Michael D. McDonald and Ian Budge
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199286720
- eISBN:
- 9780191603327
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199286728.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The book proposes a unifying conception which shows that the differences between ‘majoritarian’, ‘consensus’ and other forms of representative democracy are superficial compared to what unites them. ...
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The book proposes a unifying conception which shows that the differences between ‘majoritarian’, ‘consensus’ and other forms of representative democracy are superficial compared to what unites them. The common element is the empowerment of the median voter by making the party (s)he votes for the median party in the legislature. Comparative evidene covering 21 democracies from 1950-1995 is assembled to check out the descriptive credentials of this idea, in contrast to the government mandate which forms the normal description and justification of democracy as providing ‘a necessary link between popular preferences and public policy’. Although, spontaneous majorities rarely emerge, median voter - median party correspondences do (72% of all governments, 82% under PR). Policy correspondence, distortion, long term bias, and responsiveness are examined in both static and dynamic terms. They reveal that underneath short-term fluctuations, the long-term equilibrium positions of governments and median voters map each other closely. Many other questions about democracy are also raised and investigated — economic and retrospective voting (‘ kicking the rascals out’): policy incrementalism, etc. — giving the book an appeal to different groups of specialists in political science. The comparative data on voting, on electoral party and government preferences, and on actual policy outputs are unsurpassed with regards to comprehensiveness over nations and time.Less
The book proposes a unifying conception which shows that the differences between ‘majoritarian’, ‘consensus’ and other forms of representative democracy are superficial compared to what unites them. The common element is the empowerment of the median voter by making the party (s)he votes for the median party in the legislature. Comparative evidene covering 21 democracies from 1950-1995 is assembled to check out the descriptive credentials of this idea, in contrast to the government mandate which forms the normal description and justification of democracy as providing ‘a necessary link between popular preferences and public policy’. Although, spontaneous majorities rarely emerge, median voter - median party correspondences do (72% of all governments, 82% under PR). Policy correspondence, distortion, long term bias, and responsiveness are examined in both static and dynamic terms. They reveal that underneath short-term fluctuations, the long-term equilibrium positions of governments and median voters map each other closely. Many other questions about democracy are also raised and investigated — economic and retrospective voting (‘ kicking the rascals out’): policy incrementalism, etc. — giving the book an appeal to different groups of specialists in political science. The comparative data on voting, on electoral party and government preferences, and on actual policy outputs are unsurpassed with regards to comprehensiveness over nations and time.
Michael D. McDonald and Ian Budge
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199286720
- eISBN:
- 9780191603327
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199286728.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The argument of Chapter One is spelled out in more detail in terms of propositional tables and accompanying discussion. These show the considerable overlap in the conditions for any mandate to exist, ...
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The argument of Chapter One is spelled out in more detail in terms of propositional tables and accompanying discussion. These show the considerable overlap in the conditions for any mandate to exist, and the fact that the Government Mandate is a special case of the Median Mandate. The tables on voting and governments show that spontaneous majorities, essential to the Government Mandate, rarely form, while correspondences between median voter and median party in Parliament are quite common (three quarters of all governments).Less
The argument of Chapter One is spelled out in more detail in terms of propositional tables and accompanying discussion. These show the considerable overlap in the conditions for any mandate to exist, and the fact that the Government Mandate is a special case of the Median Mandate. The tables on voting and governments show that spontaneous majorities, essential to the Government Mandate, rarely form, while correspondences between median voter and median party in Parliament are quite common (three quarters of all governments).
Michael D. McDonald and Ian Budge
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199286720
- eISBN:
- 9780191603327
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199286728.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter lays out the general questions as described in the overview. Is it really satisfactory to have ‘democracy with qualifiers’ (majoritarian, consensus, and so on) each justified in their ...
More
This chapter lays out the general questions as described in the overview. Is it really satisfactory to have ‘democracy with qualifiers’ (majoritarian, consensus, and so on) each justified in their own terms? A unifying median mandate approach is proposed which also gives a guarantee of a necessary connection between popular preferences and public policy, which no other account of representative democracy provides.Less
This chapter lays out the general questions as described in the overview. Is it really satisfactory to have ‘democracy with qualifiers’ (majoritarian, consensus, and so on) each justified in their own terms? A unifying median mandate approach is proposed which also gives a guarantee of a necessary connection between popular preferences and public policy, which no other account of representative democracy provides.
