Elizabeth Todd-Breland
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781469646589
- eISBN:
- 9781469647173
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469646589.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter analyzes the racial politics of Mayor Harold Washington’s election, his education summit, and the supporters and critics of the 1988 Chicago School Reform Act. Harold Washington’s ...
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This chapter analyzes the racial politics of Mayor Harold Washington’s election, his education summit, and the supporters and critics of the 1988 Chicago School Reform Act. Harold Washington’s election as the first Black mayor of Chicago in 1983 was heralded by many as the ultimate attainment of Black Power and the success of the local Black Freedom Movement. His electoral victory was grounded in years of grassroots struggle by Black organizers fighting for integration, community control, and Black empowerment. While historians have largely considered the 1980s as a product of the political triumph of conservatism and the “Reagan revolution,” in Chicago a Black-led, urban, antimachine, progressive coalitional politics led to Washington’s electoral victory. The disparate programmatic and ideological camps detailed in previous chapters (desegregation activists, community control organizers, founders of independent Black institutions, Black educators) staked claims in Mayor Washington and his political organization. The politics of Washington’s education reform summits, however, exposed the fractures within this political coalition. The interracial and intraracial struggles over school reform in Chicago during the 1980s reveal the tensions between a politics of racial representation and a politics of progressive transformation and prefigure the increased privatization of public education in the decades that followed.Less
This chapter analyzes the racial politics of Mayor Harold Washington’s election, his education summit, and the supporters and critics of the 1988 Chicago School Reform Act. Harold Washington’s election as the first Black mayor of Chicago in 1983 was heralded by many as the ultimate attainment of Black Power and the success of the local Black Freedom Movement. His electoral victory was grounded in years of grassroots struggle by Black organizers fighting for integration, community control, and Black empowerment. While historians have largely considered the 1980s as a product of the political triumph of conservatism and the “Reagan revolution,” in Chicago a Black-led, urban, antimachine, progressive coalitional politics led to Washington’s electoral victory. The disparate programmatic and ideological camps detailed in previous chapters (desegregation activists, community control organizers, founders of independent Black institutions, Black educators) staked claims in Mayor Washington and his political organization. The politics of Washington’s education reform summits, however, exposed the fractures within this political coalition. The interracial and intraracial struggles over school reform in Chicago during the 1980s reveal the tensions between a politics of racial representation and a politics of progressive transformation and prefigure the increased privatization of public education in the decades that followed.
MICHAEL WHEATLEY
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199273577
- eISBN:
- 9780191706165
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199273577.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The failure of the Irish party over the years 1910–16 was not the result of systemic rottenness, nor of ideological obsolescence. Rather it was a consequence of it adopting policies which went ...
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The failure of the Irish party over the years 1910–16 was not the result of systemic rottenness, nor of ideological obsolescence. Rather it was a consequence of it adopting policies which went fundamentally against the grain of nationalist opinion during the crisis of late 1913 and in the World War. The party's local ‘machine’ still functioned sufficiently well for it to weigh in behind its leader and implement Redmond's policies, but the roots of the Irish party were deeply embedded in small-town, provincial Irish life. Its local leadership was steeped in both the conservative respectability and the bellicosity of language, Catholicity, sense of victimhood, and antipathy to England which suffused provincial, nationalist life. The strains placed upon the party locally, in implementing policies which ran counter to its instinctive beliefs, were too great and, after Easter 1916, would break it.Less
The failure of the Irish party over the years 1910–16 was not the result of systemic rottenness, nor of ideological obsolescence. Rather it was a consequence of it adopting policies which went fundamentally against the grain of nationalist opinion during the crisis of late 1913 and in the World War. The party's local ‘machine’ still functioned sufficiently well for it to weigh in behind its leader and implement Redmond's policies, but the roots of the Irish party were deeply embedded in small-town, provincial Irish life. Its local leadership was steeped in both the conservative respectability and the bellicosity of language, Catholicity, sense of victimhood, and antipathy to England which suffused provincial, nationalist life. The strains placed upon the party locally, in implementing policies which ran counter to its instinctive beliefs, were too great and, after Easter 1916, would break it.
Chris Rhomberg
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520236189
- eISBN:
- 9780520940888
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520236189.003.0002
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
This chapter presents a baseline of economic, political, and social development in Oakland from the beginning of the twentieth century to 1920. It also discusses the structural and conjunctural ...
