing opportunities to members of previously marginalized groups, including women, racial—ethnic minorities, and members of the LGBTQ community. They were driven both by external parties and the great philanthropic foundations, and by campus constituencies who benefited from their advance.
Kenneth I. Maton, Edward Seidman, and Mark S. Aber
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195380576
- eISBN:
- 9780199864508
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195380576.003.0001
- Subject:
- Psychology, Social Psychology
Empowerment is central to any effort by researchers, community practitioners, or policymakers for bringing about meaningful social change related to marginalized individuals and groups. It is ...
More
Empowerment is central to any effort by researchers, community practitioners, or policymakers for bringing about meaningful social change related to marginalized individuals and groups. It is invaluable as a guiding paradigm because it points both to a process of social change (citizen-based) and an outcome of such change (enhanced access to critical resources) for those lacking power in society. The process of empowerment is participatory and developmental—occurring over time, involving active and sustained engagement, and resulting in growth in awareness and capacity. Many different aspects of empowerment as a process and as an outcome have implications for the work of social scientists interested in enduring social change. This book focuses on two aspects: developing new empowering settings in the community and enhancing the influence of existing ones, and using research methods that seek to hear, understand, support, and amplify the voices of those individuals and groups in the community. This introductory chapter briefly discusses each of these. An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.Less
Empowerment is central to any effort by researchers, community practitioners, or policymakers for bringing about meaningful social change related to marginalized individuals and groups. It is invaluable as a guiding paradigm because it points both to a process of social change (citizen-based) and an outcome of such change (enhanced access to critical resources) for those lacking power in society. The process of empowerment is participatory and developmental—occurring over time, involving active and sustained engagement, and resulting in growth in awareness and capacity. Many different aspects of empowerment as a process and as an outcome have implications for the work of social scientists interested in enduring social change. This book focuses on two aspects: developing new empowering settings in the community and enhancing the influence of existing ones, and using research methods that seek to hear, understand, support, and amplify the voices of those individuals and groups in the community. This introductory chapter briefly discusses each of these. An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.
Christopher P. Loss
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691148274
- eISBN:
- 9781400840052
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691148274.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This book tracks the dramatic outcomes of the federal government's growing involvement in higher education between World War I and the 1970s, and the conservative backlash against that involvement ...
More
This book tracks the dramatic outcomes of the federal government's growing involvement in higher education between World War I and the 1970s, and the conservative backlash against that involvement from the 1980s onward. The book recovers higher education's central importance to the larger social and political history of the United States in the twentieth century, and chronicles its transformation into a key mediating institution between citizens and the state. Framed around the three major federal higher education policies of the twentieth century—the 1944 G.I. Bill, the 1958 National Defense Education Act, and the 1965 Higher Education Act—the book charts the federal government's various efforts to deploy education to ready citizens for the national, bureaucratized, and increasingly global world in which they lived. It details the myriad ways in which academic leaders and students shaped, and were shaped by, the state's shifting political agenda as it moved from a preoccupation with economic security during the Great Depression, to national security during World War II and the Cold War, to securing the rights of African Americans, women, and other previously marginalized groups during the 1960s and 1970s. Along the way, the book reappraises the origins of higher education's current-day diversity regime, the growth of identity group politics, and the privatization of citizenship at the close of the twentieth century. At a time when people's faith in government and higher education is being sorely tested, this book sheds new light on the close relations between American higher education and politics.Less
This book tracks the dramatic outcomes of the federal government's growing involvement in higher education between World War I and the 1970s, and the conservative backlash against that involvement from the 1980s onward. The book recovers higher education's central importance to the larger social and political history of the United States in the twentieth century, and chronicles its transformation into a key mediating institution between citizens and the state. Framed around the three major federal higher education policies of the twentieth century—the 1944 G.I. Bill, the 1958 National Defense Education Act, and the 1965 Higher Education Act—the book charts the federal government's various efforts to deploy education to ready citizens for the national, bureaucratized, and increasingly global world in which they lived. It details the myriad ways in which academic leaders and students shaped, and were shaped by, the state's shifting political agenda as it moved from a preoccupation with economic security during the Great Depression, to national security during World War II and the Cold War, to securing the rights of African Americans, women, and other previously marginalized groups during the 1960s and 1970s. Along the way, the book reappraises the origins of higher education's current-day diversity regime, the growth of identity group politics, and the privatization of citizenship at the close of the twentieth century. At a time when people's faith in government and higher education is being sorely tested, this book sheds new light on the close relations between American higher education and politics.
