Christopher Hood and Martin Lodge
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199269679
- eISBN:
- 9780191604096
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019926967X.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter discusses the way in which ‘agency’ bargains need to be understood in their rather specific meaning under the law of agency. It then discusses under what circumstances democratic ...
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This chapter discusses the way in which ‘agency’ bargains need to be understood in their rather specific meaning under the law of agency. It then discusses under what circumstances democratic political systems favour agency-type bargains. Agency bargains vary on two key dimensions: on the extent of specific direction under which public servants operate, and on whether delegated agency bargains are single- or multiple-principle. Four variants of agency bargains are explored, namely serial and personal loyalist variants of agency bargains, and simple and complex forms of delegated agency bargains.Less
This chapter discusses the way in which ‘agency’ bargains need to be understood in their rather specific meaning under the law of agency. It then discusses under what circumstances democratic political systems favour agency-type bargains. Agency bargains vary on two key dimensions: on the extent of specific direction under which public servants operate, and on whether delegated agency bargains are single- or multiple-principle. Four variants of agency bargains are explored, namely serial and personal loyalist variants of agency bargains, and simple and complex forms of delegated agency bargains.
Michael Brydon
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199204816
- eISBN:
- 9780191709500
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199204816.003.0003
- Subject:
- Religion, Church History
The avant-garde clerical group came to enjoy ascendancy in the 1630s, and consequently, their comprehension of the Polity enjoyed a dominant position. This collapsed, however, with the crumbling of ...
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The avant-garde clerical group came to enjoy ascendancy in the 1630s, and consequently, their comprehension of the Polity enjoyed a dominant position. This collapsed, however, with the crumbling of royal power, and something akin to a Reformed understanding of Hooker reasserted itself before the English Church was suppressed entirely during the Civil War. In the face of outright hostility, even former Church moderates amongst them were forced to become more extreme and embrace what can arguably be described as an Anglican interpretation of Hooker.Less
The avant-garde clerical group came to enjoy ascendancy in the 1630s, and consequently, their comprehension of the Polity enjoyed a dominant position. This collapsed, however, with the crumbling of royal power, and something akin to a Reformed understanding of Hooker reasserted itself before the English Church was suppressed entirely during the Civil War. In the face of outright hostility, even former Church moderates amongst them were forced to become more extreme and embrace what can arguably be described as an Anglican interpretation of Hooker.
John A. Ragosta
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195388060
- eISBN:
- 9780199866779
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195388060.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
While Virginia's establishment was forced to negotiate with its religious dissenters to encourage mobilization, and while Britain had historically been associated with protecting dissenter interests ...
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While Virginia's establishment was forced to negotiate with its religious dissenters to encourage mobilization, and while Britain had historically been associated with protecting dissenter interests in the late colonial period, Britain did not effectively use religion to encourage loyalty. Lord Dunmore was ineffective in rallying loyalists in Virginia, especially after he supported mobilization of slaves and Indians, and apparently did not understand the serious problem of dissent in Virginia. More generally, British officials, convinced by loyalists that dissenters had played a leading role in fomenting rebellion, planned to win the war and establish the Anglican Church even more fully in America, preventing any serious effort to use British protection of religious dissent to encourage loyalty. Reports that Britain used John Wesley to encourage loyalism among American Methodists are ill‐founded but indicative of the deep concerns of Virginia's establishment.Less
While Virginia's establishment was forced to negotiate with its religious dissenters to encourage mobilization, and while Britain had historically been associated with protecting dissenter interests in the late colonial period, Britain did not effectively use religion to encourage loyalty. Lord Dunmore was ineffective in rallying loyalists in Virginia, especially after he supported mobilization of slaves and Indians, and apparently did not understand the serious problem of dissent in Virginia. More generally, British officials, convinced by loyalists that dissenters had played a leading role in fomenting rebellion, planned to win the war and establish the Anglican Church even more fully in America, preventing any serious effort to use British protection of religious dissent to encourage loyalty. Reports that Britain used John Wesley to encourage loyalism among American Methodists are ill‐founded but indicative of the deep concerns of Virginia's establishment.