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This chapter presents a baseline of economic, political, and social development in Oakland from the beginning of the twentieth century to 1920. It also discusses the structural and conjunctural conditions that affected the formation of actors. The organization of urban machine politics helped foster the process of ethnic group formation in civil society. Patronage offered a solution to the problems of economic uncertainty and group inequality. By 1920, the machine as a whole was rapidly losing its capacity to hold together the actors in the urban polity. As the decade of the 1920s began, Oakland swung into a new phase of urban development, one that was to create the conditions for another challenge to the ethnic machine. This time, however, popular insurgency took the form of a white nativist movement, embodied in the mobilization led by the Ku Klux Klan.Less
This chapter presents a baseline of economic, political, and social development in Oakland from the beginning of the twentieth century to 1920. It also discusses the structural and conjunctural conditions that affected the formation of actors. The organization of urban machine politics helped foster the process of ethnic group formation in civil society. Patronage offered a solution to the problems of economic uncertainty and group inequality. By 1920, the machine as a whole was rapidly losing its capacity to hold together the actors in the urban polity. As the decade of the 1920s began, Oakland swung into a new phase of urban development, one that was to create the conditions for another challenge to the ethnic machine. This time, however, popular insurgency took the form of a white nativist movement, embodied in the mobilization led by the Ku Klux Klan.
Margaret Garb
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780226135908
- eISBN:
- 9780226136066
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226136066.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
Chapter Six focuses on the dramatic battle to elect the city's first black alderman, Oscar DePriest, arguing that black activists formed a mutually-beneficial alliance with the Republican machine. ...
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Chapter Six focuses on the dramatic battle to elect the city's first black alderman, Oscar DePriest, arguing that black activists formed a mutually-beneficial alliance with the Republican machine. DePriest came into office as an ally of Republican machine mayor, William Hale Thompson. Though some scholars see black politicians as mere pawns or puppets of the white machine, this chapter contends that black activists used the machine to promote personal ambitions and serve community interests, when they could. Black activists, seeking representation on the City Council, emphasized race over party and helped to transform Chicago politics. They made race a central feature of urban politics while contributing to efforts to legitimize the machine brand of politics.Less
Chapter Six focuses on the dramatic battle to elect the city's first black alderman, Oscar DePriest, arguing that black activists formed a mutually-beneficial alliance with the Republican machine. DePriest came into office as an ally of Republican machine mayor, William Hale Thompson. Though some scholars see black politicians as mere pawns or puppets of the white machine, this chapter contends that black activists used the machine to promote personal ambitions and serve community interests, when they could. Black activists, seeking representation on the City Council, emphasized race over party and helped to transform Chicago politics. They made race a central feature of urban politics while contributing to efforts to legitimize the machine brand of politics.
Chris Rhomberg
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520236189
- eISBN:
- 9780520940888
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520236189.003.0003
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
This chapter explores the rise of the white Protestant middle-class population and its formation as a group. It argues that the Oakland Klan movement had its greatest impact on the city's majority ...
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This chapter explores the rise of the white Protestant middle-class population and its formation as a group. It argues that the Oakland Klan movement had its greatest impact on the city's majority white population. The rise and fall of the Oakland Klan did not simply occur as an outcome of the interactions between movement and regime, but involved a conjunctural conflict among at least three actors: machine, Klan, and “downtown.” The political mobilization of group identity took shape in an urban social movement led by the Ku Klux Klan. The downtown reformers altered the institutional terrain of Oakland politics. Michael Kelly joined forces with the Klan in a populist electoral alliance against the rising power of the downtown elites. The rise and fall of the Klan movement brought with them the end of popular machine politics and a decline in the salience of ethnicity as a political identity in Oakland.Less
This chapter explores the rise of the white Protestant middle-class population and its formation as a group. It argues that the Oakland Klan movement had its greatest impact on the city's majority white population. The rise and fall of the Oakland Klan did not simply occur as an outcome of the interactions between movement and regime, but involved a conjunctural conflict among at least three actors: machine, Klan, and “downtown.” The political mobilization of group identity took shape in an urban social movement led by the Ku Klux Klan. The downtown reformers altered the institutional terrain of Oakland politics. Michael Kelly joined forces with the Klan in a populist electoral alliance against the rising power of the downtown elites. The rise and fall of the Klan movement brought with them the end of popular machine politics and a decline in the salience of ethnicity as a political identity in Oakland.