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226777405
- eISBN:
- 9780226777450
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226777450.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter introduces the contemporary universe of organizations representing women, racial minorities, and low-income people in national politics. Organizations representing marginalized groups ...
More
This chapter introduces the contemporary universe of organizations representing women, racial minorities, and low-income people in national politics. Organizations representing marginalized groups claim a distinctive mandate when it comes to advocating for their constituents in politics and policy making. Advocacy organizations help compensate for inadequate levels of formal political representation for marginalized groups in all of the aforementioned ways, and vary widely in how accountable they are to their constituencies. Evidence from the survey and interviews shows that organization officers feel a responsibility to speak on behalf of many subgroups within their constituencies and also recognize and embrace their roles as mediators in a variety of different and important ways. Advocacy organizations advance a conceptualization of representation that embodies the pursuit of social justice as a central goal.Less
This chapter introduces the contemporary universe of organizations representing women, racial minorities, and low-income people in national politics. Organizations representing marginalized groups claim a distinctive mandate when it comes to advocating for their constituents in politics and policy making. Advocacy organizations help compensate for inadequate levels of formal political representation for marginalized groups in all of the aforementioned ways, and vary widely in how accountable they are to their constituencies. Evidence from the survey and interviews shows that organization officers feel a responsibility to speak on behalf of many subgroups within their constituencies and also recognize and embrace their roles as mediators in a variety of different and important ways. Advocacy organizations advance a conceptualization of representation that embodies the pursuit of social justice as a central goal.
Faye Mishna
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199795406
- eISBN:
- 9780199949687
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199795406.003.0013
- Subject:
- Social Work, Children and Families
A review of underlying factors that are encompassed within the phenomenon of bullying are described in this chapter. Children and adolescents both engage in and are victimized through a number of ...
More
A review of underlying factors that are encompassed within the phenomenon of bullying are described in this chapter. Children and adolescents both engage in and are victimized through a number of aggressive/violent and offensive behaviors and attitudes that are often encompassed within the term bullying. Bullying can be influenced by individual characteristics, social interactions, and cultural sanctions and conditions. Bias-based bullying results from and reinforces discrimination towards minorities and marginalized groups, based on certain characteristics, thereby threatening appreciation of diversity. Bias-based bullying includes sexual harassment, racism, sexism, homophobia, and other forms of prejudice, discrimination and aggression/violence towards groups and populations. The incidence of bias-based bullying is high and children and youth who belong to marginalized groups or minorities are generally vulnerable to being victimized by peers. This chapter underscores the necessity to understand and address these problems in working with children and youth who are bullied and who bully.Less
A review of underlying factors that are encompassed within the phenomenon of bullying are described in this chapter. Children and adolescents both engage in and are victimized through a number of aggressive/violent and offensive behaviors and attitudes that are often encompassed within the term bullying. Bullying can be influenced by individual characteristics, social interactions, and cultural sanctions and conditions. Bias-based bullying results from and reinforces discrimination towards minorities and marginalized groups, based on certain characteristics, thereby threatening appreciation of diversity. Bias-based bullying includes sexual harassment, racism, sexism, homophobia, and other forms of prejudice, discrimination and aggression/violence towards groups and populations. The incidence of bias-based bullying is high and children and youth who belong to marginalized groups or minorities are generally vulnerable to being victimized by peers. This chapter underscores the necessity to understand and address these problems in working with children and youth who are bullied and who bully.
Dara Z. Strolovitch
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226777405
- eISBN:
- 9780226777450
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226777450.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
The United States boasts scores of organizations that offer crucial representation for groups that are marginalized in national politics, from women to racial minorities to the poor. This systematic ...
