Jochen Prantl
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199287680
- eISBN:
- 9780191603723
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199287686.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter develops various propositions on the dynamics between informal groups of states and the UN Security Council by applying the analytical framework of exit, voice, and loyalty. It argues ...
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This chapter develops various propositions on the dynamics between informal groups of states and the UN Security Council by applying the analytical framework of exit, voice, and loyalty. It argues that informal mechanisms may enhance SC governance if they are able to strike a balance between inclusiveness, efficiency, informality, transparency, and accountability.Less
This chapter develops various propositions on the dynamics between informal groups of states and the UN Security Council by applying the analytical framework of exit, voice, and loyalty. It argues that informal mechanisms may enhance SC governance if they are able to strike a balance between inclusiveness, efficiency, informality, transparency, and accountability.
Christopher Hood and Martin Lodge
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199269679
- eISBN:
- 9780191604096
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019926967X.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The traditional understandings that structure the relationships between public servants and the wider political system are said to have undergone considerable change. But what are these formalized ...
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The traditional understandings that structure the relationships between public servants and the wider political system are said to have undergone considerable change. But what are these formalized and implicit understandings? What are the key dimensions of such bargains? In what conditions do bargains rise and fall? And has there been a universal and uniform change in these bargains? This book offers a distinct perspective to answer these questions. It develops a unique analytical perspective to account for diverse bargains within systems of executive government. Drawing on comparative experiences from different state traditions, it examines ideas and contemporary developments along three key dimensions of any Public Service Bargain: reward, competency, and loyalty and responsibility. The book points to diverse and differentiated developments across national systems of executive government, and suggests how different ‘bargains’ are prone to cheating by their constituent parties. It explores the context in which managerial bargains — widely seen to be at the heart of contemporary administrative reform movements — are likely to catch on and considers how cheating is likely to destabilize such bargains.Less
The traditional understandings that structure the relationships between public servants and the wider political system are said to have undergone considerable change. But what are these formalized and implicit understandings? What are the key dimensions of such bargains? In what conditions do bargains rise and fall? And has there been a universal and uniform change in these bargains? This book offers a distinct perspective to answer these questions. It develops a unique analytical perspective to account for diverse bargains within systems of executive government. Drawing on comparative experiences from different state traditions, it examines ideas and contemporary developments along three key dimensions of any Public Service Bargain: reward, competency, and loyalty and responsibility. The book points to diverse and differentiated developments across national systems of executive government, and suggests how different ‘bargains’ are prone to cheating by their constituent parties. It explores the context in which managerial bargains — widely seen to be at the heart of contemporary administrative reform movements — are likely to catch on and considers how cheating is likely to destabilize such bargains.
Jochen Prantl
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199287680
- eISBN:
- 9780191603723
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199287686.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter introduces and defines the terms ‘informal groups of states’, ‘groups of friends’, and ‘contact groups’. It develops a synergistic analytical framework, identifying the causal mechanisms ...
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This chapter introduces and defines the terms ‘informal groups of states’, ‘groups of friends’, and ‘contact groups’. It develops a synergistic analytical framework, identifying the causal mechanisms that contribute to the formation of informal groups of states by borrowing from insights of theories of agency and delegation. It challenges the proposition that centralization and independence are key functional characteristics of international organizations which enhance efficiency. Instead, it argues that decentralization via informal groups of states allows the achievement of policy goals that would be unattainable in a centralized setting. The typology of exit, voice, and loyalty is incorporated into analytical framework to explain the dynamics between informal groups and the Security Council. Such an approach provides substantial explanatory leverage to explain the institutional effects of the Security Council under conditions of systemic change. The chapter concludes with an outline of the book’s contents.Less
This chapter introduces and defines the terms ‘informal groups of states’, ‘groups of friends’, and ‘contact groups’. It develops a synergistic analytical framework, identifying the causal mechanisms that contribute to the formation of informal groups of states by borrowing from insights of theories of agency and delegation. It challenges the proposition that centralization and independence are key functional characteristics of international organizations which enhance efficiency. Instead, it argues that decentralization via informal groups of states allows the achievement of policy goals that would be unattainable in a centralized setting. The typology of exit, voice, and loyalty is incorporated into analytical framework to explain the dynamics between informal groups and the Security Council. Such an approach provides substantial explanatory leverage to explain the institutional effects of the Security Council under conditions of systemic change. The chapter concludes with an outline of the book’s contents.