Elizabeth Todd-Breland
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781469646589
- eISBN:
- 9781469647173
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469646589.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
The introduction outlines the focus, scope, and significance of the book, introducing the Black activists, educators, parents, and students who navigated, challenged, and contributed to the urban ...
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The introduction outlines the focus, scope, and significance of the book, introducing the Black activists, educators, parents, and students who navigated, challenged, and contributed to the urban political and educational landscape from mid-twentieth century civil rights struggles through the recent corporate reorganization of the public sphere. Black women’s political and intellectual labor powered movements for racial justice and is centered in this discussion of Black politics, social movements, and education reform. The introduction explains how the book presents a different account of Black politics and urban communities in the period after the 1960s by challenging interpretations of urban decline and “urban crisis.” It also explains the historical and contemporary importance of education as a site of struggle that reveals the boundaries of U.S. democracy and changes in the relationship between citizens and the state. The introduction outlines how historical considerations of racial liberalism, the Great Migration, the New Deal, labor, Black protest, machine politics, deindustrialization, the politics of Black achievement, desegregation, self-determination, equity, and education reform inform subsequent chapters.Less
The introduction outlines the focus, scope, and significance of the book, introducing the Black activists, educators, parents, and students who navigated, challenged, and contributed to the urban political and educational landscape from mid-twentieth century civil rights struggles through the recent corporate reorganization of the public sphere. Black women’s political and intellectual labor powered movements for racial justice and is centered in this discussion of Black politics, social movements, and education reform. The introduction explains how the book presents a different account of Black politics and urban communities in the period after the 1960s by challenging interpretations of urban decline and “urban crisis.” It also explains the historical and contemporary importance of education as a site of struggle that reveals the boundaries of U.S. democracy and changes in the relationship between citizens and the state. The introduction outlines how historical considerations of racial liberalism, the Great Migration, the New Deal, labor, Black protest, machine politics, deindustrialization, the politics of Black achievement, desegregation, self-determination, equity, and education reform inform subsequent chapters.
Alastair P. Thompson
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205432
- eISBN:
- 9780191676635
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205432.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Political History
The importance of organization, or more precisely the lack of it, to German liberalism has long been recognized. The general opinion is that the left liberals were not quite so ineffective as the ...
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The importance of organization, or more precisely the lack of it, to German liberalism has long been recognized. The general opinion is that the left liberals were not quite so ineffective as the National Liberals, but still suffered by not having the sort of powerful mass organizations which were at the disposal of the labour movement, political Catholicism, or Agrarian Conservatism. However, organization and agitation were far from being the poor relations of Wilhelmine politics. Even critics did not deny the importance of ‘machine politics’. Despite having the smallest and least funded formal organization, the left liberals proved capable of mounting forceful election campaigns, which even opponents recognized as being amongst the most powerful in Germany. Clearly, there was still a place for Honoratioren in the mass politics of Wilhelmine Germany. A shift of focus from formal to informal organization is required for an analysis of the most important left liberal response to the growing demands for money, men, and effort placed on political parties in Wilhelmine Germany. Here the role of newspapers was central.Less
The importance of organization, or more precisely the lack of it, to German liberalism has long been recognized. The general opinion is that the left liberals were not quite so ineffective as the National Liberals, but still suffered by not having the sort of powerful mass organizations which were at the disposal of the labour movement, political Catholicism, or Agrarian Conservatism. However, organization and agitation were far from being the poor relations of Wilhelmine politics. Even critics did not deny the importance of ‘machine politics’. Despite having the smallest and least funded formal organization, the left liberals proved capable of mounting forceful election campaigns, which even opponents recognized as being amongst the most powerful in Germany. Clearly, there was still a place for Honoratioren in the mass politics of Wilhelmine Germany. A shift of focus from formal to informal organization is required for an analysis of the most important left liberal response to the growing demands for money, men, and effort placed on political parties in Wilhelmine Germany. Here the role of newspapers was central.
Julian M. Pleasants
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780813146775
- eISBN:
- 9780813156064
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813146775.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, Political History
In the second primary, Scott replenished his finances and shored up his support from his main constituencies—labor, farmers, and blacks. His opponent, Charles Johnson, realized he had lost the ...
