Michael D. McDonald and Ian Budge
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199286720
- eISBN:
- 9780191603327
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199286728.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter describes the data and the way thse are deployed operationally in the subsequent analysis. The data falls into three main categories: aggregate voting results for post-war national ...
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This chapter describes the data and the way thse are deployed operationally in the subsequent analysis. The data falls into three main categories: aggregate voting results for post-war national elections over 21 democracies with the resulting distribution of seats in parliaments and places in cabinets; policy preferences stated by all significant parties in each election in their published policy programme (their manifesto or platform); party policy preferences can also be weighted if they are in government by their share of cabinet seats. The research questions asked with these data are how far policy outputs compare with preferences on an election-to-election and government-to-government basis. More importantly, how policy relationships evolve over time canbe examined, and equilibria both for policy and preferences can be established and compared.Less
This chapter describes the data and the way thse are deployed operationally in the subsequent analysis. The data falls into three main categories: aggregate voting results for post-war national elections over 21 democracies with the resulting distribution of seats in parliaments and places in cabinets; policy preferences stated by all significant parties in each election in their published policy programme (their manifesto or platform); party policy preferences can also be weighted if they are in government by their share of cabinet seats. The research questions asked with these data are how far policy outputs compare with preferences on an election-to-election and government-to-government basis. More importantly, how policy relationships evolve over time canbe examined, and equilibria both for policy and preferences can be established and compared.
Hans‐Dieter Klingemann
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- October 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199273218
- eISBN:
- 9780191602962
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199273219.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter offers a historical description of the development of the national party systems of the countries represented in the book. First, it provides an overview of the political parties in the ...
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This chapter offers a historical description of the development of the national party systems of the countries represented in the book. First, it provides an overview of the political parties in the various countries and classifies them by party family. Second, it deals with three aspects of inter-party competition which have been singled out as important by previous research efforts: (1) the number of political parties (fragmentation), (2) the ideological distance between parties (polarization), and (3) the degree of electoral change (volatility). Measures of these characteristics allow a basic description of the structure and dynamics of party systems.Less
This chapter offers a historical description of the development of the national party systems of the countries represented in the book. First, it provides an overview of the political parties in the various countries and classifies them by party family. Second, it deals with three aspects of inter-party competition which have been singled out as important by previous research efforts: (1) the number of political parties (fragmentation), (2) the ideological distance between parties (polarization), and (3) the degree of electoral change (volatility). Measures of these characteristics allow a basic description of the structure and dynamics of party systems.
Miki L. Caul and Mark M. Gray
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199253098
- eISBN:
- 9780191599026
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199253099.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Examines whether the role of parties in policy‐making has changed substantially since the 1950s. The chapter uses data from the Comparative Manifestos Project and aggregate policy measures to assess ...
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Examines whether the role of parties in policy‐making has changed substantially since the 1950s. The chapter uses data from the Comparative Manifestos Project and aggregate policy measures to assess long‐term trends in parties’ policy positions, and governing parties’ impacts on policy outcomes for 15 advanced industrial democracies. The chapter first analyses how the parties’ policy profiles have changed over time. Second, it examines whether parties are becoming increasingly flexible in terms of the issues they emphasize, moving from a strategy of selling a consistent package of policies toward marketing an increasingly volatile variety of issues. Third, it analyses changes in the degree of partisan impact on policy outputs, concluding that despite a pattern of ideological convergence, there is less evidence that the policy impact of parties has eroded over time.Less
Examines whether the role of parties in policy‐making has changed substantially since the 1950s. The chapter uses data from the Comparative Manifestos Project and aggregate policy measures to assess long‐term trends in parties’ policy positions, and governing parties’ impacts on policy outcomes for 15 advanced industrial democracies. The chapter first analyses how the parties’ policy profiles have changed over time. Second, it examines whether parties are becoming increasingly flexible in terms of the issues they emphasize, moving from a strategy of selling a consistent package of policies toward marketing an increasingly volatile variety of issues. Third, it analyses changes in the degree of partisan impact on policy outputs, concluding that despite a pattern of ideological convergence, there is less evidence that the policy impact of parties has eroded over time.