Jochen Prantl
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199287680
- eISBN:
- 9780191603723
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199287686.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter illustrates the extreme case of conducting crisis management outside the UN framework without explicit authorization of the Security Council. It argues that despite the marginalization ...
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This chapter illustrates the extreme case of conducting crisis management outside the UN framework without explicit authorization of the Security Council. It argues that despite the marginalization of the Security Council in the management of the crisis, the institution continued to exert a pull on the players to seek post-hoc legitimization of the settlement. The prospect of re-involving the United Nations constituted an important precondition for the resolution of conflict. Ancillary to the first point, G-8 and Troika were instrumental in providing a platform for the re-involvement of the United Nations. Exiting the UN framework allowed the use of military force, which the Western Alliance considered necessary to achieve political outcomes. The retreat to informal settings such as Quint, G-8, and Troika allowed the merging of the military and political track of conflict management that had been disconnected.Less
This chapter illustrates the extreme case of conducting crisis management outside the UN framework without explicit authorization of the Security Council. It argues that despite the marginalization of the Security Council in the management of the crisis, the institution continued to exert a pull on the players to seek post-hoc legitimization of the settlement. The prospect of re-involving the United Nations constituted an important precondition for the resolution of conflict. Ancillary to the first point, G-8 and Troika were instrumental in providing a platform for the re-involvement of the United Nations. Exiting the UN framework allowed the use of military force, which the Western Alliance considered necessary to achieve political outcomes. The retreat to informal settings such as Quint, G-8, and Troika allowed the merging of the military and political track of conflict management that had been disconnected.
Asifa Hussain and William Miller
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199280711
- eISBN:
- 9780191604102
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199280711.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Majority Scots have less contact, friendship, and knowledge of the minorities than the minorities have of the majority. Minority perceptions of the majority are broadly accurate. In particular, they ...
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Majority Scots have less contact, friendship, and knowledge of the minorities than the minorities have of the majority. Minority perceptions of the majority are broadly accurate. In particular, they are aware that the majority doubts the loyalty of minorities (English and Muslim) to Scotland. The frequent exposure to ethnic jokes and intentional insults have a dramatic impact on minorities’ perceptions, even though the victims try hard to believe that their harassers are exceptional rather than typical. These personal experiences have significantly more impact on English immigrants’ perceptions of the majority’s Anglophobia than on Muslims’ perceptions of the majority’s Islamophobia. English immigrants suffered less harassment but coped worse and reacted more indignantly. Signals from the new Scottish Parliament to minorities were critically important in determining minorities’ perceptions of the majority. The Parliament’s inclusive, multicultural publicity campaigns may have greater impact on the minorities’ perceptions than on the majority’s actual prejudices.Less
Majority Scots have less contact, friendship, and knowledge of the minorities than the minorities have of the majority. Minority perceptions of the majority are broadly accurate. In particular, they are aware that the majority doubts the loyalty of minorities (English and Muslim) to Scotland. The frequent exposure to ethnic jokes and intentional insults have a dramatic impact on minorities’ perceptions, even though the victims try hard to believe that their harassers are exceptional rather than typical. These personal experiences have significantly more impact on English immigrants’ perceptions of the majority’s Anglophobia than on Muslims’ perceptions of the majority’s Islamophobia. English immigrants suffered less harassment but coped worse and reacted more indignantly. Signals from the new Scottish Parliament to minorities were critically important in determining minorities’ perceptions of the majority. The Parliament’s inclusive, multicultural publicity campaigns may have greater impact on the minorities’ perceptions than on the majority’s actual prejudices.
Christopher Hood and Martin Lodge
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199269679
- eISBN:
- 9780191604096
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019926967X.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter introduces the notion of Public Service Bargain (PSB) and points to variations in its three dimensions: reward, competency, and loyalty and responsibility. Based on these variations, it ...
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This chapter introduces the notion of Public Service Bargain (PSB) and points to variations in its three dimensions: reward, competency, and loyalty and responsibility. Based on these variations, it discusses the centrality of PSBs for politics and points to the intellectual origins of the idea. The distinction between trustee- and agency-bargains is introduced.Less
This chapter introduces the notion of Public Service Bargain (PSB) and points to variations in its three dimensions: reward, competency, and loyalty and responsibility. Based on these variations, it discusses the centrality of PSBs for politics and points to the intellectual origins of the idea. The distinction between trustee- and agency-bargains is introduced.