Robert E. Goodin and Michael Saward
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199547944
- eISBN:
- 9780191720116
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199547944.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Theory
The democratic aspiration of rule by the people requires that the people know — are told — what they are really voting on. The clarity and consistency of messages from candidates to voters matters ...
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The democratic aspiration of rule by the people requires that the people know — are told — what they are really voting on. The clarity and consistency of messages from candidates to voters matters deeply to the quality of democracy. What sort of a mandate a government can claim, and what a government is entitled to do in office, depends heavily upon how the campaign messages are conveyed. If campaign messages are mixed, sending different signals to different parts of the constituency, then whomever is elected might have a ‘mandate to rule’ but has no strong policy mandate.Less
The democratic aspiration of rule by the people requires that the people know — are told — what they are really voting on. The clarity and consistency of messages from candidates to voters matters deeply to the quality of democracy. What sort of a mandate a government can claim, and what a government is entitled to do in office, depends heavily upon how the campaign messages are conveyed. If campaign messages are mixed, sending different signals to different parts of the constituency, then whomever is elected might have a ‘mandate to rule’ but has no strong policy mandate.
Simon Chesterman
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199263486
- eISBN:
- 9780191600999
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199263485.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Despite the conceit that transitional administration was invented in the 1990s, much can be learned concerning the development of an institutional capacity to administer territory from examining the ...
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Despite the conceit that transitional administration was invented in the 1990s, much can be learned concerning the development of an institutional capacity to administer territory from examining the manner in which the colonial empires were regulated and subsequently dismantled. An age less attuned to political sensitivities also provides a clearer‐eyed assessment of the requirements of such administration, challenging the conventional wisdom that ‘ownership’ on the part of the local population is essential to the process.Less
Despite the conceit that transitional administration was invented in the 1990s, much can be learned concerning the development of an institutional capacity to administer territory from examining the manner in which the colonial empires were regulated and subsequently dismantled. An age less attuned to political sensitivities also provides a clearer‐eyed assessment of the requirements of such administration, challenging the conventional wisdom that ‘ownership’ on the part of the local population is essential to the process.
Michael D. McDonald and Ian Budge
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199286720
- eISBN:
- 9780191603327
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199286728.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter brings together and tries to answer the questions about democratic politics raised in the text, many of which are classical questions of democratic theory. The purpose here is to bring ...
More
This chapter brings together and tries to answer the questions about democratic politics raised in the text, many of which are classical questions of democratic theory. The purpose here is to bring them together in an integrated account, based on the validated median mandate view of the democratic process. It is shown that this underpins the workings of both ‘consensus’ and ‘majoritarian’ democracy ;provides a normative criterion for evaluating election rules; ; andbrings representative democracy closer to direct democracy.Less
This chapter brings together and tries to answer the questions about democratic politics raised in the text, many of which are classical questions of democratic theory. The purpose here is to bring them together in an integrated account, based on the validated median mandate view of the democratic process. It is shown that this underpins the workings of both ‘consensus’ and ‘majoritarian’ democracy ;provides a normative criterion for evaluating election rules; ; andbrings representative democracy closer to direct democracy.
Michael D. McDonald and Ian Budge
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199286720
- eISBN:
- 9780191603327
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199286728.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Parties and their programmes form the alternatives electors vote for under modern representative democracy. A precondition of mandate theory, as opposed to convergence theories of democracy, is that ...
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Parties and their programmes form the alternatives electors vote for under modern representative democracy. A precondition of mandate theory, as opposed to convergence theories of democracy, is that parties offer clear choices. This chapter asks — Are there choices? Are the choices gently graded or sharply polarised? Are the policy alternatives on offer clear? Do the specific issues within the parties’ bundles fall along a Left–Right continuum correlated with each other, and with the overall party position.Less
Parties and their programmes form the alternatives electors vote for under modern representative democracy. A precondition of mandate theory, as opposed to convergence theories of democracy, is that parties offer clear choices. This chapter asks — Are there choices? Are the choices gently graded or sharply polarised? Are the policy alternatives on offer clear? Do the specific issues within the parties’ bundles fall along a Left–Right continuum correlated with each other, and with the overall party position.
William Bain
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199260263
- eISBN:
- 9780191600975
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199260265.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The international administration of troubled states—whether in Bosnia, Kosovo, or East Timor—has seen a return to the principle of trusteeship: i.e. situations in which some form of international ...