James D. Tracy
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199209118
- eISBN:
- 9780191706134
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199209118.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
Holland's rebel towns could only be defended by garrisons of professional soldiers, paid on time. To this end the States of Holland appropriated the sole reliable revenue stream: the provincial taxes ...
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Holland's rebel towns could only be defended by garrisons of professional soldiers, paid on time. To this end the States of Holland appropriated the sole reliable revenue stream: the provincial taxes that had hitherto funded Holland's debt. The Lords States (as they styled themselves) induced creditors to accept unsecured notes (underline obligatiën), and town corporations got burghers to subscribe to war loans. To satisfy those impatient for repayment, magistrates (with approval from the states) used properties confiscated from the Catholic Church, or from loyalists who had chosen exile instead of joining in the rebellion. Just as the Habsburg government had depended on the provinces to manage its finances, the States of Holland now depended on the towns to manage provincial finances.Less
Holland's rebel towns could only be defended by garrisons of professional soldiers, paid on time. To this end the States of Holland appropriated the sole reliable revenue stream: the provincial taxes that had hitherto funded Holland's debt. The Lords States (as they styled themselves) induced creditors to accept unsecured notes (underline obligatiën), and town corporations got burghers to subscribe to war loans. To satisfy those impatient for repayment, magistrates (with approval from the states) used properties confiscated from the Catholic Church, or from loyalists who had chosen exile instead of joining in the rebellion. Just as the Habsburg government had depended on the provinces to manage its finances, the States of Holland now depended on the towns to manage provincial finances.
Patrick Mitchel
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199256150
- eISBN:
- 9780191602115
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199256152.003.0004
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Ulster unionist identity is analysed in three stages. The first examines the ideological content of unionism’s historical myths that function to legitimize contemporary beliefs. The second focuses on ...
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Ulster unionist identity is analysed in three stages. The first examines the ideological content of unionism’s historical myths that function to legitimize contemporary beliefs. The second focuses on how unionists sought to secure their identity in unionism’s ‘golden era’; the period from Partition to the collapse of Stormont. The third discusses the reasons why unionist identity has experienced a profound crisis since 1972. The evidence reveals a pessimistic, fissured, and flawed identity, struggling to envision its future in the post-Good Friday Agreement era.Less
Ulster unionist identity is analysed in three stages. The first examines the ideological content of unionism’s historical myths that function to legitimize contemporary beliefs. The second focuses on how unionists sought to secure their identity in unionism’s ‘golden era’; the period from Partition to the collapse of Stormont. The third discusses the reasons why unionist identity has experienced a profound crisis since 1972. The evidence reveals a pessimistic, fissured, and flawed identity, struggling to envision its future in the post-Good Friday Agreement era.
Adrian Millar
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719066962
- eISBN:
- 9781781701515
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719066962.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Conducting an analysis of some of the most candid interview materials ever gathered from former Irish Republican Army (IRA) members and loyalists in Northern Ireland, this book demonstrates through a ...
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Conducting an analysis of some of the most candid interview materials ever gathered from former Irish Republican Army (IRA) members and loyalists in Northern Ireland, this book demonstrates through a psychoanalysis of slips of the tongue, jokes, rationalisations and contradictions that it is the unconscious dynamics of the conflict — that is, the pleasure to be found in suffering, failure, domination, submission and ignorance, and in rivalry over jouissance — that lead to the reproduction of polarisation between the Catholic and Protestant communities. As a result, it contends that traditional approaches to conflict resolution which overlook the unconscious are doomed and argues that a Lacanian psychoanalytic understanding of socio-ideological fantasy has great potential for informing the way we understand and study all inter-religious and ethnic conflicts and, as such, deserves to be further developed in conflict-management processes. Whether readers find themselves agreeing with the arguments in the book or not, they are sure to find it a change from both traditional approaches to conflict resolution and the existing mainly conservative analyses of the Northern Ireland conflict.Less
Conducting an analysis of some of the most candid interview materials ever gathered from former Irish Republican Army (IRA) members and loyalists in Northern Ireland, this book demonstrates through a psychoanalysis of slips of the tongue, jokes, rationalisations and contradictions that it is the unconscious dynamics of the conflict — that is, the pleasure to be found in suffering, failure, domination, submission and ignorance, and in rivalry over jouissance — that lead to the reproduction of polarisation between the Catholic and Protestant communities. As a result, it contends that traditional approaches to conflict resolution which overlook the unconscious are doomed and argues that a Lacanian psychoanalytic understanding of socio-ideological fantasy has great potential for informing the way we understand and study all inter-religious and ethnic conflicts and, as such, deserves to be further developed in conflict-management processes. Whether readers find themselves agreeing with the arguments in the book or not, they are sure to find it a change from both traditional approaches to conflict resolution and the existing mainly conservative analyses of the Northern Ireland conflict.