Christopher Hood and Martin Lodge
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199269679
- eISBN:
- 9780191604096
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019926967X.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter discusses the loyalty dimension of public service bargains, exploring four types of loyalty-type bargains: judge-, partner-, executive- and jester-type bargains. It gives examples of ...
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This chapter discusses the loyalty dimension of public service bargains, exploring four types of loyalty-type bargains: judge-, partner-, executive- and jester-type bargains. It gives examples of each, discusses the curious case of jester-type bargains, and explores mixes and matches. The chapter shows how these types of loyalty bargain have played out in the German and UK political systems, and discusses the direction of changes over time.Less
This chapter discusses the loyalty dimension of public service bargains, exploring four types of loyalty-type bargains: judge-, partner-, executive- and jester-type bargains. It gives examples of each, discusses the curious case of jester-type bargains, and explores mixes and matches. The chapter shows how these types of loyalty bargain have played out in the German and UK political systems, and discusses the direction of changes over time.
Christopher Hood and Martin Lodge
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199269679
- eISBN:
- 9780191604096
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019926967X.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The first part of this chapter brings together the earlier analysis and considers combinations of public service bargains, suggesting there are many possible combinations, but also some elements that ...
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The first part of this chapter brings together the earlier analysis and considers combinations of public service bargains, suggesting there are many possible combinations, but also some elements that do not seem to mix effectively. It then goes on to show how the various dimensions of PSBs have combined over time in two state traditions, Germany and the UK. It shows how a PSB lens can be utilized in different historical perspectives, ranging from the long-term perspective covering two centuries to the analysis of the past two decades.Less
The first part of this chapter brings together the earlier analysis and considers combinations of public service bargains, suggesting there are many possible combinations, but also some elements that do not seem to mix effectively. It then goes on to show how the various dimensions of PSBs have combined over time in two state traditions, Germany and the UK. It shows how a PSB lens can be utilized in different historical perspectives, ranging from the long-term perspective covering two centuries to the analysis of the past two decades.
Suzanne R. Westfall
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198128809
- eISBN:
- 9780191671708
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198128809.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, Drama
This book is the first to examine early Tudor theatre specifically from the perspective of the great households of England. The aristocrats of the sixteenth century commissioned, funded, and staged ...
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This book is the first to examine early Tudor theatre specifically from the perspective of the great households of England. The aristocrats of the sixteenth century commissioned, funded, and staged complex and often lavish entertainments for their households including plays, masques, concerts, dances, and sports. These thematically and stylistically unified revels, watched by guests and retainers, were designed to swell the social and artistic reputation of the patron and to communicate his ideology — in fact to delight the eye and ear while selectively educating the mind and soul. Theatre became for the nobleman a means to secure loyalty, a loyalty that both reflected and reinforced his political power. Important both as a collection of primary source documents and for its detailed examination of them, this book first considers the evolution, theatrical talents, duties and privileges, and techniques of retained performers, including Chapel Children and Gentlemen, minstrels, playwrights, and players. It then proceeds to a discussion of the interlude and of how the unique relationship between nobleman and artist affects the play's characters, theme, and structures.Less
This book is the first to examine early Tudor theatre specifically from the perspective of the great households of England. The aristocrats of the sixteenth century commissioned, funded, and staged complex and often lavish entertainments for their households including plays, masques, concerts, dances, and sports. These thematically and stylistically unified revels, watched by guests and retainers, were designed to swell the social and artistic reputation of the patron and to communicate his ideology — in fact to delight the eye and ear while selectively educating the mind and soul. Theatre became for the nobleman a means to secure loyalty, a loyalty that both reflected and reinforced his political power. Important both as a collection of primary source documents and for its detailed examination of them, this book first considers the evolution, theatrical talents, duties and privileges, and techniques of retained performers, including Chapel Children and Gentlemen, minstrels, playwrights, and players. It then proceeds to a discussion of the interlude and of how the unique relationship between nobleman and artist affects the play's characters, theme, and structures.
Patrick Major
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199243280
- eISBN:
- 9780191714061
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199243280.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
Few historical changes occur literally overnight, but on 13 August 1961 18 million East Germans awoke to find themselves walled in by an edifice which was to become synonymous with the Cold War: the ...