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The international administration of troubled states—whether in Bosnia, Kosovo, or East Timor—has seen a return to the principle of trusteeship: i.e. situations in which some form of international supervision is required in a particular territory in order both to maintain order and to foster the norms and practices of fair self‐government. This book rescues the normative discourse of trusteeship from the obscurity into which it has fallen since decolonization. It traces the development of trusteeship from its emergence out of debates concerning the misrule of the East India Company (Ch. 2), to its internationalization in imperial Africa (Ch. 3), to its institutionalization in the League of Nations mandates system (Ch. 4) and in the UN trusteeship system, and to the destruction of its legitimacy by the ideas of self‐determination and human equality (Ch. 5). The book brings this rich historical experience to bear on the dilemmas posed by the resurrection of trusteeship after the end of the cold war (Ch. 6) and, in the context of contemporary world problems, explores the obligations that attach to preponderant power and the limits that should be observed in exercising that power for the sake of global good. In Ch. 7, the book concludes by arguing that trusteeship remains fundamentally at odds with the ideas of human dignity and equality.Less
The international administration of troubled states—whether in Bosnia, Kosovo, or East Timor—has seen a return to the principle of trusteeship: i.e. situations in which some form of international supervision is required in a particular territory in order both to maintain order and to foster the norms and practices of fair self‐government. This book rescues the normative discourse of trusteeship from the obscurity into which it has fallen since decolonization. It traces the development of trusteeship from its emergence out of debates concerning the misrule of the East India Company (Ch. 2), to its internationalization in imperial Africa (Ch. 3), to its institutionalization in the League of Nations mandates system (Ch. 4) and in the UN trusteeship system, and to the destruction of its legitimacy by the ideas of self‐determination and human equality (Ch. 5). The book brings this rich historical experience to bear on the dilemmas posed by the resurrection of trusteeship after the end of the cold war (Ch. 6) and, in the context of contemporary world problems, explores the obligations that attach to preponderant power and the limits that should be observed in exercising that power for the sake of global good. In Ch. 7, the book concludes by arguing that trusteeship remains fundamentally at odds with the ideas of human dignity and equality.
Gil Loescher
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199246915
- eISBN:
- 9780191599781
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199246912.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
A key focus is the organizational culture and effectiveness of UNHCR as the principal protection agency for refugees. UNHCR functions with an imperfect mandate, under circumstances necessitating ...
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A key focus is the organizational culture and effectiveness of UNHCR as the principal protection agency for refugees. UNHCR functions with an imperfect mandate, under circumstances necessitating competition with other agencies for limited resources, and in political environments that are inhospitable to crisis management and refugee protection. Because of its financial vulnerability and dependence on donor governments and host states, the agency's actions are clearly shaped by the interests of governments. The UNHCR finds it difficult to learn from past mistakes and it lacks strong policy research and strategic thinking capacities. The author offers policy recommendations aimed at making UNHCR more effective and accountable in its central function of protecting refugees.Less
A key focus is the organizational culture and effectiveness of UNHCR as the principal protection agency for refugees. UNHCR functions with an imperfect mandate, under circumstances necessitating competition with other agencies for limited resources, and in political environments that are inhospitable to crisis management and refugee protection. Because of its financial vulnerability and dependence on donor governments and host states, the agency's actions are clearly shaped by the interests of governments. The UNHCR finds it difficult to learn from past mistakes and it lacks strong policy research and strategic thinking capacities. The author offers policy recommendations aimed at making UNHCR more effective and accountable in its central function of protecting refugees.
Rachel Kerr
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- August 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199263059
- eISBN:
- 9780191601422
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199263051.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The political mandate of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia impacted jurisdiction in three ways. It influenced the drafting of the Statute of the Tribunal in such a way ...