Peter J. Marshall
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199640355
- eISBN:
- 9780191739279
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199640355.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The peace between Britain and America was the achievement on the British side of Lord Shelburne. He had opposed the war and hoped that the Americans would return to a close relationship with Britain ...
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The peace between Britain and America was the achievement on the British side of Lord Shelburne. He had opposed the war and hoped that the Americans would return to a close relationship with Britain short of full independence. Initially he was prepared to give them generous terms over their territorial and other claims. He was, however, to discover that the Americans would not compromise on full independence, which he reluctantly conceded, and that any settlement with them would involve highly contentious issues, such as what was to be done for loyalists who had sided with Britain or what were to be the boundaries of the remaining British American colonies. To attain a quick peace, Britain yielded on most points. Concessions were denounced in the press and in parliament leading to Shelburne’s resignation.Less
The peace between Britain and America was the achievement on the British side of Lord Shelburne. He had opposed the war and hoped that the Americans would return to a close relationship with Britain short of full independence. Initially he was prepared to give them generous terms over their territorial and other claims. He was, however, to discover that the Americans would not compromise on full independence, which he reluctantly conceded, and that any settlement with them would involve highly contentious issues, such as what was to be done for loyalists who had sided with Britain or what were to be the boundaries of the remaining British American colonies. To attain a quick peace, Britain yielded on most points. Concessions were denounced in the press and in parliament leading to Shelburne’s resignation.
Peter J. Marshall
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199640355
- eISBN:
- 9780191739279
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199640355.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Quebec and Nova Scotia were the most important North American colonies which remained British after 1783. Both attracted loyalists who had opposed the Revolution. Ambitious initial hopes that these ...
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Quebec and Nova Scotia were the most important North American colonies which remained British after 1783. Both attracted loyalists who had opposed the Revolution. Ambitious initial hopes that these colonies would prosper within the empire and would become show cases to the United States for the virtues of British constitutional government proved difficult to realise. Rather than separation from the Americans, informal links across the international border developed. Nova Scotia and its offshoot the new colony of New Brunswick were governed according to old established models of colonial government. In the 1791 Canada Act Quebec was divided to give the loyalists their own colony separate from the French majority and attempts were made to strengthen imperial authority in both the new colonies.Less
Quebec and Nova Scotia were the most important North American colonies which remained British after 1783. Both attracted loyalists who had opposed the Revolution. Ambitious initial hopes that these colonies would prosper within the empire and would become show cases to the United States for the virtues of British constitutional government proved difficult to realise. Rather than separation from the Americans, informal links across the international border developed. Nova Scotia and its offshoot the new colony of New Brunswick were governed according to old established models of colonial government. In the 1791 Canada Act Quebec was divided to give the loyalists their own colony separate from the French majority and attempts were made to strengthen imperial authority in both the new colonies.
Peter J. Marshall
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199640355
- eISBN:
- 9780191739279
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199640355.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
In the closing stages of the American war Britain gave priority to the defence of the West Indies, regarded as a British asset of the utmost national importance, over efforts to subdue the mainland ...