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Few historical changes occur literally overnight, but on 13 August 1961 18 million East Germans awoke to find themselves walled in by an edifice which was to become synonymous with the Cold War: the Berlin Wall. This new history rejects traditional, top‐down approaches to Cold War politics, exploring instead how the border closure affected ordinary East Germans, from workers and farmers to teenagers and even party members, ‘caught out’ by Sunday the Thirteenth. Party, police, and Stasi reports reveal why one in six East Germans fled the country during the 1950s, undermining communist rule and forcing the eleventh‐hour decision by Khrushchev and Ulbricht to build a wall along the Cold War's frontline. Did East Germans resist or come to terms with immurement? Did the communist regime become more or less dictatorial within the confines of the so‐called ‘Antifascist Defence Rampart’? Using film and literature, but also the GDR's losing battle against Beatlemania, Patrick Major's cross‐disciplinary study suggests that popular culture both reinforced and undermined the closed society. Linking external and internal developments, Major argues that the GDR's official quest for international recognition, culminating in Ostpolitik and United Nations membership in the early 1970s, became its undoing, unleashing a human rights movement which fed into, but then broke with, the protests of 1989. After exploring the reasons for the fall of the Wall and reconstructing the heady days of the autumn revolution, the author reflects on the fate of the Wall after 1989, as it moved from demolition into the realm of memory.Less
Few historical changes occur literally overnight, but on 13 August 1961 18 million East Germans awoke to find themselves walled in by an edifice which was to become synonymous with the Cold War: the Berlin Wall. This new history rejects traditional, top‐down approaches to Cold War politics, exploring instead how the border closure affected ordinary East Germans, from workers and farmers to teenagers and even party members, ‘caught out’ by Sunday the Thirteenth. Party, police, and Stasi reports reveal why one in six East Germans fled the country during the 1950s, undermining communist rule and forcing the eleventh‐hour decision by Khrushchev and Ulbricht to build a wall along the Cold War's frontline. Did East Germans resist or come to terms with immurement? Did the communist regime become more or less dictatorial within the confines of the so‐called ‘Antifascist Defence Rampart’? Using film and literature, but also the GDR's losing battle against Beatlemania, Patrick Major's cross‐disciplinary study suggests that popular culture both reinforced and undermined the closed society. Linking external and internal developments, Major argues that the GDR's official quest for international recognition, culminating in Ostpolitik and United Nations membership in the early 1970s, became its undoing, unleashing a human rights movement which fed into, but then broke with, the protests of 1989. After exploring the reasons for the fall of the Wall and reconstructing the heady days of the autumn revolution, the author reflects on the fate of the Wall after 1989, as it moved from demolition into the realm of memory.
George P. Fletcher
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195098327
- eISBN:
- 9780199852901
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195098327.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy
This book offers an account of loyalty that illuminates its role in our relationships with family and friends, our ties to country, and the commitment of the religious to God and their community. The ...
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This book offers an account of loyalty that illuminates its role in our relationships with family and friends, our ties to country, and the commitment of the religious to God and their community. The book opposes the traditional view of the moral self as detached from context and history. It argues instead that loyalty, not impartial detachment, should be the central feature of our moral and political lives. It claims that a commitment to country is necessary to improve the lot of the poor and disadvantaged. This commitment to country may well require greater reliance on patriotic rituals in education and a reconsideration of the Supreme Court's extending the First Amendment to protect flag burning. Given the worldwide currents of parochialism and political decentralization, the task for us, the book argues, is to renew our commitment to a single nation united in its diversity. The book reasons that the legal systems should defer to existing relationships of loyalty. Familial, professional, and religious loyalties should be respected as relationships beyond the limits of the law. Yet the question remains: Aren't loyalty, and particularly patriotism, dangerously one-sided? Indeed, they are, but no more than are love and friendship. The challenge, the book maintains, is to overcome the distorting effects of impartial morality and to develop a morality of loyalty properly suited to our emotional and spiritual lives. Justice has its sphere, as do loyalties.Less
This book offers an account of loyalty that illuminates its role in our relationships with family and friends, our ties to country, and the commitment of the religious to God and their community. The book opposes the traditional view of the moral self as detached from context and history. It argues instead that loyalty, not impartial detachment, should be the central feature of our moral and political lives. It claims that a commitment to country is necessary to improve the lot of the poor and disadvantaged. This commitment to country may well require greater reliance on patriotic rituals in education and a reconsideration of the Supreme Court's extending the First Amendment to protect flag burning. Given the worldwide currents of parochialism and political decentralization, the task for us, the book argues, is to renew our commitment to a single nation united in its diversity. The book reasons that the legal systems should defer to existing relationships of loyalty. Familial, professional, and religious loyalties should be respected as relationships beyond the limits of the law. Yet the question remains: Aren't loyalty, and particularly patriotism, dangerously one-sided? Indeed, they are, but no more than are love and friendship. The challenge, the book maintains, is to overcome the distorting effects of impartial morality and to develop a morality of loyalty properly suited to our emotional and spiritual lives. Justice has its sphere, as do loyalties.