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The political mandate of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia impacted jurisdiction in three ways. It influenced the drafting of the Statute of the Tribunal in such a way that it became a very conservative document, due to a perceived need to ensure that the law applied by the Tribunal had a sound legal basis. It defined the territorial and temporal jurisdiction of the Tribunal in as much as it was tied to the situation that was deemed a threat to international peace and security. Finally, it impacted the interpretation of jurisdiction by the court because prosecutors and judges tended to view decisions handed down by the court as relevant not only to the case at hand, but to the development of international humanitarian law.Less
The political mandate of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia impacted jurisdiction in three ways. It influenced the drafting of the Statute of the Tribunal in such a way that it became a very conservative document, due to a perceived need to ensure that the law applied by the Tribunal had a sound legal basis. It defined the territorial and temporal jurisdiction of the Tribunal in as much as it was tied to the situation that was deemed a threat to international peace and security. Finally, it impacted the interpretation of jurisdiction by the court because prosecutors and judges tended to view decisions handed down by the court as relevant not only to the case at hand, but to the development of international humanitarian law.
Andrew Moravcsik
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199245000
- eISBN:
- 9780191599996
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199245002.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Moravcsik attacks the view, shared by Euro‐enthusiasts and Euro‐sceptics alike, that current developments in the EU herald the advent of a European federal state; according to Moravcsik, the EU lacks ...
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Moravcsik attacks the view, shared by Euro‐enthusiasts and Euro‐sceptics alike, that current developments in the EU herald the advent of a European federal state; according to Moravcsik, the EU lacks and is likely to continue to lack the fundamental competences that would make it federal. To make this point, Moravcsik emphasizes what the EU does not do and is unlikely to take on in the foreseeable future, spelling out how the ‘EU plays almost no role—at most a weak sort of international coordination—in most of the issue‐areas about which European voters care most, such as taxation, social welfare provision, defence, high foreign policy, policing, education, cultural policy, human rights, and small business policy’. Moravcsik finds this not surprising, since the EU's built‐in ‘constitutional constraints’, from fiscal to legislative and regulatory powers, create a strong bias towards the status quo. His normative conclusion that the ‘existing hybrid status quo is sufficiently efficient and adequately legitimate to resist any fundamental institutional reform’ seems to echo Weiler's conclusion in Ch. 2 that the EU ‘ain’t broke, so don’t fix it’, although the two authors get to this position from opposite premises: Weiler thinks that today's EU founded on constitutional tolerance—bowing to the majority without being one people—is an amazingly ambitious project, while Moravcsik celebrates the EU's character as ‘a second‐best constitutional compromise designed to cope pragmatically with concrete problems’. The three sections of the chapter: (1) describe the existing confederal structure of EU institutions, focussing on the substantive narrowness and institutional weakness of its mandate; (2) examine the causes of this narrow and weak institutional mandate in the European constitutional settlement; and (3) assess the normative consequences for the democratic legitimacy of the EU state structure.Less
Moravcsik attacks the view, shared by Euro‐enthusiasts and Euro‐sceptics alike, that current developments in the EU herald the advent of a European federal state; according to Moravcsik, the EU lacks and is likely to continue to lack the fundamental competences that would make it federal. To make this point, Moravcsik emphasizes what the EU does not do and is unlikely to take on in the foreseeable future, spelling out how the ‘EU plays almost no role—at most a weak sort of international coordination—in most of the issue‐areas about which European voters care most, such as taxation, social welfare provision, defence, high foreign policy, policing, education, cultural policy, human rights, and small business policy’. Moravcsik finds this not surprising, since the EU's built‐in ‘constitutional constraints’, from fiscal to legislative and regulatory powers, create a strong bias towards the status quo. His normative conclusion that the ‘existing hybrid status quo is sufficiently efficient and adequately legitimate to resist any fundamental institutional reform’ seems to echo Weiler's conclusion in Ch. 2 that the EU ‘ain’t broke, so don’t fix it’, although the two authors get to this position from opposite premises: Weiler thinks that today's EU founded on constitutional tolerance—bowing to the majority without being one people—is an amazingly ambitious project, while Moravcsik celebrates the EU's character as ‘a second‐best constitutional compromise designed to cope pragmatically with concrete problems’. The three sections of the chapter: (1) describe the existing confederal structure of EU institutions, focussing on the substantive narrowness and institutional weakness of its mandate; (2) examine the causes of this narrow and weak institutional mandate in the European constitutional settlement; and (3) assess the normative consequences for the democratic legitimacy of the EU state structure.
William Bain
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199260263
- eISBN:
- 9780191600975
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199260265.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Examines the internationalization of trusteeship as it arose in the context of British colonial administration in Africa, the Berlin and Brussels Conferences, and the experience of the Congo Free ...