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In the second primary, Scott replenished his finances and shored up his support from his main constituencies—labor, farmers, and blacks. His opponent, Charles Johnson, realized he had lost the momentum in the race and waged a more aggressive campaign—his “New Look” strategy. He attacked Scott and defended his record as treasurer, insisting that he was not a machine candidate. Scott continued his mantra that Johnson was the machine candidate and charged that the bankers of the state had accumulated a slush fund to buy the election for Johnson. Although Johnson predicted victory, Scott won handily, 217,620 votes to 182,684. Scott won because his core constituency turned out for him, the antimachine vote went to him, and he waged a more vigorous, effective, and aggressive fight. Johnson was overconfident, waged a listless race, and never got his message out. Kerr Scott had achieved one of the great political upsets in the state’s history, and his victory signaled a change from the conservative, staid machine politics of the past to a more progressive, populist leadership. Scott, the man of the people, now had the opportunity to make good on his promises.Less
In the second primary, Scott replenished his finances and shored up his support from his main constituencies—labor, farmers, and blacks. His opponent, Charles Johnson, realized he had lost the momentum in the race and waged a more aggressive campaign—his “New Look” strategy. He attacked Scott and defended his record as treasurer, insisting that he was not a machine candidate. Scott continued his mantra that Johnson was the machine candidate and charged that the bankers of the state had accumulated a slush fund to buy the election for Johnson. Although Johnson predicted victory, Scott won handily, 217,620 votes to 182,684. Scott won because his core constituency turned out for him, the antimachine vote went to him, and he waged a more vigorous, effective, and aggressive fight. Johnson was overconfident, waged a listless race, and never got his message out. Kerr Scott had achieved one of the great political upsets in the state’s history, and his victory signaled a change from the conservative, staid machine politics of the past to a more progressive, populist leadership. Scott, the man of the people, now had the opportunity to make good on his promises.
Christopher Lowen Agee
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780226122281
- eISBN:
- 9780226122311
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226122311.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter shows how the mid-century, political competition between traditional machines and the managerial growth advocates representing downtown elites pushed issues of policing to the forefront ...
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This chapter shows how the mid-century, political competition between traditional machines and the managerial growth advocates representing downtown elites pushed issues of policing to the forefront of urban politics. Managerial growth proponents promised to centralize governance, maintain traditional standards of behavior, and promote redevelopment. These growth advocates pursued a police professionalism reform agenda in order to squelch the machine’s payola networks and to illustrate the efficacy of expert, top-down governance. Just as managerial growth advocates achieved power, however, contemporary scholars discovered that police officers on the beat enjoyed the discretion to set their own policies. By focusing on police policies in Chinatown and the development of stop-and-frisk policing, this chapter analyzes how managerial growth advocates rationalized continued police discretion.Less
This chapter shows how the mid-century, political competition between traditional machines and the managerial growth advocates representing downtown elites pushed issues of policing to the forefront of urban politics. Managerial growth proponents promised to centralize governance, maintain traditional standards of behavior, and promote redevelopment. These growth advocates pursued a police professionalism reform agenda in order to squelch the machine’s payola networks and to illustrate the efficacy of expert, top-down governance. Just as managerial growth advocates achieved power, however, contemporary scholars discovered that police officers on the beat enjoyed the discretion to set their own policies. By focusing on police policies in Chinatown and the development of stop-and-frisk policing, this chapter analyzes how managerial growth advocates rationalized continued police discretion.
Ocean Howell
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780226141398
- eISBN:
- 9780226290287
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226290287.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
Between 1900 and 1912, no political coalition could hold onto City Hall for long, and in the wake of the defeat of the Burnham Plan, there was no centralized authority to impose comprehensive urban ...
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Between 1900 and 1912, no political coalition could hold onto City Hall for long, and in the wake of the defeat of the Burnham Plan, there was no centralized authority to impose comprehensive urban planning. Led by James Rolph, the Mission Promotion Association (MPA) would capitalize on this circumstance, broadening its base by incorporating the unions that were moving to the Mission. The MPA established itself as a de facto urban planning authority not only within the Mission District, but in the entire southern half of San Francisco. It also wielded influence in the California state legislature and with the association that governed fire insurance rates for the entire Western United States. So powerful was this Progressive Era improvement club, that its opponents accused it of being a political machine.Less
Between 1900 and 1912, no political coalition could hold onto City Hall for long, and in the wake of the defeat of the Burnham Plan, there was no centralized authority to impose comprehensive urban planning. Led by James Rolph, the Mission Promotion Association (MPA) would capitalize on this circumstance, broadening its base by incorporating the unions that were moving to the Mission. The MPA established itself as a de facto urban planning authority not only within the Mission District, but in the entire southern half of San Francisco. It also wielded influence in the California state legislature and with the association that governed fire insurance rates for the entire Western United States. So powerful was this Progressive Era improvement club, that its opponents accused it of being a political machine.