Khavn de la Cruz
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9789888083602
- eISBN:
- 9789882209114
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789888083602.003.0010
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Asian Studies
Four Manifestos by Filipino Independent Director Khavn de la Cruz
Four Manifestos by Filipino Independent Director Khavn de la Cruz
Lawrence Ezrow
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199572526
- eISBN:
- 9780191722752
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199572526.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, European Union
Do political parties respond to shifts in the preferences of their supporters or to the mean voter position? Cross‐national analyses – based on observations from Eurobarometer surveys and parties' ...
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Do political parties respond to shifts in the preferences of their supporters or to the mean voter position? Cross‐national analyses – based on observations from Eurobarometer surveys and parties' policy programs in fifteen countries from 1973 to 2002 – suggest that mainstream parties respond to shifts in the mean voter position. Alternatively, niche parties respond to shifts in the mean position of their supporters. The chapter reports an additional finding that there is no evidence that electoral systems mediate – namely, they do not determine whether parties are more or less likely to respond to the mean voter position or to their supporters. Again, lowering the level of analysis to consider the ‘type of party’ (niche and mainstream) is best for understanding to which group parties respond.Less
Do political parties respond to shifts in the preferences of their supporters or to the mean voter position? Cross‐national analyses – based on observations from Eurobarometer surveys and parties' policy programs in fifteen countries from 1973 to 2002 – suggest that mainstream parties respond to shifts in the mean voter position. Alternatively, niche parties respond to shifts in the mean position of their supporters. The chapter reports an additional finding that there is no evidence that electoral systems mediate – namely, they do not determine whether parties are more or less likely to respond to the mean voter position or to their supporters. Again, lowering the level of analysis to consider the ‘type of party’ (niche and mainstream) is best for understanding to which group parties respond.
Roman Szporluk
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195051032
- eISBN:
- 9780199854417
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195051032.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
The chapter discusses Marx's synthesis of history, politics, and the future that is The Communist Manifesto. This book confronts the question of the relationship between nationalism and communism. In ...
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The chapter discusses Marx's synthesis of history, politics, and the future that is The Communist Manifesto. This book confronts the question of the relationship between nationalism and communism. In order to understand the Big Book, one has to know that Karl Marx no longer saw the need to construct a system to support his program. The principles of communism in the Manifesto were not invented. It actually sprung from the struggles of the existing class. It shows the framework of Marx's position on the nation. It is an “antinationalist manifesto”. The prospect of a national alliance was unthinkable. Two main points were brought out: firstly, Marx was not alone in his stand that Europe was in a state of crisis and secondly, Marx's contemporaries shared his myopia about nationalism. In fact, nationalism was already changing the social reality. Though at that time, not even the most influential 19th-century thinkers recognized its force.Less
The chapter discusses Marx's synthesis of history, politics, and the future that is The Communist Manifesto. This book confronts the question of the relationship between nationalism and communism. In order to understand the Big Book, one has to know that Karl Marx no longer saw the need to construct a system to support his program. The principles of communism in the Manifesto were not invented. It actually sprung from the struggles of the existing class. It shows the framework of Marx's position on the nation. It is an “antinationalist manifesto”. The prospect of a national alliance was unthinkable. Two main points were brought out: firstly, Marx was not alone in his stand that Europe was in a state of crisis and secondly, Marx's contemporaries shared his myopia about nationalism. In fact, nationalism was already changing the social reality. Though at that time, not even the most influential 19th-century thinkers recognized its force.
Franz Neumann
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691134130
- eISBN:
- 9781400846467
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691134130.003.0013
- Subject:
- History, Military History
This chapter examines the significance of the Free Germany Manifesto to the German people. Three facts made the Free Germany Manifesto significant: the backing it apparently received from the Soviet ...