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Examines the internationalization of trusteeship as it arose in the context of British colonial administration in Africa, the Berlin and Brussels Conferences, and the experience of the Congo Free State. It is out of these experiences and events that the idea of trusteeship emerges as a recognized and accepted practice of international society. The chapter has five sections: the first discusses British attitudes towards Africa; the second looks at Lord Lugard's ‘dual mandate’ principle of colonial administration—the proposal that the exploitation of Africa's natural wealth should reciprocally benefit the industrial classes of Europe and the native population of Africa; the third discusses the Berlin Conference of 1884–1885 and the Brussels Conference of 1890; the fourth describes trusteeship in relation to the Congo Free State. The fifth section of the chapter points out the progression from the idea of trusteeship in the East India Company's dominion in India—in which the improvement of native peoples would come about rapidly and result in institutional forms and practices that closely resembled those in Europe—to a new incrementalist approach in which societies and people were thought of as occupying different rungs on a progressive ‘ladder of civilization’, and, depending on their stage of development on this ladder, were suited to different forms of constitution.Less
Examines the internationalization of trusteeship as it arose in the context of British colonial administration in Africa, the Berlin and Brussels Conferences, and the experience of the Congo Free State. It is out of these experiences and events that the idea of trusteeship emerges as a recognized and accepted practice of international society. The chapter has five sections: the first discusses British attitudes towards Africa; the second looks at Lord Lugard's ‘dual mandate’ principle of colonial administration—the proposal that the exploitation of Africa's natural wealth should reciprocally benefit the industrial classes of Europe and the native population of Africa; the third discusses the Berlin Conference of 1884–1885 and the Brussels Conference of 1890; the fourth describes trusteeship in relation to the Congo Free State. The fifth section of the chapter points out the progression from the idea of trusteeship in the East India Company's dominion in India—in which the improvement of native peoples would come about rapidly and result in institutional forms and practices that closely resembled those in Europe—to a new incrementalist approach in which societies and people were thought of as occupying different rungs on a progressive ‘ladder of civilization’, and, depending on their stage of development on this ladder, were suited to different forms of constitution.
William Bain
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199260263
- eISBN:
- 9780191600975
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199260265.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Starts by pointing out that if the Berlin and Brussels Acts and the experience of the Congo Free State (as discussed in the last chapter) are understood as representing the internationalization of ...
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Starts by pointing out that if the Berlin and Brussels Acts and the experience of the Congo Free State (as discussed in the last chapter) are understood as representing the internationalization of the idea of trusteeship, then the League of Nations mandates system might be understood as representing its institutionalization in international society. Examines the current of ideas from which the institutionalization of trusteeship arose out of the debates concerning the disposal of German colonies conquered during the First World War, and the subsequent compromise that resulted in the creation of the mandates system, which stands as a response to the problem of ordering relations of Europeans and non‐Europeans by reconciling the obligations of trusteeship and the search for national security in a single institutional arrangement. The victorious Allied powers divided Germany's colonial possessions amongst themselves, in no small part for reasons of national security, but in assuming administrative responsibility for these territories they also accepted the oversight of ‘international machinery’ to ensure that the work of civilization was being done. The seven sections of the chapter are: War and the Old Diplomacy; Trusteeship or Annexation?; From the New World—the effect of the Russian revolution and the entry into the First World War of the US on the French and British annexation policy and Woodrow Wilson's ideas for peace; The Mandates System—the birth of the League of Nations; Impasse at Versailles—the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 and the Versailles Peace Treaty; Trusteeship or Deception—the obligations and defects of the League of Nations Covenant; and Novelty and Tradition—the compromise of the League of Nations system.Less
Starts by pointing out that if the Berlin and Brussels Acts and the experience of the Congo Free State (as discussed in the last chapter) are understood as representing the internationalization of the idea of trusteeship, then the League of Nations mandates system might be understood as representing its institutionalization in international society. Examines the current of ideas from which the institutionalization of trusteeship arose out of the debates concerning the disposal of German colonies conquered during the First World War, and the subsequent compromise that resulted in the creation of the mandates system, which stands as a response to the problem of ordering relations of Europeans and non‐Europeans by reconciling the obligations of trusteeship and the search for national security in a single institutional arrangement. The victorious Allied powers divided Germany's colonial possessions amongst themselves, in no small part for reasons of national security, but in assuming administrative responsibility for these territories they also accepted the oversight of ‘international machinery’ to ensure that the work of civilization was being done. The seven sections of the chapter are: War and the Old Diplomacy; Trusteeship or Annexation?; From the New World—the effect of the Russian revolution and the entry into the First World War of the US on the French and British annexation policy and Woodrow Wilson's ideas for peace; The Mandates System—the birth of the League of Nations; Impasse at Versailles—the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 and the Versailles Peace Treaty; Trusteeship or Deception—the obligations and defects of the League of Nations Covenant; and Novelty and Tradition—the compromise of the League of Nations system.