Nikki M. Taylor
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780813140773
- eISBN:
- 9780813141428
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813140773.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
“Voice of Betrayal” chronicles Clarks fall from grace after being at the center of a Cincinnati political scandal that involved the mass disfranchisement of African-American voters, fraud, and ...
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“Voice of Betrayal” chronicles Clarks fall from grace after being at the center of a Cincinnati political scandal that involved the mass disfranchisement of African-American voters, fraud, and bribery.Less
“Voice of Betrayal” chronicles Clarks fall from grace after being at the center of a Cincinnati political scandal that involved the mass disfranchisement of African-American voters, fraud, and bribery.
Henry E. Hale
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781474410427
- eISBN:
- 9781474418751
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474410427.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter discusses the relationship between regime type, popular support and nationalism in Russia. It describes the political system as ‘patronal presidentialism’. This term refers to a ...
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This chapter discusses the relationship between regime type, popular support and nationalism in Russia. It describes the political system as ‘patronal presidentialism’. This term refers to a constitutionally strong presidency that exists in a social context where political collective action unfolds primarily through extensive networks of personal acquaintances. Even when such presidents use manipulation, coercion, and fraud to win elections, they run significant risks of losing power if they lose popular support. For that reason, Russia’s presidents have been highly sensitive to public opinion. A domestic political crisis that came to a head in late 2011, when tens of thousands of demonstrators poured into the streets, changed the Kremlin’s calculus, forcing it to seek out new bases of public support. This eventually led to a far more prominent role for Russian nationalism in connection with Putin’s leadership, and helped to bring about the crisis involving Crimea and Ukraine.Less
This chapter discusses the relationship between regime type, popular support and nationalism in Russia. It describes the political system as ‘patronal presidentialism’. This term refers to a constitutionally strong presidency that exists in a social context where political collective action unfolds primarily through extensive networks of personal acquaintances. Even when such presidents use manipulation, coercion, and fraud to win elections, they run significant risks of losing power if they lose popular support. For that reason, Russia’s presidents have been highly sensitive to public opinion. A domestic political crisis that came to a head in late 2011, when tens of thousands of demonstrators poured into the streets, changed the Kremlin’s calculus, forcing it to seek out new bases of public support. This eventually led to a far more prominent role for Russian nationalism in connection with Putin’s leadership, and helped to bring about the crisis involving Crimea and Ukraine.
Sam Mitrani
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252038068
- eISBN:
- 9780252095337
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252038068.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter examines how the Chicago Police Department evolved into a professional police organization based on the ideology of paternalism. The election of Thomas Dyer as mayor in 1856 started a ...
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This chapter examines how the Chicago Police Department evolved into a professional police organization based on the ideology of paternalism. The election of Thomas Dyer as mayor in 1856 started a five-year period of contestation over the basic shape of the new police force. On the surface, this fight pitted law-and-order Republicans against Democratic supporters of immigrants and looser law enforcement. But party politics tells only a fraction of the story. The underlying dispute was between two conflicting visions of the police, each of which had supporters particularly within the Republican Party. Some members of both parties, most notably Dyer, a Democratic, and Republican Mayor John Wentworth, sought to fit the police into the older paternalistic method of keeping order. This chapter considers how the Chicago police came to occupy a central place in city machine politics and discusses Wentworth's organizational police policies that were consistent with his broader paternalistic vision of the institution. It also describes the police's daily activity between 1855 and 1862, including dealing with the problems arising from the Civil War.Less
This chapter examines how the Chicago Police Department evolved into a professional police organization based on the ideology of paternalism. The election of Thomas Dyer as mayor in 1856 started a five-year period of contestation over the basic shape of the new police force. On the surface, this fight pitted law-and-order Republicans against Democratic supporters of immigrants and looser law enforcement. But party politics tells only a fraction of the story. The underlying dispute was between two conflicting visions of the police, each of which had supporters particularly within the Republican Party. Some members of both parties, most notably Dyer, a Democratic, and Republican Mayor John Wentworth, sought to fit the police into the older paternalistic method of keeping order. This chapter considers how the Chicago police came to occupy a central place in city machine politics and discusses Wentworth's organizational police policies that were consistent with his broader paternalistic vision of the institution. It also describes the police's daily activity between 1855 and 1862, including dealing with the problems arising from the Civil War.