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This chapter examines the significance of the Free Germany Manifesto to the German people. Three facts made the Free Germany Manifesto significant: the backing it apparently received from the Soviet Union; the revolutionary implication of the manifesto; and its appeal to the desire for national self-preservation. The chapter first provides an overview of the content of the Free Germany Manifesto before discussing its target groups, which included workers, peasants, those strata of the middle classes which have been proletarized in the process of total mobilization, and a large part of the intelligentsia. It then considers National Bolshevism and its two origins, one in the Communist Party of Germany and the other in the nationalistic organizations, especially the Free Corps. It also analyzes the strength of communism and of other anti-Nazi groups in Germany.Less
This chapter examines the significance of the Free Germany Manifesto to the German people. Three facts made the Free Germany Manifesto significant: the backing it apparently received from the Soviet Union; the revolutionary implication of the manifesto; and its appeal to the desire for national self-preservation. The chapter first provides an overview of the content of the Free Germany Manifesto before discussing its target groups, which included workers, peasants, those strata of the middle classes which have been proletarized in the process of total mobilization, and a large part of the intelligentsia. It then considers National Bolshevism and its two origins, one in the Communist Party of Germany and the other in the nationalistic organizations, especially the Free Corps. It also analyzes the strength of communism and of other anti-Nazi groups in Germany.
Srikanth Reddy
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199791026
- eISBN:
- 9780199950287
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199791026.003.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, Poetry, American, 20th Century Literature
This chapter examines the place of digression in Modernist debates surrounding the theory of aesthetics in relation to American political culture. Wallace Stevens adopts digression as a governing ...
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This chapter examines the place of digression in Modernist debates surrounding the theory of aesthetics in relation to American political culture. Wallace Stevens adopts digression as a governing trope of the ars poetica in order to undo the politically “purposeful” genres of polemic and manifesto which dominate aesthetic theory in the Modernist period. In this poem, Stevens frames theoretical ratiocination within a digressive logic “in which there seems / To be an evasion, a thing not apprehended or / Not apprehended well.” The question of evasion, raised within Stevens’ lifetime through the poet’s dispute with the Marxist critic Stanley Burnshaw, marks an encounter between aestheticism and the politics of purpose in American intellectual culture of the period. At once raising and deconstructing the idea of purpose, the digressive ars poetica serves as the stage upon which Stevens mobilizes Kant’s aesthetic theory to underwrite poetic form in the Modernist lyric.Less
This chapter examines the place of digression in Modernist debates surrounding the theory of aesthetics in relation to American political culture. Wallace Stevens adopts digression as a governing trope of the ars poetica in order to undo the politically “purposeful” genres of polemic and manifesto which dominate aesthetic theory in the Modernist period. In this poem, Stevens frames theoretical ratiocination within a digressive logic “in which there seems / To be an evasion, a thing not apprehended or / Not apprehended well.” The question of evasion, raised within Stevens’ lifetime through the poet’s dispute with the Marxist critic Stanley Burnshaw, marks an encounter between aestheticism and the politics of purpose in American intellectual culture of the period. At once raising and deconstructing the idea of purpose, the digressive ars poetica serves as the stage upon which Stevens mobilizes Kant’s aesthetic theory to underwrite poetic form in the Modernist lyric.
Edward C Page and Bill Jenkins
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199280414
- eISBN:
- 9780191700118
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199280414.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Policy-making is not only about the cut and thrust of politics. It is also a bureaucratic activity. Long before laws are drafted, policy commitments made, or groups consulted on government proposals, ...