R. D. Grillo
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294269
- eISBN:
- 9780191599378
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294263.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The colonial state represented a new type of polity, which emerged from the sixteenth century onwards. Colonial states, such as Spain, in the Americas, and Britain and France in Africa, differed ...
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The colonial state represented a new type of polity, which emerged from the sixteenth century onwards. Colonial states, such as Spain, in the Americas, and Britain and France in Africa, differed fundamentally from patrimonial polities that had little interest in ‘civilizing’ and transforming their subjects, even if they thought them ‘barbarian’. Although extraction remained a fundamental objective, colonial states also sought to transform societies and cultures. In fulfilling this ‘dual mandate’ they anticipated and, in certain respects, epitomized modernity, as did French colonial policies of assimilation, grounded in the ideals of the Revolution and the Enlightenment. At the same time, opposition to the theory and practice of assimilation led both France and Britain towards the creation or retrenchment of ‘difference’, institutionalizing tribal identity, and tribalism, in the political process through forms of indirect rule.Less
The colonial state represented a new type of polity, which emerged from the sixteenth century onwards. Colonial states, such as Spain, in the Americas, and Britain and France in Africa, differed fundamentally from patrimonial polities that had little interest in ‘civilizing’ and transforming their subjects, even if they thought them ‘barbarian’. Although extraction remained a fundamental objective, colonial states also sought to transform societies and cultures. In fulfilling this ‘dual mandate’ they anticipated and, in certain respects, epitomized modernity, as did French colonial policies of assimilation, grounded in the ideals of the Revolution and the Enlightenment. At the same time, opposition to the theory and practice of assimilation led both France and Britain towards the creation or retrenchment of ‘difference’, institutionalizing tribal identity, and tribalism, in the political process through forms of indirect rule.
Marcus Kreuzer and Ina Stephan
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199260362
- eISBN:
- 9780191601873
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199260362.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
French politicians became skilled political entrepreneurs much earlier than their European counterparts, but their professionalization was shaped by the fact that it took place within a centralized ...
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French politicians became skilled political entrepreneurs much earlier than their European counterparts, but their professionalization was shaped by the fact that it took place within a centralized state bureaucracy characterized by a strong anti-republicanism. As a result of the bureaucracy’s various obstructionist tactics, disciplined political parties developed very slowly, thereby delaying the professionalization of certain aspects of parliamentary and electoral politics. Until today, the cumulation of national with (sometimes several) local mandates is a common way to live off politics in France. The image of a corrupt political class has intensified since the end of the 1980s, but ensuing reforms were for the most part a reaction to public pressure and not so much results of an explicit reformist intention.Less
French politicians became skilled political entrepreneurs much earlier than their European counterparts, but their professionalization was shaped by the fact that it took place within a centralized state bureaucracy characterized by a strong anti-republicanism. As a result of the bureaucracy’s various obstructionist tactics, disciplined political parties developed very slowly, thereby delaying the professionalization of certain aspects of parliamentary and electoral politics. Until today, the cumulation of national with (sometimes several) local mandates is a common way to live off politics in France. The image of a corrupt political class has intensified since the end of the 1980s, but ensuing reforms were for the most part a reaction to public pressure and not so much results of an explicit reformist intention.
Antony Black
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199281695
- eISBN:
- 9780191713101
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199281695.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The theory of the Mandate of Heaven implied a single monarch who, as Son of Heaven, rules for the benefit of the people. His mandate depends upon his virtue. Confucius taught that the well-being of ...