More
The United States boasts scores of organizations that offer crucial representation for groups that are marginalized in national politics, from women to racial minorities to the poor. This systematic study of these organizations explores the challenges and opportunities they face in the new millennium, as waning legal discrimination coincides with increasing political and economic inequalities within the populations they represent. Drawing on data from a survey of 286 organizations and interviews with forty officials, the author finds that groups too often prioritize the interests of their most advantaged members: male rather than female racial minorities, for example, or affluent rather than poor women. But she also finds that many organizations try to remedy this inequity, and concludes by distilling their best practices into a set of principles that she calls affirmative advocacy—a form of representation that aims to overcome the entrenched but often subtle biases against people at the intersection of more than one marginalized group.Less
The United States boasts scores of organizations that offer crucial representation for groups that are marginalized in national politics, from women to racial minorities to the poor. This systematic study of these organizations explores the challenges and opportunities they face in the new millennium, as waning legal discrimination coincides with increasing political and economic inequalities within the populations they represent. Drawing on data from a survey of 286 organizations and interviews with forty officials, the author finds that groups too often prioritize the interests of their most advantaged members: male rather than female racial minorities, for example, or affluent rather than poor women. But she also finds that many organizations try to remedy this inequity, and concludes by distilling their best practices into a set of principles that she calls affirmative advocacy—a form of representation that aims to overcome the entrenched but often subtle biases against people at the intersection of more than one marginalized group.
Joy R. Bostic
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199751198
- eISBN:
- 9780199918782
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199751198.003.0009
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Epistemological theories that speak to how we know what we know are critical theories to interrogate when teaching about mysticism from the perspectives of marginalized groups. It is our ...
More
Epistemological theories that speak to how we know what we know are critical theories to interrogate when teaching about mysticism from the perspectives of marginalized groups. It is our epistemological bearings that help us to determine what we deem to be “legitimate” mystical experience. This chapter, which describes a course on African American mysticism, begins with an exploration of how mysticism has been historically defined in Western culture and the ways in which issues of power, race, and gender have factored into these definitions. Against this backdrop, the course gives special attention to how African Americans have viewed mystical experience, as well as the epistemological frameworks that have informed their views. These frameworks provide a lens through which we can better understand the complexity of African American mystical traditions. The course uses narrative, film, music, and field trips as pedagogical tools that can enable students to enter into and engage these traditions.Less
Epistemological theories that speak to how we know what we know are critical theories to interrogate when teaching about mysticism from the perspectives of marginalized groups. It is our epistemological bearings that help us to determine what we deem to be “legitimate” mystical experience. This chapter, which describes a course on African American mysticism, begins with an exploration of how mysticism has been historically defined in Western culture and the ways in which issues of power, race, and gender have factored into these definitions. Against this backdrop, the course gives special attention to how African Americans have viewed mystical experience, as well as the epistemological frameworks that have informed their views. These frameworks provide a lens through which we can better understand the complexity of African American mystical traditions. The course uses narrative, film, music, and field trips as pedagogical tools that can enable students to enter into and engage these traditions.
Anand Grover, Brian Citro, and Mihir Mankad
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199661619
- eISBN:
- 9780191765056
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199661619.003.0029
- Subject:
- Public Health and Epidemiology, Public Health, Epidemiology
This chapter examines four essential aspects of the right to health: the right as a legal entitlement in domestic law; the prioritization of the needs of vulnerable or marginalized groups; the ...
More
This chapter examines four essential aspects of the right to health: the right as a legal entitlement in domestic law; the prioritization of the needs of vulnerable or marginalized groups; the protection of personal freedoms and negative liberties; and the participation of affected individuals and communities in all decisions affecting their heath. It considers current deficits and emerging problems in global health in light of these four aspects of the right to health. It shows that the right to health approach provides not only the conceptual and legal tools, but also the flexibility and breadth required to address these multifaceted challenges. Specific attention is given to the differences between the right to health approach and traditional biomedical and public health approaches in order to identify and clarify the consequences of the failure to realize the right to health.Less
This chapter examines four essential aspects of the right to health: the right as a legal entitlement in domestic law; the prioritization of the needs of vulnerable or marginalized groups; the protection of personal freedoms and negative liberties; and the participation of affected individuals and communities in all decisions affecting their heath. It considers current deficits and emerging problems in global health in light of these four aspects of the right to health. It shows that the right to health approach provides not only the conceptual and legal tools, but also the flexibility and breadth required to address these multifaceted challenges. Specific attention is given to the differences between the right to health approach and traditional biomedical and public health approaches in order to identify and clarify the consequences of the failure to realize the right to health.