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Policy-making is not only about the cut and thrust of politics. It is also a bureaucratic activity. Long before laws are drafted, policy commitments made, or groups consulted on government proposals, officials will have been working away to shape the policy into a form in which it can be presented to ministers and the outside world. Policy bureaucracies — parts of government organisations with specific responsibility for maintaining and developing policy — have to be mobilised before most significant policy initiatives are launched. This book describes the range of work policy officials do. The 140 civil servants interviewed for this study included officials who helped originate policies which were subsequently taken over as manifesto commitments by Britain's Labour Party; officials who helped devise the formula by which billions of pounds are allocated to local government in grants; and also officials who recommended to the Secretary of State that a controversial publisher be allowed to take over a national newspaper. The background and career paths of middle-ranking officials show them to be a diverse group who do not tend to develop long-term subject specialisms. The book goes on to examine how ministers and senior officials affect the work of middle ranking officials and the cues policy bureaucrats use to develop policy.Less
Policy-making is not only about the cut and thrust of politics. It is also a bureaucratic activity. Long before laws are drafted, policy commitments made, or groups consulted on government proposals, officials will have been working away to shape the policy into a form in which it can be presented to ministers and the outside world. Policy bureaucracies — parts of government organisations with specific responsibility for maintaining and developing policy — have to be mobilised before most significant policy initiatives are launched. This book describes the range of work policy officials do. The 140 civil servants interviewed for this study included officials who helped originate policies which were subsequently taken over as manifesto commitments by Britain's Labour Party; officials who helped devise the formula by which billions of pounds are allocated to local government in grants; and also officials who recommended to the Secretary of State that a controversial publisher be allowed to take over a national newspaper. The background and career paths of middle-ranking officials show them to be a diverse group who do not tend to develop long-term subject specialisms. The book goes on to examine how ministers and senior officials affect the work of middle ranking officials and the cues policy bureaucrats use to develop policy.
John Kyle Day
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781628460315
- eISBN:
- 9781626740471
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781628460315.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
The Southern Manifesto: Massive Resistance and the Fight to Preserve Segregation is the first complete study of the Declaration of Constitutional Principles, popularly known as the Southern ...
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The Southern Manifesto: Massive Resistance and the Fight to Preserve Segregation is the first complete study of the Declaration of Constitutional Principles, popularly known as the Southern Manifesto. On March 13, 1956, ninety-nine members of the Eighty-Fourth United States Congress promulgated the Southern Manifesto, formally stating opposition to Brown v. Board of Education (1954) and the emerging Civil Rights Movement. This book explores a crucial aspect of post-war American history in general and the Civil Rights Movement in particular, most notably that of efforts by southern segregationists to construct a quasi-legal and political defense against the desegregation decisions of the Federal judiciary. This promulgation was also a response to the increasing support by American public opinion to advocates of desegregation, as well as the increasing isolation of the South and its traditional social structures.
The Southern Manifesto was seminally important in creating the concerted and ultimately successful effort by white southerners to oppose the implementation of the Brown decision, a movement that came to be known as massive resistance. This study treats the Southern Manifesto as a document in and of itself, analyzing its text, its authors, its supporters and opponents. The Southern Manifesto, therefore, explains where the formation of the segregationist majority came from and how it became the standard for the South during this period, and thus creates a useful window through which to view the racial dynamics of postwar America.Less
The Southern Manifesto: Massive Resistance and the Fight to Preserve Segregation is the first complete study of the Declaration of Constitutional Principles, popularly known as the Southern Manifesto. On March 13, 1956, ninety-nine members of the Eighty-Fourth United States Congress promulgated the Southern Manifesto, formally stating opposition to Brown v. Board of Education (1954) and the emerging Civil Rights Movement. This book explores a crucial aspect of post-war American history in general and the Civil Rights Movement in particular, most notably that of efforts by southern segregationists to construct a quasi-legal and political defense against the desegregation decisions of the Federal judiciary. This promulgation was also a response to the increasing support by American public opinion to advocates of desegregation, as well as the increasing isolation of the South and its traditional social structures.