Maurizio Ferrera
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199284665
- eISBN:
- 9780191603273
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199284660.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
The chapter surveys the “state-building” literature and discusses, in particular, the works of Stein Rokkan and of Albert Hirschman, highlighting their usefulness for studying welfare state ...
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The chapter surveys the “state-building” literature and discusses, in particular, the works of Stein Rokkan and of Albert Hirschman, highlighting their usefulness for studying welfare state developments. An original analytical framework is proposed for the exploration of spatial politics, based on a combination of “vocality” and “locality” options. The chapter then discusses the emergence and evolution of modern citizenship as a form of spatial closure, and proposes an interpretation of social rights as products of structuring processes.Less
The chapter surveys the “state-building” literature and discusses, in particular, the works of Stein Rokkan and of Albert Hirschman, highlighting their usefulness for studying welfare state developments. An original analytical framework is proposed for the exploration of spatial politics, based on a combination of “vocality” and “locality” options. The chapter then discusses the emergence and evolution of modern citizenship as a form of spatial closure, and proposes an interpretation of social rights as products of structuring processes.
George P. Fletcher
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195156287
- eISBN:
- 9780199872169
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195156285.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter confronts the problem of conferring meaning on the violence of armed conflict – is it crime, or is it war? – and addresses the questions of treason and loyalty that arose during the ...
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This chapter confronts the problem of conferring meaning on the violence of armed conflict – is it crime, or is it war? – and addresses the questions of treason and loyalty that arose during the Reconstruction as the U.S. reached for reconciliation between North and South. These oppositions are illuminated in discussions of the treatment of John Brown following his raid on Harper's Ferry; the fate of Jefferson Davis; and the problem of the Prize Cases, in which the Supreme Court determined the legality of the Southern blockade.Less
This chapter confronts the problem of conferring meaning on the violence of armed conflict – is it crime, or is it war? – and addresses the questions of treason and loyalty that arose during the Reconstruction as the U.S. reached for reconciliation between North and South. These oppositions are illuminated in discussions of the treatment of John Brown following his raid on Harper's Ferry; the fate of Jefferson Davis; and the problem of the Prize Cases, in which the Supreme Court determined the legality of the Southern blockade.
M. Victoria Murillo
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199241149
- eISBN:
- 9780191598920
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199241147.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
After the Debt Crisis of 1982, the PRI implemented policies of stabilization and structural reforms although it had previously advanced protectionism and state intervention during the post‐war ...
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After the Debt Crisis of 1982, the PRI implemented policies of stabilization and structural reforms although it had previously advanced protectionism and state intervention during the post‐war period. These reforms triggered processes of industrial restructuring in the private and public sector and challenged the very institutions, which had sustained the historic alliance between unions and the PRI in the aftermath of the Mexican Revolution. Although the majority of Mexican unions were subordinated to the governing party, some unions chose to negotiate or oppose the reforms. This chapter analyses the responses of the Mexican Workers’ Confederation (CTM) and industry‐specific unions in the automobile, education, electricity, oil, and telecommunication sectors, to explain the variation in the responses of Mexican unions. It focuses on the common behaviour of union leaders facing similar challenges linked to structural reform and the resulting exposure to international economic forces. It explains union responses by highlighting the influence of the competition among unions for the representation of workers and the competition among leaders for the control of the union as well as the historical legacies of the PRI‐CTM relationship.Less
After the Debt Crisis of 1982, the PRI implemented policies of stabilization and structural reforms although it had previously advanced protectionism and state intervention during the post‐war period. These reforms triggered processes of industrial restructuring in the private and public sector and challenged the very institutions, which had sustained the historic alliance between unions and the PRI in the aftermath of the Mexican Revolution. Although the majority of Mexican unions were subordinated to the governing party, some unions chose to negotiate or oppose the reforms. This chapter analyses the responses of the Mexican Workers’ Confederation (CTM) and industry‐specific unions in the automobile, education, electricity, oil, and telecommunication sectors, to explain the variation in the responses of Mexican unions. It focuses on the common behaviour of union leaders facing similar challenges linked to structural reform and the resulting exposure to international economic forces. It explains union responses by highlighting the influence of the competition among unions for the representation of workers and the competition among leaders for the control of the union as well as the historical legacies of the PRI‐CTM relationship.