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226777405
- eISBN:
- 9780226777450
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226777450.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter, which describes the role of advocacy organizations as representatives for marginalized groups, elaborates the policy typology and study design, and explores some of the limitations of ...
More
This chapter, which describes the role of advocacy organizations as representatives for marginalized groups, elaborates the policy typology and study design, and explores some of the limitations of the data and analytic framework. Although not primarily concerned with representation for disadvantaged subgroups, evidence from other areas of scholarship about interest groups and social movements indicates a set of strategic reasons to be concerned that organizations will not be active when it comes to issues affecting disadvantaged subgroups. It is suspected that the single-axis interest groups that predominate at the national level are ill equipped to represent intersectionally marginalized subgroups of their constituents. The policy typology and, more broadly, the intersectional framework within which it is based implicitly resist essentialist notions which hold that the individuals falling into the categories share inevitable and naturally occurring common identities and interests.Less
This chapter, which describes the role of advocacy organizations as representatives for marginalized groups, elaborates the policy typology and study design, and explores some of the limitations of the data and analytic framework. Although not primarily concerned with representation for disadvantaged subgroups, evidence from other areas of scholarship about interest groups and social movements indicates a set of strategic reasons to be concerned that organizations will not be active when it comes to issues affecting disadvantaged subgroups. It is suspected that the single-axis interest groups that predominate at the national level are ill equipped to represent intersectionally marginalized subgroups of their constituents. The policy typology and, more broadly, the intersectional framework within which it is based implicitly resist essentialist notions which hold that the individuals falling into the categories share inevitable and naturally occurring common identities and interests.
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226777405
- eISBN:
- 9780226777450
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226777450.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter explores the use of the courts by advocacy organizations and evaluates whether the political institutions that are targeted by these organizations vary by issue type. It then assesses ...
More
This chapter explores the use of the courts by advocacy organizations and evaluates whether the political institutions that are targeted by these organizations vary by issue type. It then assesses the consequences of this variation for the resulting quality of representation afforded to intersectionally disadvantaged groups as well as for concerns about the use of the courts to bring about social change. Organizations representing weak and politically marginalized groups use a wide range of tactics to advocate on behalf of their constituents. Each branch of government presents advocacy organizations. Variations in organizations' institutional targeting are strongly linked to the relationship between the majoritarianism of each branch and the issue type under consideration. In general, the advocacy organizations representing marginalized groups do not rely heavily on the courts to advocate for social change or to protect minority rights.Less
This chapter explores the use of the courts by advocacy organizations and evaluates whether the political institutions that are targeted by these organizations vary by issue type. It then assesses the consequences of this variation for the resulting quality of representation afforded to intersectionally disadvantaged groups as well as for concerns about the use of the courts to bring about social change. Organizations representing weak and politically marginalized groups use a wide range of tactics to advocate on behalf of their constituents. Each branch of government presents advocacy organizations. Variations in organizations' institutional targeting are strongly linked to the relationship between the majoritarianism of each branch and the issue type under consideration. In general, the advocacy organizations representing marginalized groups do not rely heavily on the courts to advocate for social change or to protect minority rights.
Greg Robinson and Robert S. Chang (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781496810458
- eISBN:
- 9781496810496
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781496810458.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
The question of how relations between marginalized groups are impacted by their common and sometimes competing search for equal rights has become acutely important. Demographic projections make it ...