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The theory of the Mandate of Heaven implied a single monarch who, as Son of Heaven, rules for the benefit of the people. His mandate depends upon his virtue. Confucius taught that the well-being of society depended upon the reintroduction of traditional ethics (‘the rites’) and ‘humaneness’ (ren). People should be ruled by education and persuasion. The noble person should devote himself to public service. Rulers should only appoint worthy people to office. Ministers may admonish the ruler, and, if ignored, should retire from office. Mozi, on the other hand, rejected the traditional hierarchy and ethics altogether, and taught ‘universal love’. Others (‘Legalists’) recommended rule by coercion and command, exclusive devotion to agriculture and warfare, and realpolitik. Han Feizi combined this with the ‘inactive’ ruler, to suggest a new kind of monarchy governing exclusively through law and bureaucracy. The unified empire was achieved by violent realpolitik, but sustained by Confucian ideology.Less
The theory of the Mandate of Heaven implied a single monarch who, as Son of Heaven, rules for the benefit of the people. His mandate depends upon his virtue. Confucius taught that the well-being of society depended upon the reintroduction of traditional ethics (‘the rites’) and ‘humaneness’ (ren). People should be ruled by education and persuasion. The noble person should devote himself to public service. Rulers should only appoint worthy people to office. Ministers may admonish the ruler, and, if ignored, should retire from office. Mozi, on the other hand, rejected the traditional hierarchy and ethics altogether, and taught ‘universal love’. Others (‘Legalists’) recommended rule by coercion and command, exclusive devotion to agriculture and warfare, and realpolitik. Han Feizi combined this with the ‘inactive’ ruler, to suggest a new kind of monarchy governing exclusively through law and bureaucracy. The unified empire was achieved by violent realpolitik, but sustained by Confucian ideology.
Tony Elger and Chris Smith
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199241514
- eISBN:
- 9780191714405
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199241514.003.0012
- Subject:
- Business and Management, International Business
This chapter considers the wider implications of the analysis of Japanese firms developed throughout the book, both for debates about the transfer and hybridization of Japanese production models, and ...
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This chapter considers the wider implications of the analysis of Japanese firms developed throughout the book, both for debates about the transfer and hybridization of Japanese production models, and for broader theorizing about the subsidiary operations of international firms. It discusses the lessons of the research for three dominant images of subsidiary operations — as transplants, hybrids, or branch plants, which give differing emphases to system, society, and dominance effects in understanding the operations of such workplaces. It argues that the transfer and translation of management approaches and techniques within and between enterprises, and the evolution of work and employment relations within specific workplaces, is a more contested, multi-layered, and complex phenomena than is conventionally recognized, strongly influenced by power relations within management and the corporate mandate of the subsidiary.Less
This chapter considers the wider implications of the analysis of Japanese firms developed throughout the book, both for debates about the transfer and hybridization of Japanese production models, and for broader theorizing about the subsidiary operations of international firms. It discusses the lessons of the research for three dominant images of subsidiary operations — as transplants, hybrids, or branch plants, which give differing emphases to system, society, and dominance effects in understanding the operations of such workplaces. It argues that the transfer and translation of management approaches and techniques within and between enterprises, and the evolution of work and employment relations within specific workplaces, is a more contested, multi-layered, and complex phenomena than is conventionally recognized, strongly influenced by power relations within management and the corporate mandate of the subsidiary.
Omri Ben-Shahar and Carl E. Schneider
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691161709
- eISBN:
- 9781400850389
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691161709.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Public Policy
Perhaps no kind of regulation is more common or less useful than mandated disclosure—requiring one party to a transaction to give the other information. It is the iTunes terms you assent to, the ...
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Perhaps no kind of regulation is more common or less useful than mandated disclosure—requiring one party to a transaction to give the other information. It is the iTunes terms you assent to, the doctor's consent form you sign, the pile of papers you get with your mortgages. Reading the terms, the form, and the papers is supposed to equip you to choose your purchase, your treatment, and your loan well. This book surveys the evidence and finds that mandated disclosure rarely works. But how could it? Who reads these disclosures? Who understands them? Who uses them to make better choices? This book puts the regulatory problem in human terms. Most people find disclosures complex, obscure, and dull. Most people make choices by stripping information away, not layering it on. Most people find they can safely ignore most disclosures and that they lack the literacy to analyze them anyway. And so many disclosures are mandated that nobody could heed them all. Nor can all this be changed by simpler forms in plainer English, since complex things cannot be made simple by better writing. Furthermore, disclosure is a lawmakers' panacea, so they keep issuing new mandates and expanding old ones, often instead of taking on the hard work of writing regulations with bite. This book takes on the form of regulation we encounter daily and asks why we must encounter it at all.Less
Perhaps no kind of regulation is more common or less useful than mandated disclosure—requiring one party to a transaction to give the other information. It is the iTunes terms you assent to, the doctor's consent form you sign, the pile of papers you get with your mortgages. Reading the terms, the form, and the papers is supposed to equip you to choose your purchase, your treatment, and your loan well. This book surveys the evidence and finds that mandated disclosure rarely works. But how could it? Who reads these disclosures? Who understands them? Who uses them to make better choices? This book puts the regulatory problem in human terms. Most people find disclosures complex, obscure, and dull. Most people make choices by stripping information away, not layering it on. Most people find they can safely ignore most disclosures and that they lack the literacy to analyze them anyway. And so many disclosures are mandated that nobody could heed them all. Nor can all this be changed by simpler forms in plainer English, since complex things cannot be made simple by better writing. Furthermore, disclosure is a lawmakers' panacea, so they keep issuing new mandates and expanding old ones, often instead of taking on the hard work of writing regulations with bite. This book takes on the form of regulation we encounter daily and asks why we must encounter it at all.