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In the closing stages of the American war Britain gave priority to the defence of the West Indies, regarded as a British asset of the utmost national importance, over efforts to subdue the mainland colonies. The war had posed acute problems for the islands, but they quickly regained much of their prosperity through their slave‐worked plantation agriculture. Jamaica remained Britain's most valued colony. Although the Florida colonies had been surrendered to Spain at the peace, British governments were still interested in expanding Britain's stake in the Caribbean and around the Gulf of Mexico. The settlement of loyalists from the southern colonies in the Bahamas was supported, trade with the Spanish colonies was encouraged and plans for disrupting the Spanish empire by inciting Indian and creole revolts were revived in 1790 at the prospect of war with Spain.Less
In the closing stages of the American war Britain gave priority to the defence of the West Indies, regarded as a British asset of the utmost national importance, over efforts to subdue the mainland colonies. The war had posed acute problems for the islands, but they quickly regained much of their prosperity through their slave‐worked plantation agriculture. Jamaica remained Britain's most valued colony. Although the Florida colonies had been surrendered to Spain at the peace, British governments were still interested in expanding Britain's stake in the Caribbean and around the Gulf of Mexico. The settlement of loyalists from the southern colonies in the Bahamas was supported, trade with the Spanish colonies was encouraged and plans for disrupting the Spanish empire by inciting Indian and creole revolts were revived in 1790 at the prospect of war with Spain.
Peter J. Marshall
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199640355
- eISBN:
- 9780191739279
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199640355.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
War cut off migration into America except for those British and German soldiers who elected to stay there. After the war, there were few effective restrictions on moving from Britain to the United ...
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War cut off migration into America except for those British and German soldiers who elected to stay there. After the war, there were few effective restrictions on moving from Britain to the United States of America. To the dismay of most British opinion, emigration quickly began again on its pre‐war scale. Irish people mostly looking to improve their lot rather than the victims of impoverishment or persecution, were by far the largest element. Emigration from Scotland was slower to resume and initially tended to be to British colonies. The ending of the war enabled Americans to visit Britain as before and loyalists fled from from America to Britain, including some of African origin who later went on to Sierra Leone.Less
War cut off migration into America except for those British and German soldiers who elected to stay there. After the war, there were few effective restrictions on moving from Britain to the United States of America. To the dismay of most British opinion, emigration quickly began again on its pre‐war scale. Irish people mostly looking to improve their lot rather than the victims of impoverishment or persecution, were by far the largest element. Emigration from Scotland was slower to resume and initially tended to be to British colonies. The ending of the war enabled Americans to visit Britain as before and loyalists fled from from America to Britain, including some of African origin who later went on to Sierra Leone.
Peter J. Marshall
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199640355
- eISBN:
- 9780191739279
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199640355.003.0013
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
American independence drove many refugees into the remaining British colonies. This chapter discusses the diverse elements in the loyalist exodus: those who were deeply committed enemies of the ...
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American independence drove many refugees into the remaining British colonies. This chapter discusses the diverse elements in the loyalist exodus: those who were deeply committed enemies of the Revolution and upholders of the values of the British empire were mixed with many, such as disbanded soldiers, to whom the British colonies with their free land and initial financial support might seem an attractive refuge from the turmoil of the last stages of the war. Migration to and from the United States was to continue after the war. Although the British colonies were British in government and institutions, large parts of their population were essentially Americans, if not committed republicans, who were not necessarily very different from those on the other side of the border with whom they maintained many links.Less
American independence drove many refugees into the remaining British colonies. This chapter discusses the diverse elements in the loyalist exodus: those who were deeply committed enemies of the Revolution and upholders of the values of the British empire were mixed with many, such as disbanded soldiers, to whom the British colonies with their free land and initial financial support might seem an attractive refuge from the turmoil of the last stages of the war. Migration to and from the United States was to continue after the war. Although the British colonies were British in government and institutions, large parts of their population were essentially Americans, if not committed republicans, who were not necessarily very different from those on the other side of the border with whom they maintained many links.
James Sidbury
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195320107
- eISBN:
- 9780199789009
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195320107.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
This chapter follows the story of the Loyalists — who came to call themselves “Nova Scotians” — in their exodus to an African promised land. It traces their efforts to put into practice the ...