The Southern Manifesto was seminally important in creating the concerted and ultimately successful effort by white southerners to oppose the implementation of the Brown decision, a movement that came to be known as massive resistance. This study treats the Southern Manifesto as a document in and of itself, analyzing its text, its authors, its supporters and opponents. The Southern Manifesto, therefore, explains where the formation of the segregationist majority came from and how it became the standard for the South during this period, and thus creates a useful window through which to view the racial dynamics of postwar America.
Roman Szporluk
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195051032
- eISBN:
- 9780199854417
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195051032.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
Three years before publication of the Communist Manifesto Karl Marx began work on a critique of a movement that was gaining popularity as a challenge to capitalism—nationalism, as put forth by the ...
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Three years before publication of the Communist Manifesto Karl Marx began work on a critique of a movement that was gaining popularity as a challenge to capitalism—nationalism, as put forth by the German economist Friedrich List. A major cultural and political force in 19th-century Europe, nationalism was to become directly involved in the conflict between capitalism and socialism, offering an appealing alternative to capitalism's New World Order—the doctrine of Free Trade—and socialism's call for a worldwide unification of the workers against the bourgeoisie. This book offers a reinterpretation of Marxism's historical development—one that recognises nationalism as the third contender on the battlefield where Marxism met capitalism. The book shows how the history of Marx and Marxism is to a great extent the story of their confrontation with nationalism before 1848. This book examines the heretofore neglected, although increasingly recognized, figure of Friedrich List, the first economist whom Marx seriously studied. The book includes a comprehensive vision of List's nationalism, a vision that constituted a historical alternative—and possible threat—to the Marxian project. Finally, this is the story of the enduring relationship between communism and nationalism that extended beyond 1848 into the 20th century, had enormous implications for Russia in 1917, and still lies at the heart of debates over the importance of allegiance to nation as opposed to social class, the choice between internationalism and national independence, and the role of communism in developing countries.Less
Three years before publication of the Communist Manifesto Karl Marx began work on a critique of a movement that was gaining popularity as a challenge to capitalism—nationalism, as put forth by the German economist Friedrich List. A major cultural and political force in 19th-century Europe, nationalism was to become directly involved in the conflict between capitalism and socialism, offering an appealing alternative to capitalism's New World Order—the doctrine of Free Trade—and socialism's call for a worldwide unification of the workers against the bourgeoisie. This book offers a reinterpretation of Marxism's historical development—one that recognises nationalism as the third contender on the battlefield where Marxism met capitalism. The book shows how the history of Marx and Marxism is to a great extent the story of their confrontation with nationalism before 1848. This book examines the heretofore neglected, although increasingly recognized, figure of Friedrich List, the first economist whom Marx seriously studied. The book includes a comprehensive vision of List's nationalism, a vision that constituted a historical alternative—and possible threat—to the Marxian project. Finally, this is the story of the enduring relationship between communism and nationalism that extended beyond 1848 into the 20th century, had enormous implications for Russia in 1917, and still lies at the heart of debates over the importance of allegiance to nation as opposed to social class, the choice between internationalism and national independence, and the role of communism in developing countries.
Gregory Currie
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198159216
- eISBN:
- 9780191673566
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198159216.003.0002
- Subject:
- Literature, Film, Media, and Cultural Studies
This chapter is a manifesto of the film theory of Gregory Currie. He thinks that his work brings a connection between film and cognitive psychology. The chapter begins with a glimpse of an ideal ...