James Davison Hunter
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199730803
- eISBN:
- 9780199777082
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199730803.003.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Human beings are, by divine intent and their very nature, world-makers. People fulfill their individual and collective destiny in the art, music, literature, commerce, law, and scholarship they ...
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Human beings are, by divine intent and their very nature, world-makers. People fulfill their individual and collective destiny in the art, music, literature, commerce, law, and scholarship they cultivate, the relationships they build, and in the institutions they develop—the families, churches, associations, communities they live in and sustain—as they reflect the good of God and His designs for flourishing. Hunter contends that the dominant ways of thinking about culture and cultural change are flawed, for they are based upon both specious social science and problematic theology. The model upon which various strategies are based not only does not work, but it cannot work. On the basis of this working theory, Christians cannot “change the world” in a way that they, even in their diversity, desire.Less
Human beings are, by divine intent and their very nature, world-makers. People fulfill their individual and collective destiny in the art, music, literature, commerce, law, and scholarship they cultivate, the relationships they build, and in the institutions they develop—the families, churches, associations, communities they live in and sustain—as they reflect the good of God and His designs for flourishing. Hunter contends that the dominant ways of thinking about culture and cultural change are flawed, for they are based upon both specious social science and problematic theology. The model upon which various strategies are based not only does not work, but it cannot work. On the basis of this working theory, Christians cannot “change the world” in a way that they, even in their diversity, desire.
Thomas F. Farr
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195179958
- eISBN:
- 9780199869749
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195179958.003.0007
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
With the 2000 election of George W. Bush expectations were high among supporters of an energetic IRF policy. Events, however, were soon to disappoint them. It quickly became apparent that the new ...
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With the 2000 election of George W. Bush expectations were high among supporters of an energetic IRF policy. Events, however, were soon to disappoint them. It quickly became apparent that the new President's enthusiasm for religious liberty had few foreign policy implications. Most strikingly, the Bush administration allowed the IRF ambassador's position to remain vacant for some 16 months. Meanwhile, the State Department considered “double hatting” the IRF ambassador's job under the new Assistant Secretary for Democracy, Human Rights and Labor. Within Foggy Bottom the IRF office remained quarantined. Despite the efforts of the author, who was the de facto head of the office, and his small but hardy crew of colleagues, religious freedom remained an insignificant factor in U.S. foreign policy. Surprisingly, this remained true even after the attacks of September 11, 2001. One bright spot was the annual IRF Report, which accurately catalogued the facts of religious persecution.Less
With the 2000 election of George W. Bush expectations were high among supporters of an energetic IRF policy. Events, however, were soon to disappoint them. It quickly became apparent that the new President's enthusiasm for religious liberty had few foreign policy implications. Most strikingly, the Bush administration allowed the IRF ambassador's position to remain vacant for some 16 months. Meanwhile, the State Department considered “double hatting” the IRF ambassador's job under the new Assistant Secretary for Democracy, Human Rights and Labor. Within Foggy Bottom the IRF office remained quarantined. Despite the efforts of the author, who was the de facto head of the office, and his small but hardy crew of colleagues, religious freedom remained an insignificant factor in U.S. foreign policy. Surprisingly, this remained true even after the attacks of September 11, 2001. One bright spot was the annual IRF Report, which accurately catalogued the facts of religious persecution.