Thomas K. Ogorzalek
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- April 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780190668877
- eISBN:
- 9780190668914
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190668877.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This theoretical chapter develops the argument that the conditions of cities—large, densely populated, heterogeneous communities—generate distinctive governance demands supporting (1) market ...
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This theoretical chapter develops the argument that the conditions of cities—large, densely populated, heterogeneous communities—generate distinctive governance demands supporting (1) market interventions and (2) group pluralism. Together, these positions constitute the two dimensions of progressive liberalism. Because of the nature of federalism, such policies are often best pursued at higher levels of government, which means that cities must present a united front in support of city-friendly politics. Such unity is far from assured on the national level, however, because of deep divisions between and within cities that undermine cohesive representation. Strategies for success are enhanced by local institutions of horizontal integration developed to address the governance demands of urbanicity, the effects of which are felt both locally and nationally in the development of cohesive city delegations and a unified urban political order capable of contending with other interests and geographical constituencies in national politics.Less
This theoretical chapter develops the argument that the conditions of cities—large, densely populated, heterogeneous communities—generate distinctive governance demands supporting (1) market interventions and (2) group pluralism. Together, these positions constitute the two dimensions of progressive liberalism. Because of the nature of federalism, such policies are often best pursued at higher levels of government, which means that cities must present a united front in support of city-friendly politics. Such unity is far from assured on the national level, however, because of deep divisions between and within cities that undermine cohesive representation. Strategies for success are enhanced by local institutions of horizontal integration developed to address the governance demands of urbanicity, the effects of which are felt both locally and nationally in the development of cohesive city delegations and a unified urban political order capable of contending with other interests and geographical constituencies in national politics.
Larry Bennett
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226042930
- eISBN:
- 9780226042954
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226042954.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Our traditional image of Chicago—as a gritty metropolis carved into ethnically defined enclaves where the game of machine politics overshadows its ends—is such a powerful shaper of the city's ...
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Our traditional image of Chicago—as a gritty metropolis carved into ethnically defined enclaves where the game of machine politics overshadows its ends—is such a powerful shaper of the city's identity that many of its closest observers fail to notice that a new Chicago has emerged over the past two decades. This book tackles some of our more commonly held ideas about the Windy City—inherited from such icons as Theodore Dreiser, Carl Sandburg, Daniel Burnham, Robert Park, Sara Paretsky, and Mike Royko—with the goal of better understanding Chicago as it is now: the third city. The book calls contemporary Chicago the third city to distinguish it from its two predecessors: the first city, a sprawling industrial center whose historical arc ran from the Civil War to the Great Depression; and the second city, the Rustbelt exemplar of the period from around 1950 to 1990. The third city features a dramatically revitalized urban core, a shifting population mix that includes new immigrant streams, and a growing number of middle-class professionals working in new economy sectors. It is also a city utterly transformed by the top-to-bottom reconstruction of public housing developments and the ambitious provision of public works like Millennium Park. It is, according to this book, a work in progress spearheaded by Richard M. Daley, a self-consciously innovative mayor whose strategy of neighborhood revitalization and urban renewal is a prototype of city governance for the twenty-first century.Less
Our traditional image of Chicago—as a gritty metropolis carved into ethnically defined enclaves where the game of machine politics overshadows its ends—is such a powerful shaper of the city's identity that many of its closest observers fail to notice that a new Chicago has emerged over the past two decades. This book tackles some of our more commonly held ideas about the Windy City—inherited from such icons as Theodore Dreiser, Carl Sandburg, Daniel Burnham, Robert Park, Sara Paretsky, and Mike Royko—with the goal of better understanding Chicago as it is now: the third city. The book calls contemporary Chicago the third city to distinguish it from its two predecessors: the first city, a sprawling industrial center whose historical arc ran from the Civil War to the Great Depression; and the second city, the Rustbelt exemplar of the period from around 1950 to 1990. The third city features a dramatically revitalized urban core, a shifting population mix that includes new immigrant streams, and a growing number of middle-class professionals working in new economy sectors. It is also a city utterly transformed by the top-to-bottom reconstruction of public housing developments and the ambitious provision of public works like Millennium Park. It is, according to this book, a work in progress spearheaded by Richard M. Daley, a self-consciously innovative mayor whose strategy of neighborhood revitalization and urban renewal is a prototype of city governance for the twenty-first century.