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This chapter is a manifesto of the film theory of Gregory Currie. He thinks that his work brings a connection between film and cognitive psychology. The chapter begins with a glimpse of an ideal theoretical structure and his opinion on the philosophical background against the manifesto itself. Then the theses and the arguments on film theory and the philosophy of film, moving pictures, convention, intention, and genre, and the viewer is laid out. The description includes an outline of what he thinks is the ideal abstract structure for the film theory. He hoped that by doing this, he would contribute to the exemplification of the structure. The manifesto aims to promote the following: open criticism from the outside, struggle for inner coherence, comprehensiveness, and intuitive judgment. It is evident that his work is in a top-down mode which is why it is called a nervous manifesto.Less
This chapter is a manifesto of the film theory of Gregory Currie. He thinks that his work brings a connection between film and cognitive psychology. The chapter begins with a glimpse of an ideal theoretical structure and his opinion on the philosophical background against the manifesto itself. Then the theses and the arguments on film theory and the philosophy of film, moving pictures, convention, intention, and genre, and the viewer is laid out. The description includes an outline of what he thinks is the ideal abstract structure for the film theory. He hoped that by doing this, he would contribute to the exemplification of the structure. The manifesto aims to promote the following: open criticism from the outside, struggle for inner coherence, comprehensiveness, and intuitive judgment. It is evident that his work is in a top-down mode which is why it is called a nervous manifesto.
Howard Hotson
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198208280
- eISBN:
- 9780191677960
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198208280.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
In the years after his return to Herborn, Johann Heinrich Alsted's commitment to Ramon Lull and the art of memory sustained a series of assaults from near and far. Five years and ten publications ...
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In the years after his return to Herborn, Johann Heinrich Alsted's commitment to Ramon Lull and the art of memory sustained a series of assaults from near and far. Five years and ten publications later, his commitment seems if anything to have grown and to be extending itself from logic and mnemonics into cosmology and physics, from the ‘alchemical logic’ of Lull to alchemy itself. Of the four systems of physics which the work proposes to harmonize, chemical physics is declared to be ‘by far the most ancient of all except the Mosaic’. The origins of the Rosicrucian uproar have long been shrouded in mystery. The authorship of the first of the Rosicrucian manifestos, the Fama fraternitatis, was attributed to Tobias Hess. The publication of the Rosicrucian manifestos was not an isolated event. No other centre in the Reformed world seems to have matched either the intense preoccupation with occultism or the immediate participation in the clamour surrounding the Rosicrucians.Less
In the years after his return to Herborn, Johann Heinrich Alsted's commitment to Ramon Lull and the art of memory sustained a series of assaults from near and far. Five years and ten publications later, his commitment seems if anything to have grown and to be extending itself from logic and mnemonics into cosmology and physics, from the ‘alchemical logic’ of Lull to alchemy itself. Of the four systems of physics which the work proposes to harmonize, chemical physics is declared to be ‘by far the most ancient of all except the Mosaic’. The origins of the Rosicrucian uproar have long been shrouded in mystery. The authorship of the first of the Rosicrucian manifestos, the Fama fraternitatis, was attributed to Tobias Hess. The publication of the Rosicrucian manifestos was not an isolated event. No other centre in the Reformed world seems to have matched either the intense preoccupation with occultism or the immediate participation in the clamour surrounding the Rosicrucians.
Richard Landes
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199753598
- eISBN:
- 9780199897445
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199753598.003.0010
- Subject:
- Religion, World Religions
Beginning with a discussion of Babeuf's Communist variant on the (failed) French Revolution, the chapter analyzes Marx as a “rooster” (a secular Joachite) whose prophecies of a world revolution in ...
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Beginning with a discussion of Babeuf's Communist variant on the (failed) French Revolution, the chapter analyzes Marx as a “rooster” (a secular Joachite) whose prophecies of a world revolution in 1848 proved wrong (compared with Meyerbeer's response), but who spent the rest of his life trying to explain—as roosters so often do—how he was right about the scenario, but wrong about the timing. The chapter addresses the issue of Marx's denial of any millennial component to his thinking, his adoption of the politique du pire, and the broader problem of “secular millennialism,” including the problem of “envy” in the appeal of Communist promises.Less
Beginning with a discussion of Babeuf's Communist variant on the (failed) French Revolution, the chapter analyzes Marx as a “rooster” (a secular Joachite) whose prophecies of a world revolution in 1848 proved wrong (compared with Meyerbeer's response), but who spent the rest of his life trying to explain—as roosters so often do—how he was right about the scenario, but wrong about the timing. The chapter addresses the issue of Marx's denial of any millennial component to his thinking, his adoption of the politique du pire, and the broader problem of “secular millennialism,” including the problem of “envy” in the appeal of Communist promises.