More
The question of how relations between marginalized groups are impacted by their common and sometimes competing search for equal rights has become acutely important. Demographic projections make it easy now to imagine a future majority population of color in the United States. This book sets forth some of the issues involved in the interplay among members of various racial, ethnic, and sexual minorities. Robert S. Chang initiated the Intergroup Conflict and Cooperation Project and invited the book's author to collaborate. The two brought together scholars from different backgrounds and disciplines to engage a set of interrelated questions confronting groups generally considered minorities. This collection strives to stimulate further thinking and writing by social scientists, legal scholars, and policymakers on inter-minority connections. Particularly, scholars test the limits of intergroup cooperation and coalition building. For marginalized groups, coalition building seems to offer a pathway to addressing economic discrimination and reaching some measure of justice with regard to opportunities. The need for coalitions also acknowledges a democratic process in which racialized groups face significant difficulty gaining real political power, despite such legislation as the Voting Rights Act.Less
The question of how relations between marginalized groups are impacted by their common and sometimes competing search for equal rights has become acutely important. Demographic projections make it easy now to imagine a future majority population of color in the United States. This book sets forth some of the issues involved in the interplay among members of various racial, ethnic, and sexual minorities. Robert S. Chang initiated the Intergroup Conflict and Cooperation Project and invited the book's author to collaborate. The two brought together scholars from different backgrounds and disciplines to engage a set of interrelated questions confronting groups generally considered minorities. This collection strives to stimulate further thinking and writing by social scientists, legal scholars, and policymakers on inter-minority connections. Particularly, scholars test the limits of intergroup cooperation and coalition building. For marginalized groups, coalition building seems to offer a pathway to addressing economic discrimination and reaching some measure of justice with regard to opportunities. The need for coalitions also acknowledges a democratic process in which racialized groups face significant difficulty gaining real political power, despite such legislation as the Voting Rights Act.
Angel L. Harris
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226012629
- eISBN:
- 9780226012933
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226012933.003.0006
- Subject:
- Education, Philosophy and Theory of Education
This chapter examines whether members of marginalized groups can remain invested in education despite persistent encounters with barriers to upward socioeconomic mobility. The first part looks at the ...
More
This chapter examines whether members of marginalized groups can remain invested in education despite persistent encounters with barriers to upward socioeconomic mobility. The first part looks at the intergenerational transmission of beliefs regarding upward socioeconomic mobility among black Americans. The second part assesses whether youths from marginalized groups disinvest from schooling, presenting evidence from youths in both the United States and the United Kingdom. It is shown that although black parents expect their children to experience racial discrimination, they also attribute more value to education than white parents. It also appears that marginalized racial groups do not respond to their marginalization by resisting school.Less
This chapter examines whether members of marginalized groups can remain invested in education despite persistent encounters with barriers to upward socioeconomic mobility. The first part looks at the intergenerational transmission of beliefs regarding upward socioeconomic mobility among black Americans. The second part assesses whether youths from marginalized groups disinvest from schooling, presenting evidence from youths in both the United States and the United Kingdom. It is shown that although black parents expect their children to experience racial discrimination, they also attribute more value to education than white parents. It also appears that marginalized racial groups do not respond to their marginalization by resisting school.
Richard Filĉák and Daniel Škobla
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9781847427274
- eISBN:
- 9781447305552
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781847427274.003.0013
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
This chapter argues that the continuing presence of widespread inequalities across European societies militates against the achievement of solidarity. Manifested also as disparities in access to ...