Thomas K. Ogorzalek
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- April 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780190668877
- eISBN:
- 9780190668914
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190668877.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This empirical chapter explores the dynamics of city delegation theory, the glue that helps hold together the urban political order’s pieces. The first half of the chapter takes a close look at the ...
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This empirical chapter explores the dynamics of city delegation theory, the glue that helps hold together the urban political order’s pieces. The first half of the chapter takes a close look at the New York and Chicago city delegations in action, emphasizing the role of different institutions in holding the delegations together. The second half of the chapter includes statistical tests of city delegation theory, including an innovative dyadic framework, demonstrating that strong local institutions are associated with greater delegation cohesion. Together, these analyses illustrate that city representatives defend the interests of not only their own constituencies, but of their entire city. The analyses also show that the strength of local institutions of horizontal integration (IHIs) developed to order local government, also promote delegation cohesion in national representation.Less
This empirical chapter explores the dynamics of city delegation theory, the glue that helps hold together the urban political order’s pieces. The first half of the chapter takes a close look at the New York and Chicago city delegations in action, emphasizing the role of different institutions in holding the delegations together. The second half of the chapter includes statistical tests of city delegation theory, including an innovative dyadic framework, demonstrating that strong local institutions are associated with greater delegation cohesion. Together, these analyses illustrate that city representatives defend the interests of not only their own constituencies, but of their entire city. The analyses also show that the strength of local institutions of horizontal integration (IHIs) developed to order local government, also promote delegation cohesion in national representation.
Thomas K. Ogorzalek
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- April 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780190668877
- eISBN:
- 9780190668914
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190668877.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Recent electoral cycles have drawn attention to an urban–rural divide at the heart of American politics. This book traces the origins of red and blue America. The urbanicity divide began with the ...
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Recent electoral cycles have drawn attention to an urban–rural divide at the heart of American politics. This book traces the origins of red and blue America. The urbanicity divide began with the creation of an urban political order that united leaders from major cities and changed the Democratic Party during the New Deal era. These cities, despite being the site of serious, complex conflicts at home, are remarkably cohesive in national politics because members of city delegations represent their city as well as their district. Even though their constituents often don’t see eye-to-eye on important issues, members of these city delegations represent a united city position known as progressive liberalism. Using a wide range of congressional evidence and a unique dataset measuring the urbanicity of U.S. House districts over time, this book argues that city cohesion, an invaluable tool used by cities to address their urgent governance needs through higher levels of government, is fostered by local institutions developed to provide local political order. Crucially, these integrative institutions also helped foster the development of civil rights liberalism by linking constituencies that were not natural allies in support of group pluralism and racial equality. This in turn led to the departure from the coalition of the Southern Democrats, and to our contemporary political environment. The urban combination of diversity and liberalism—supported by institutions that make allies out of rivals—teaches us lessons for governing in a world increasingly characterized by deep social difference and political fragmentation.Less
Recent electoral cycles have drawn attention to an urban–rural divide at the heart of American politics. This book traces the origins of red and blue America. The urbanicity divide began with the creation of an urban political order that united leaders from major cities and changed the Democratic Party during the New Deal era. These cities, despite being the site of serious, complex conflicts at home, are remarkably cohesive in national politics because members of city delegations represent their city as well as their district. Even though their constituents often don’t see eye-to-eye on important issues, members of these city delegations represent a united city position known as progressive liberalism. Using a wide range of congressional evidence and a unique dataset measuring the urbanicity of U.S. House districts over time, this book argues that city cohesion, an invaluable tool used by cities to address their urgent governance needs through higher levels of government, is fostered by local institutions developed to provide local political order. Crucially, these integrative institutions also helped foster the development of civil rights liberalism by linking constituencies that were not natural allies in support of group pluralism and racial equality. This in turn led to the departure from the coalition of the Southern Democrats, and to our contemporary political environment. The urban combination of diversity and liberalism—supported by institutions that make allies out of rivals—teaches us lessons for governing in a world increasingly characterized by deep social difference and political fragmentation.
Robert M. Lombardo
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252037306
- eISBN:
- 9780252094484
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252037306.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter focuses on the organized crime neighborhoods of Chicago, with particular emphasis on five communities in the metropolitan area with a history of being associated with organized crime: ...