Chandran Kukathas
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199257546
- eISBN:
- 9780191599705
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019925754X.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This introductory chapter puts forth the main thesis of this book, which addresses the question: what is the principled basis of a free society marked by cultural diversity and group loyalties? It ...
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This introductory chapter puts forth the main thesis of this book, which addresses the question: what is the principled basis of a free society marked by cultural diversity and group loyalties? It argues that a free society is an open society, and thus, the principles that describe its nature must be those which admit the variability of human arrangements rather than fix or establish or uphold a determinate set of institutions within a closed order. This theory is contrasted with that of Canadian philosopher Will Kymlicka on liberalism. An overview of the chapters in this volume is presented.Less
This introductory chapter puts forth the main thesis of this book, which addresses the question: what is the principled basis of a free society marked by cultural diversity and group loyalties? It argues that a free society is an open society, and thus, the principles that describe its nature must be those which admit the variability of human arrangements rather than fix or establish or uphold a determinate set of institutions within a closed order. This theory is contrasted with that of Canadian philosopher Will Kymlicka on liberalism. An overview of the chapters in this volume is presented.
Kevin McDonough
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199253661
- eISBN:
- 9780191601972
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199253668.003.0014
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The essays in Part III of the book, on liberal constraints and traditionalist education, argue for a more regulatory conception of liberal education and emphasize the need for some controls over ...
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The essays in Part III of the book, on liberal constraints and traditionalist education, argue for a more regulatory conception of liberal education and emphasize the need for some controls over cultural and religious educational authority. Kevin McDonough’s essay, on multinational civic education, develops a conception of this that allows for both federal and minority national groups to reinforce conditional civic attachments. This ‘conditionalist’ view of civic education is necessary in multinational federal societies, he argues, because appeals to one set of national attachments may exacerbate rather than alleviate particular injustices in particular circumstances. For example, McDonough argues that when aboriginal women and children are the victims of injustice at the hands of tribal institutions and leaders, they must be able to appeal to their fellow non-aboriginal citizens and federal institutions for assistance, although this is not possible unless citizens – aboriginal and otherwise – have come to regard attachments to the minority nation as conditional rather than absolute. Similarly, citizens whose primary identification is to the federal society must be able to recognize that some of their fellow citizens legitimately have a minority nation as the object of their primary loyalty – otherwise, efforts to support federal intervention in minority national affairs will be vulnerable to forces of cultural insensitivity and arrogance, rather than of liberal justice.Less
The essays in Part III of the book, on liberal constraints and traditionalist education, argue for a more regulatory conception of liberal education and emphasize the need for some controls over cultural and religious educational authority. Kevin McDonough’s essay, on multinational civic education, develops a conception of this that allows for both federal and minority national groups to reinforce conditional civic attachments. This ‘conditionalist’ view of civic education is necessary in multinational federal societies, he argues, because appeals to one set of national attachments may exacerbate rather than alleviate particular injustices in particular circumstances. For example, McDonough argues that when aboriginal women and children are the victims of injustice at the hands of tribal institutions and leaders, they must be able to appeal to their fellow non-aboriginal citizens and federal institutions for assistance, although this is not possible unless citizens – aboriginal and otherwise – have come to regard attachments to the minority nation as conditional rather than absolute. Similarly, citizens whose primary identification is to the federal society must be able to recognize that some of their fellow citizens legitimately have a minority nation as the object of their primary loyalty – otherwise, efforts to support federal intervention in minority national affairs will be vulnerable to forces of cultural insensitivity and arrogance, rather than of liberal justice.
Richard Sennett
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294962
- eISBN:
- 9780191598708
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294964.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Sandel earns his theory by history: the last two-thirds of Democracy’s Discontent, called “The Political Economy of Citizenship,” explores with great historical acumen just how liberalism and ...