More
This chapter argues that the continuing presence of widespread inequalities across European societies militates against the achievement of solidarity. Manifested also as disparities in access to important resources for daily living, these inequalities represent a growing challenge as the liberalization and privatization of water and energy markets has led to a higher proportion of incomes being spent on water, gas and electricity bills. The chapter argues that problems with access to basic resources are a form of poverty and social exclusion, which arise out of a combination of complex, interwoven institutional and structural challenges representing a significant challenge to marginalized ethnic groups. Drawing upon research from the Central and Eastern European countries, with a focus on the Roma population, it highlights the need to build approaches across Europe that are based on solidarity and integration instead of egoism and exclusion. The findings of the chapter have wider significance for a broader context of access to natural resources and energy among other marginalized ethnic groups in Europe, since the mechanisms of exclusion and barriers are present in many other countries and are not exclusively the problem of Roma (e.g., migrants, refugees etc).Less
This chapter argues that the continuing presence of widespread inequalities across European societies militates against the achievement of solidarity. Manifested also as disparities in access to important resources for daily living, these inequalities represent a growing challenge as the liberalization and privatization of water and energy markets has led to a higher proportion of incomes being spent on water, gas and electricity bills. The chapter argues that problems with access to basic resources are a form of poverty and social exclusion, which arise out of a combination of complex, interwoven institutional and structural challenges representing a significant challenge to marginalized ethnic groups. Drawing upon research from the Central and Eastern European countries, with a focus on the Roma population, it highlights the need to build approaches across Europe that are based on solidarity and integration instead of egoism and exclusion. The findings of the chapter have wider significance for a broader context of access to natural resources and energy among other marginalized ethnic groups in Europe, since the mechanisms of exclusion and barriers are present in many other countries and are not exclusively the problem of Roma (e.g., migrants, refugees etc).
Michèle Lamont, Graziella Moraes Silva, Jessica S. Welburn, Joshua Guetzkow, Nissim Mizrachi, Hanna Herzog, and Elisa Reis
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691183404
- eISBN:
- 9781400883776
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691183404.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
Racism is a common occurrence for members of marginalized groups around the world. This book illuminates their experiences and responses to stigmatization and discrimination by comparing three ...
More
Racism is a common occurrence for members of marginalized groups around the world. This book illuminates their experiences and responses to stigmatization and discrimination by comparing three countries with enduring group boundaries: the United States, Brazil and Israel. The book delves into what kinds of stigmatizing or discriminatory incidents individuals encounter in each country, how they respond to these occurrences, and what they view as the best strategy—whether individually, collectively, through confrontation, or through self-improvement—for dealing with such events. The book draws on more than 400 in-depth interviews with middle- and working-class men and women residing in and around multiethnic cities to compare the discriminatory experiences of African Americans, Black Brazilians, and Arab Palestinian citizens of Israel, as well as Israeli Ethiopian Jews and Mizrahi (Sephardic) Jews. Detailed analysis reveals significant differences in group behavior: Arab Palestinians frequently remain silent due to resignation and cynicism while Black Brazilians see more stigmatization by class than by race, and African Americans confront situations with less hesitation than do Ethiopian Jews and Mizrahi Jews, who tend to downplay their exclusion. The book accounts for these patterns by considering the extent to which each group is actually a group, the sociohistorical context of intergroup conflict, and the national ideologies and other cultural repertoires that group members rely on. The book opens many new perspectives into, and sets a new global agenda for, the comparative analysis of race and ethnicity.Less
Racism is a common occurrence for members of marginalized groups around the world. This book illuminates their experiences and responses to stigmatization and discrimination by comparing three countries with enduring group boundaries: the United States, Brazil and Israel. The book delves into what kinds of stigmatizing or discriminatory incidents individuals encounter in each country, how they respond to these occurrences, and what they view as the best strategy—whether individually, collectively, through confrontation, or through self-improvement—for dealing with such events. The book draws on more than 400 in-depth interviews with middle- and working-class men and women residing in and around multiethnic cities to compare the discriminatory experiences of African Americans, Black Brazilians, and Arab Palestinian citizens of Israel, as well as Israeli Ethiopian Jews and Mizrahi (Sephardic) Jews. Detailed analysis reveals significant differences in group behavior: Arab Palestinians frequently remain silent due to resignation and cynicism while Black Brazilians see more stigmatization by class than by race, and African Americans confront situations with less hesitation than do Ethiopian Jews and Mizrahi Jews, who tend to downplay their exclusion. The book accounts for these patterns by considering the extent to which each group is actually a group, the sociohistorical context of intergroup conflict, and the national ideologies and other cultural repertoires that group members rely on. The book opens many new perspectives into, and sets a new global agenda for, the comparative analysis of race and ethnicity.