JOHN BARNES and RICHARD COCKETT
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198202387
- eISBN:
- 9780191675317
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198202387.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
This chapter highlights the focus upon the short term rather than the long, upon practical politics rather than theory, and upon action rather than reflection. It explores the creation and roles of ...
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This chapter highlights the focus upon the short term rather than the long, upon practical politics rather than theory, and upon action rather than reflection. It explores the creation and roles of an increasingly sophisticated policy structure, and identifies both an inner and an outer circle. Whilst the writers confirm that the leader is still the single most important arbiter of the party's official position, in practice the choices which the leader makes are shaped by a range of groups and interests in an essentially dynamic process. The chapter explains the methods by which the party has constructed its manifesto. It describes the history and varied fortunes of the network of party policy bodies, ranging from the secretariat of 1924 and the foundation of the Conservative Research Department in 1930, through the wartime and post-war clearing houses to the part played by the extra-mural think-tanks since the 1970s.Less
This chapter highlights the focus upon the short term rather than the long, upon practical politics rather than theory, and upon action rather than reflection. It explores the creation and roles of an increasingly sophisticated policy structure, and identifies both an inner and an outer circle. Whilst the writers confirm that the leader is still the single most important arbiter of the party's official position, in practice the choices which the leader makes are shaped by a range of groups and interests in an essentially dynamic process. The chapter explains the methods by which the party has constructed its manifesto. It describes the history and varied fortunes of the network of party policy bodies, ranging from the secretariat of 1924 and the foundation of the Conservative Research Department in 1930, through the wartime and post-war clearing houses to the part played by the extra-mural think-tanks since the 1970s.
Ian Budge, Hans Keman, Michael McDonald, and Paul Pennings
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199654932
- eISBN:
- 9780191741685
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199654932.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
As citizen-electors and voters are different bodies of people, particularly in terms of the choice situation within which they express their preferences, we cannot simply assume that they are the ...
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As citizen-electors and voters are different bodies of people, particularly in terms of the choice situation within which they express their preferences, we cannot simply assume that they are the same. They have to be compared explicitly. Democracy has to guarantee a necessary connection between public policy and citizen preferences, so we have in the first place to see how far voter and electoral preferences correspond. It cannot simply be assumed that they do. Comparing Eurobaromoter Left-Right self placements by electors with the positions stated out by voters in elections we find only limited correspondence in terms of election-by-election congruence and responsiveness but very substantial long term correspondence, especially between their mean positions. This gives an assurance that elections and voters do represent electors fairly over the long term.Less
As citizen-electors and voters are different bodies of people, particularly in terms of the choice situation within which they express their preferences, we cannot simply assume that they are the same. They have to be compared explicitly. Democracy has to guarantee a necessary connection between public policy and citizen preferences, so we have in the first place to see how far voter and electoral preferences correspond. It cannot simply be assumed that they do. Comparing Eurobaromoter Left-Right self placements by electors with the positions stated out by voters in elections we find only limited correspondence in terms of election-by-election congruence and responsiveness but very substantial long term correspondence, especially between their mean positions. This gives an assurance that elections and voters do represent electors fairly over the long term.
Erica Benner
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198279594
- eISBN:
- 9780191598791
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198279590.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The roots of Marx's thinking on national issues can be traced back to his pre‐communist critique of Hegel. Marx's early, radical republican concept of nationality was modified but not abandoned in ...