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This chapter focuses on the organized crime neighborhoods of Chicago, with particular emphasis on five communities in the metropolitan area with a history of being associated with organized crime: Taylor Street, Grand Avenue, Twenty-sixth Street, the North Side, and the suburb of Chicago Heights. These communities are the locations of the five original “street crews,” or branches, of the Chicago Outfit. In addition to these areas, a number of other Chicago communities have a reputation of being associated with organized crime. These communities differ, however, in that they are all descendant from the five original street crew neighborhoods. The chapter reviews the history of organized crime in each of these street crew neighborhoods and offers a sociological explanation for their emergence in conformance with social organizational theories of crime. It argues that Mafia traditions had no bearing on the existence of racket subcultures in these neighborhoods; instead, organized crime was the direct result of machine politics and the differential organization of these communities.Less
This chapter focuses on the organized crime neighborhoods of Chicago, with particular emphasis on five communities in the metropolitan area with a history of being associated with organized crime: Taylor Street, Grand Avenue, Twenty-sixth Street, the North Side, and the suburb of Chicago Heights. These communities are the locations of the five original “street crews,” or branches, of the Chicago Outfit. In addition to these areas, a number of other Chicago communities have a reputation of being associated with organized crime. These communities differ, however, in that they are all descendant from the five original street crew neighborhoods. The chapter reviews the history of organized crime in each of these street crew neighborhoods and offers a sociological explanation for their emergence in conformance with social organizational theories of crime. It argues that Mafia traditions had no bearing on the existence of racket subcultures in these neighborhoods; instead, organized crime was the direct result of machine politics and the differential organization of these communities.
Robert M. Lombardo
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252037306
- eISBN:
- 9780252094484
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252037306.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter traces the history of vice and crime in Chicago from the Civil War until the beginning of Prohibition, paying special attention to the rise of machine politics under Michael Cassius ...
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This chapter traces the history of vice and crime in Chicago from the Civil War until the beginning of Prohibition, paying special attention to the rise of machine politics under Michael Cassius McDonald, organizer of Chicago's first crime syndicate. It argues that organized crime in Chicago was not imported from the south of Italy but began because Chicago machine politicians provided political protection to vice syndicates and criminal gangs in exchange for votes and campaign contributions. The chapter reviews the history of one vice district that played a significant role in the development of organized crime in Chicago, the Levee, beginning with the original Custom House Levee and its eventual movement to the “New” Levee in the city's Near South Side. It also discusses the roles played by municipal aldermen John Coughlin and Michael Kenna as protectors of vice and crime in Chicago's First Ward. Finally, it analyzes the history of the public outcry against segregated vice and the eventual closure of the Levee vice district.Less
This chapter traces the history of vice and crime in Chicago from the Civil War until the beginning of Prohibition, paying special attention to the rise of machine politics under Michael Cassius McDonald, organizer of Chicago's first crime syndicate. It argues that organized crime in Chicago was not imported from the south of Italy but began because Chicago machine politicians provided political protection to vice syndicates and criminal gangs in exchange for votes and campaign contributions. The chapter reviews the history of one vice district that played a significant role in the development of organized crime in Chicago, the Levee, beginning with the original Custom House Levee and its eventual movement to the “New” Levee in the city's Near South Side. It also discusses the roles played by municipal aldermen John Coughlin and Michael Kenna as protectors of vice and crime in Chicago's First Ward. Finally, it analyzes the history of the public outcry against segregated vice and the eventual closure of the Levee vice district.
Darius J. Young
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780813056272
- eISBN:
- 9780813058061
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813056272.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter begins with the tragic loss of Church’s wife, Sallie. It also covers the height of Church’s influence as a black political leader as he becomes an advisor for Presidents Warren Harding ...
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This chapter begins with the tragic loss of Church’s wife, Sallie. It also covers the height of Church’s influence as a black political leader as he becomes an advisor for Presidents Warren Harding and Calvin Coolidge. It also shows how critical Church was of the Republican Party, as he constantly warned the leaders of the GOP of the possible defection of black support as a result of their failed promises. Finally, it provides a closer look into the relationship between Church and Boss E.H. Crump on a local level and how Church negotiated opportunities for the black community in exchange for supporting Crump’s Democratic machine politics.Less
This chapter begins with the tragic loss of Church’s wife, Sallie. It also covers the height of Church’s influence as a black political leader as he becomes an advisor for Presidents Warren Harding and Calvin Coolidge. It also shows how critical Church was of the Republican Party, as he constantly warned the leaders of the GOP of the possible defection of black support as a result of their failed promises. Finally, it provides a closer look into the relationship between Church and Boss E.H. Crump on a local level and how Church negotiated opportunities for the black community in exchange for supporting Crump’s Democratic machine politics.