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Sandel earns his theory by history: the last two-thirds of Democracy’s Discontent, called “The Political Economy of Citizenship,” explores with great historical acumen just how liberalism and republicanism have become manifest in the real world of labor, class, and capitalist development. At each stage of capitalism’s development, the concepts of the liberal, “procedural” republic proved better at rationalizing economic growth. The modern economy is, we know, uprooting large numbers of people who now labor at short-term tasks rather than pursue long-term careers; it’s hard to be loyal to corporations which do not practice loyalty in return, harder to take seriously the current hand-wringing about corporate responsibility on the part of institutions compulsively oriented to their quarterly earnings reports. Words like “duty” and “loyalty” do contain in themselves a coercive undertow, and it is that current in Sandel’s thinking which his most serious critics, such as Richard Rorty, have contested. Sandel sees civil society culminating in political action–or thinks it should move in that direction if we are to do battle with an ever more corrosive capitalism; for Rorty, civil society, whether strong or weak, ironic or blind, stands beyond the reach of politics, and the “network of beliefs and desires” that he calls the self is too complicated a map to have a single destination.Less
Sandel earns his theory by history: the last two-thirds of Democracy’s Discontent, called “The Political Economy of Citizenship,” explores with great historical acumen just how liberalism and republicanism have become manifest in the real world of labor, class, and capitalist development. At each stage of capitalism’s development, the concepts of the liberal, “procedural” republic proved better at rationalizing economic growth. The modern economy is, we know, uprooting large numbers of people who now labor at short-term tasks rather than pursue long-term careers; it’s hard to be loyal to corporations which do not practice loyalty in return, harder to take seriously the current hand-wringing about corporate responsibility on the part of institutions compulsively oriented to their quarterly earnings reports. Words like “duty” and “loyalty” do contain in themselves a coercive undertow, and it is that current in Sandel’s thinking which his most serious critics, such as Richard Rorty, have contested. Sandel sees civil society culminating in political action–or thinks it should move in that direction if we are to do battle with an ever more corrosive capitalism; for Rorty, civil society, whether strong or weak, ironic or blind, stands beyond the reach of politics, and the “network of beliefs and desires” that he calls the self is too complicated a map to have a single destination.
Jan Sundberg
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240562
- eISBN:
- 9780191600296
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240566.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Scandinavian party systems have often been seen as ‘ultra stable’, a view that was certainly justified between 1945 and the early 1970; however, the general election of 1973 in Denmark signalled a ...
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Scandinavian party systems have often been seen as ‘ultra stable’, a view that was certainly justified between 1945 and the early 1970; however, the general election of 1973 in Denmark signalled a new era of instability as the three major parties saw their aggregate share of the vote slashed; soon similar developments became visible in Norway, to some extent in Finland, and (a little later) in Sweden. The main political actors in the Scandinavian democracies are organized around conflicts between labour and capital, and between the rural peripheries and urban centres; the five party families of the classic Scandinavian model (social democracy, conservatism, liberalism, agrarian ‘centrism’, and communism) are deeply anchored in these social bases, with class especially having been a more important determinant of party loyalty than in other west European democracies; in particular, the mutual tolerance and moderation that parties typically accord each other in consensus democracies has resulted in the creation of an extensive and well‐known mixed welfare economy. However, the classic five‐party model no longer provides a comprehensive account of party politics in Scandinavia: since the early 1970s a variety of other parties, old and new, have emerged, and this has led to doubt as to whether the Scandinavian party systems remain distinctive, although they may still be located in the category of moderate pluralism. The increasing fragmentation of parliaments has also affected governments in different ways in the four countries. The introduction discusses these changes; the next three sections cover the same topics as those in the other country case studies in the book, and examine (the erosion of) party legitimacy, party organizational strength (finance, members), and the systemic functionality of political parties (in governance, political recruitment, interest articulation and aggregation, political participation, and political communication).Less
Scandinavian party systems have often been seen as ‘ultra stable’, a view that was certainly justified between 1945 and the early 1970; however, the general election of 1973 in Denmark signalled a new era of instability as the three major parties saw their aggregate share of the vote slashed; soon similar developments became visible in Norway, to some extent in Finland, and (a little later) in Sweden. The main political actors in the Scandinavian democracies are organized around conflicts between labour and capital, and between the rural peripheries and urban centres; the five party families of the classic Scandinavian model (social democracy, conservatism, liberalism, agrarian ‘centrism’, and communism) are deeply anchored in these social bases, with class especially having been a more important determinant of party loyalty than in other west European democracies; in particular, the mutual tolerance and moderation that parties typically accord each other in consensus democracies has resulted in the creation of an extensive and well‐known mixed welfare economy. However, the classic five‐party model no longer provides a comprehensive account of party politics in Scandinavia: since the early 1970s a variety of other parties, old and new, have emerged, and this has led to doubt as to whether the Scandinavian party systems remain distinctive, although they may still be located in the category of moderate pluralism. The increasing fragmentation of parliaments has also affected governments in different ways in the four countries. The introduction discusses these changes; the next three sections cover the same topics as those in the other country case studies in the book, and examine (the erosion of) party legitimacy, party organizational strength (finance, members), and the systemic functionality of political parties (in governance, political recruitment, interest articulation and aggregation, political participation, and political communication).