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This chapter follows the story of the Loyalists — who came to call themselves “Nova Scotians” — in their exodus to an African promised land. It traces their efforts to put into practice the transformative project that Gustavus Vassa had outlined at the conclusion of his Interesting Narrative. In these settlers' struggles with the Sierra Leone Company, which governed the colony, and their efforts to forge relationships with the Koya Temne people who surrounded the colony, the Nova Scotians confronted some of the inherent complexities in the emerging diasporic vision of African identity. In the process they, and some black New Englanders who hoped to follow them, began to forge an alternate way to think about the links connecting “Africans” to one another.Less
This chapter follows the story of the Loyalists — who came to call themselves “Nova Scotians” — in their exodus to an African promised land. It traces their efforts to put into practice the transformative project that Gustavus Vassa had outlined at the conclusion of his Interesting Narrative. In these settlers' struggles with the Sierra Leone Company, which governed the colony, and their efforts to forge relationships with the Koya Temne people who surrounded the colony, the Nova Scotians confronted some of the inherent complexities in the emerging diasporic vision of African identity. In the process they, and some black New Englanders who hoped to follow them, began to forge an alternate way to think about the links connecting “Africans” to one another.
Philip Gould
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199967896
- eISBN:
- 9780199346073
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199967896.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, American Colonial Literature, American, 18th Century and Early American Literature
Why has Revolutionary literary studies largely ignored the writings of those who opposed the American Rebellion? This study of the literature of politics reconsiders the place of the British American ...
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Why has Revolutionary literary studies largely ignored the writings of those who opposed the American Rebellion? This study of the literature of politics reconsiders the place of the British American Loyalists in early American literary history. By imagining the Revolution as an episode in transatlantic literary history, it explores the relations between aesthetics and politics during a crucial transitional period in which both Loyalists and Patriots were redefining their respective relations to “English” culture. Rather than pointing the ambivalence expressed by Loyalists writings, however, it argues for the dislocation and alienation Loyalists experienced, and thereby challenges the traditional image of this group as the only true Anglophiles in British America. Each chapter goes on to discuss an important literary and aesthetic form that shaped—and was shaped by—Revolutionary politics. It recasts the literature of politics as the place where British Americans were also working out their cultural identities and identifications with the British nation.Less
Why has Revolutionary literary studies largely ignored the writings of those who opposed the American Rebellion? This study of the literature of politics reconsiders the place of the British American Loyalists in early American literary history. By imagining the Revolution as an episode in transatlantic literary history, it explores the relations between aesthetics and politics during a crucial transitional period in which both Loyalists and Patriots were redefining their respective relations to “English” culture. Rather than pointing the ambivalence expressed by Loyalists writings, however, it argues for the dislocation and alienation Loyalists experienced, and thereby challenges the traditional image of this group as the only true Anglophiles in British America. Each chapter goes on to discuss an important literary and aesthetic form that shaped—and was shaped by—Revolutionary politics. It recasts the literature of politics as the place where British Americans were also working out their cultural identities and identifications with the British nation.
Christopher Curry
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780813054476
- eISBN:
- 9780813053110
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813054476.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
A popular misconception about the American Revolution is that it was largely contained within the continental boundaries of North America. However, the American Revolution neither ended with the ...
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A popular misconception about the American Revolution is that it was largely contained within the continental boundaries of North America. However, the American Revolution neither ended with the cessation of armed conflict in 1781 nor the Treaty of Versailles in 1783; rather it continued and mutated in unusual places, a revolution often carried by those who had the most to lose by being denied the freedom that was promised at the outset of the war. Freedom and Resistance: A Social History of Black Loyalists in the Bahamas studies the struggles for freedom of a group of black loyalists (those enslaved and free blacks loyal to the British causes), who settled in the non-plantation, slave-holding colony of the Bahamas, located on the periphery of the Caribbean region. By focusing on the struggles for freedom that black loyalists experienced in the Bahamas, this book not only aims to recover the social history of black loyalists but seeks to examine the nature of their contributions to Bahamian society. One of the major themes explored in this study is black resistance and political activism. Much of this activism was shaped by the racial discord which erupted in the Bahamas between black and white loyalists in two distinct locales: the previously uninhabited islands of Abaco and the older, more urban center of Nassau, located on the island of New Providence.Less
A popular misconception about the American Revolution is that it was largely contained within the continental boundaries of North America. However, the American Revolution neither ended with the cessation of armed conflict in 1781 nor the Treaty of Versailles in 1783; rather it continued and mutated in unusual places, a revolution often carried by those who had the most to lose by being denied the freedom that was promised at the outset of the war. Freedom and Resistance: A Social History of Black Loyalists in the Bahamas studies the struggles for freedom of a group of black loyalists (those enslaved and free blacks loyal to the British causes), who settled in the non-plantation, slave-holding colony of the Bahamas, located on the periphery of the Caribbean region. By focusing on the struggles for freedom that black loyalists experienced in the Bahamas, this book not only aims to recover the social history of black loyalists but seeks to examine the nature of their contributions to Bahamian society. One of the major themes explored in this study is black resistance and political activism. Much of this activism was shaped by the racial discord which erupted in the Bahamas between black and white loyalists in two distinct locales: the previously uninhabited islands of Abaco and the older, more urban center of Nassau, located on the island of New Providence.