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The roots of Marx's thinking on national issues can be traced back to his pre‐communist critique of Hegel. Marx's early, radical republican concept of nationality was modified but not abandoned in his and Engels’ first accounts of their ‘materialist’ theory of history. The role of this concept in the action‐guiding theory sketched in the Communist Manifesto is essential for an understanding of Marx and Engels’ internationalist policies.Less
The roots of Marx's thinking on national issues can be traced back to his pre‐communist critique of Hegel. Marx's early, radical republican concept of nationality was modified but not abandoned in his and Engels’ first accounts of their ‘materialist’ theory of history. The role of this concept in the action‐guiding theory sketched in the Communist Manifesto is essential for an understanding of Marx and Engels’ internationalist policies.
Andrew Thorpe
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198202189
- eISBN:
- 9780191675195
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198202189.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The election manifestos of Britain's political parties in 1931 did not attain a mass readership. However, in so far as they informed the policy basis of each party's campaign, and of each candidate's ...
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The election manifestos of Britain's political parties in 1931 did not attain a mass readership. However, in so far as they informed the policy basis of each party's campaign, and of each candidate's election address mailed free to every household in a constituency — they were of great significance. The Cabinet had agreed that each National party should issue its own manifesto, and that these were to be linked by a general statement from Ramsay MacDonald. His was the first manifesto to be issued, on October 6, in time for inclusion in the newspapers on the morning of the dissolution. It was noteworthy in a number of ways. The central point was the ‘free hand’ or ‘doctor's mandate’. With the ground rules thus set, the Conservative Party and the Liberal Party could set about producing their own manifestos. The former, published on October 8, was drafted by Stanley Baldwin and toughened up by Neville Chamberlain.Less
The election manifestos of Britain's political parties in 1931 did not attain a mass readership. However, in so far as they informed the policy basis of each party's campaign, and of each candidate's election address mailed free to every household in a constituency — they were of great significance. The Cabinet had agreed that each National party should issue its own manifesto, and that these were to be linked by a general statement from Ramsay MacDonald. His was the first manifesto to be issued, on October 6, in time for inclusion in the newspapers on the morning of the dissolution. It was noteworthy in a number of ways. The central point was the ‘free hand’ or ‘doctor's mandate’. With the ground rules thus set, the Conservative Party and the Liberal Party could set about producing their own manifestos. The former, published on October 8, was drafted by Stanley Baldwin and toughened up by Neville Chamberlain.
Dan Taulapapa McMullin
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- November 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780824838959
- eISBN:
- 9780824869496
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Hawai'i Press
- DOI:
- 10.21313/hawaii/9780824838959.003.0008
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Pacific Studies
This chapter presents Dan Taulapapa McMullin’s poem “Tiki Manifesto,” which takes one’s very physical profile as a marker of identity and laments its having been stolen and devalued (and commodified) ...
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This chapter presents Dan Taulapapa McMullin’s poem “Tiki Manifesto,” which takes one’s very physical profile as a marker of identity and laments its having been stolen and devalued (and commodified) by an elusive enemy.Less
This chapter presents Dan Taulapapa McMullin’s poem “Tiki Manifesto,” which takes one’s very physical profile as a marker of identity and laments its having been stolen and devalued (and commodified) by an elusive enemy.
John T. Lysaker
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780226569567
- eISBN:
- 9780226569734
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226569734.003.0037
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Aesthetics
This chapter discusses the genre of the manifesto. The manifesto, Lysaker states, stages a confrontation with history and is very fitting to the contemporary moment. It is, however, not aligned with ...
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This chapter discusses the genre of the manifesto. The manifesto, Lysaker states, stages a confrontation with history and is very fitting to the contemporary moment. It is, however, not aligned with much philosophical thought, though it contains philosophical propositions. It seeks allegiance and is light on proof, unlike most philosophical writing.Less
This chapter discusses the genre of the manifesto. The manifesto, Lysaker states, stages a confrontation with history and is very fitting to the contemporary moment. It is, however, not aligned with much philosophical thought, though it contains philosophical propositions. It seeks allegiance and is light on proof, unlike most philosophical writing.