Samuel Scheffler
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199257676
- eISBN:
- 9780191600197
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199257671.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Liberalism today is criticized from the opposing standpoints of particularism and globalism, the former claiming that liberalism underestimates the importance of national, cultural, and communal ...
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Liberalism today is criticized from the opposing standpoints of particularism and globalism, the former claiming that liberalism underestimates the importance of national, cultural, and communal ties, and the latter claiming that liberalism is not sensitive enough to questions of international morality. Each of these criticisms points to a different tension within liberal theory—the particularist criticism to the tension between liberalism's explicit voluntarism and its implicit nationalism, and the globalist criticism to the tension between liberalism's commitment to egalitarianism and its commitment to particularism about political responsibility. These tensions within liberal theory are explored through Scheffler's discussion of debates about associative duties. The two tensions reflect liberalism's difficulty in jointly accommodating the three values of autonomy, moral equality, and loyalty.Less
Liberalism today is criticized from the opposing standpoints of particularism and globalism, the former claiming that liberalism underestimates the importance of national, cultural, and communal ties, and the latter claiming that liberalism is not sensitive enough to questions of international morality. Each of these criticisms points to a different tension within liberal theory—the particularist criticism to the tension between liberalism's explicit voluntarism and its implicit nationalism, and the globalist criticism to the tension between liberalism's commitment to egalitarianism and its commitment to particularism about political responsibility. These tensions within liberal theory are explored through Scheffler's discussion of debates about associative duties. The two tensions reflect liberalism's difficulty in jointly accommodating the three values of autonomy, moral equality, and loyalty.
Jacob T. Levy
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198297123
- eISBN:
- 9780191599767
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198297122.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Arguments for universalized nationalism, for a nationalism of all nations, must fail. In such a universal argument, ‘nation’ must be a descriptive concept, and it must be one that allows for a world ...
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Arguments for universalized nationalism, for a nationalism of all nations, must fail. In such a universal argument, ‘nation’ must be a descriptive concept, and it must be one that allows for a world of neatly separated and mutually exclusive nations. But the only accurate sense of ‘nation’ as a descriptive concept includes the observed identification and loyalty that persons feel. Arguments that one ought to be loyal to a particular nation, e.g. to a linguistic nation (Quebec) rather than to a civic nation (Canada), therefore cannot escape circularity. They cannot argue for loyalty to a group that is defined by loyalty in the first place. Moreover, the lack of any criteria that consistently demarcate nations from one another, the fact that some nations are linguistic groups, some are religious groups, some are state‐citizenship groups, and so on, makes universalization impossible.Less
Arguments for universalized nationalism, for a nationalism of all nations, must fail. In such a universal argument, ‘nation’ must be a descriptive concept, and it must be one that allows for a world of neatly separated and mutually exclusive nations. But the only accurate sense of ‘nation’ as a descriptive concept includes the observed identification and loyalty that persons feel. Arguments that one ought to be loyal to a particular nation, e.g. to a linguistic nation (Quebec) rather than to a civic nation (Canada), therefore cannot escape circularity. They cannot argue for loyalty to a group that is defined by loyalty in the first place. Moreover, the lack of any criteria that consistently demarcate nations from one another, the fact that some nations are linguistic groups, some are religious groups, some are state‐citizenship groups, and so on, makes universalization impossible.