Graham Russell Gao Hodges
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780813056036
- eISBN:
- 9780813053806
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813056036.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter explores the extent, meaning, and impact of enslaved African-American flight during the era of the American Revolution. Its temporal boundaries range roughly from 1763, the onset of ...
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This chapter explores the extent, meaning, and impact of enslaved African-American flight during the era of the American Revolution. Its temporal boundaries range roughly from 1763, the onset of Revolutionary activities and discourses, to state-level “First Emancipation,” to the last act of Gradual Emancipation in New Jersey in 1804. Geographically, the article covers the Atlantic seaboard colonies and later states. The chapter argues that black self-emancipation via flight—including individual actions but also the mass movements of the Revolutionary Black Loyalists—was the single greatest method for enslaved people to gain freedom in this rapidly changing political landscape. Slave flight indeed had a profound impact on that landscape and affected American construction of slave laws during the Revolutionary Era.Less
This chapter explores the extent, meaning, and impact of enslaved African-American flight during the era of the American Revolution. Its temporal boundaries range roughly from 1763, the onset of Revolutionary activities and discourses, to state-level “First Emancipation,” to the last act of Gradual Emancipation in New Jersey in 1804. Geographically, the article covers the Atlantic seaboard colonies and later states. The chapter argues that black self-emancipation via flight—including individual actions but also the mass movements of the Revolutionary Black Loyalists—was the single greatest method for enslaved people to gain freedom in this rapidly changing political landscape. Slave flight indeed had a profound impact on that landscape and affected American construction of slave laws during the Revolutionary Era.
Peter Charles Hoffer and Williamjames Hull Hoffer
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781501726071
- eISBN:
- 9781501726088
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501726071.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
This book explores a series of extended public pronouncements that British North American colonial lawyers crafted from 1761 through 1776. Most, though not all, were composed outside of the courtroom ...
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This book explores a series of extended public pronouncements that British North American colonial lawyers crafted from 1761 through 1776. Most, though not all, were composed outside of the courtroom and detached from ongoing litigation. Although these writings and speeches have been long studied as political theory, they are rarely viewed as the work product of active lawyers—this despite the fact that key protagonists in the story of American independence were members of the bar with extensive practices. This book is an attempt to broaden our understanding of the role that lawyering played in framing and resolving the revolutionary crisis.Less
This book explores a series of extended public pronouncements that British North American colonial lawyers crafted from 1761 through 1776. Most, though not all, were composed outside of the courtroom and detached from ongoing litigation. Although these writings and speeches have been long studied as political theory, they are rarely viewed as the work product of active lawyers—this despite the fact that key protagonists in the story of American independence were members of the bar with extensive practices. This book is an attempt to broaden our understanding of the role that lawyering played in framing and resolving the revolutionary crisis.
J. C. Holt
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198203094
- eISBN:
- 9780191675713
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203094.003.0013
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Medieval History
Once John had gone and the war had ended, the lines of political division altered. The Charter was quickly reissued, in a more limited form. Very soon ex-rebels and the native loyalists were working ...
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Once John had gone and the war had ended, the lines of political division altered. The Charter was quickly reissued, in a more limited form. Very soon ex-rebels and the native loyalists were working easily together; Brian de Lisle, Hugh de Balliol, Robert de Vieuxpont, by the side of Thomas of Moulton, Robert de Percy, or Robert de Ros. Loyalist and rebel now found a common interest and a common bond in unseating John's foreigners, in breaking the grip which Robert de Gaugy, William de Fors, and Faulkes de Breauté still had on the administration. In 1225 the reissue of Magna Carta was attested by ten of the Twenty-Five of 1215. The waters John had parted had closed once more.Less
Once John had gone and the war had ended, the lines of political division altered. The Charter was quickly reissued, in a more limited form. Very soon ex-rebels and the native loyalists were working easily together; Brian de Lisle, Hugh de Balliol, Robert de Vieuxpont, by the side of Thomas of Moulton, Robert de Percy, or Robert de Ros. Loyalist and rebel now found a common interest and a common bond in unseating John's foreigners, in breaking the grip which Robert de Gaugy, William de Fors, and Faulkes de Breauté still had on the administration. In 1225 the reissue of Magna Carta was attested by ten of the Twenty-Five of 1215. The waters John had parted had closed once more.
J. M. Bumsted
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199563746
- eISBN:
- 9780191701900
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199563746.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
This chapter examines the consolidation of British America during the period from 1783 to 1860. After the American Revolution what remained of British America consisted of various centres of ethnic ...
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This chapter examines the consolidation of British America during the period from 1783 to 1860. After the American Revolution what remained of British America consisted of various centres of ethnic settlements loosely connected to the British Empire. The Treaty of Paris and the Loyalist resettlement combined to transform British America from being a marginal jurisdiction to provinces of new importance to Great Britain. The first round of Imperial reorganization took place in 1784 and by 1860 these provinces had developed sophisticated economies and responsible government under the Imperial umbrella.Less
This chapter examines the consolidation of British America during the period from 1783 to 1860. After the American Revolution what remained of British America consisted of various centres of ethnic settlements loosely connected to the British Empire. The Treaty of Paris and the Loyalist resettlement combined to transform British America from being a marginal jurisdiction to provinces of new importance to Great Britain. The first round of Imperial reorganization took place in 1784 and by 1860 these provinces had developed sophisticated economies and responsible government under the Imperial umbrella.
Alvin Jackson
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198204985
- eISBN:
- 9780191676437
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198204985.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
At the time of the political flux when Irish loyalists were suspicious of British duplicity and Parnellite ascendancy, Saunderson’s direct political style proved to be an immense asset. This chapter ...
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At the time of the political flux when Irish loyalists were suspicious of British duplicity and Parnellite ascendancy, Saunderson’s direct political style proved to be an immense asset. This chapter describes Edward Saunderson’s life and education, faith and religion. He rejected Catholicism, nevertheless, he was not a consistent anti-Catholic, and often appealed to Catholic Irish people on behalf of Unionism, and he enthusiastically promoted the interests of Catholic loyalists.Less
At the time of the political flux when Irish loyalists were suspicious of British duplicity and Parnellite ascendancy, Saunderson’s direct political style proved to be an immense asset. This chapter describes Edward Saunderson’s life and education, faith and religion. He rejected Catholicism, nevertheless, he was not a consistent anti-Catholic, and often appealed to Catholic Irish people on behalf of Unionism, and he enthusiastically promoted the interests of Catholic loyalists.
Alvin Jackson
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198204985
- eISBN:
- 9780191676437
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198204985.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Saunderson deliberately cut himself off from politics between 1874 and 1882. The unpleasant fact of crop failure in 1879 had revolutionary implications, and Saunderson’s isolation proved impossible ...
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Saunderson deliberately cut himself off from politics between 1874 and 1882. The unpleasant fact of crop failure in 1879 had revolutionary implications, and Saunderson’s isolation proved impossible to sustain. By the end of 1884, Saunderson had begun to establish his usefulness with the different elements of Irish Conservatism yet he also retained a measure of freedom from any potentially damaging party constraints. He had influence over extremists, had shown that he could be subtle, and that he was capable of persuasive and emollient language. These qualities would shortly propel Saunderson to the forefront of loyalist politics.Less
Saunderson deliberately cut himself off from politics between 1874 and 1882. The unpleasant fact of crop failure in 1879 had revolutionary implications, and Saunderson’s isolation proved impossible to sustain. By the end of 1884, Saunderson had begun to establish his usefulness with the different elements of Irish Conservatism yet he also retained a measure of freedom from any potentially damaging party constraints. He had influence over extremists, had shown that he could be subtle, and that he was capable of persuasive and emollient language. These qualities would shortly propel Saunderson to the forefront of loyalist politics.
