J. Eric Oliver, Shang E. Ha, and Zachary Callen
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691143552
- eISBN:
- 9781400842544
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691143552.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter examines who votes in local elections and whether their low electoral turnout is problematic for the legitimacy of their local democracies. The evidence suggests that, for the ...
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This chapter examines who votes in local elections and whether their low electoral turnout is problematic for the legitimacy of their local democracies. The evidence suggests that, for the overwhelming number of American municipalities, low turnout is not a problem because of the types of people who vote in local contests: educated homeowners who are long-term residents of their communities. These “homevoters” are not only more committed to their communities but are also more likely to be politically engaged and informed about local affairs. Although they tend to be more fiscally conservative than renters, they do not systematically differ in their opinions about all political and social issues. Whatever biases do exist as a result of low turnout in local elections are tilted toward policies that protect property values and suppress property taxes. However, given the difference in political knowledge and interest between voters and nonvoters, it is not clear that higher turnout would change this, largely because nonvoters would probably have less clearly informed preferences.Less
This chapter examines who votes in local elections and whether their low electoral turnout is problematic for the legitimacy of their local democracies. The evidence suggests that, for the overwhelming number of American municipalities, low turnout is not a problem because of the types of people who vote in local contests: educated homeowners who are long-term residents of their communities. These “homevoters” are not only more committed to their communities but are also more likely to be politically engaged and informed about local affairs. Although they tend to be more fiscally conservative than renters, they do not systematically differ in their opinions about all political and social issues. Whatever biases do exist as a result of low turnout in local elections are tilted toward policies that protect property values and suppress property taxes. However, given the difference in political knowledge and interest between voters and nonvoters, it is not clear that higher turnout would change this, largely because nonvoters would probably have less clearly informed preferences.
J. Eric Oliver, Shang E. Ha, and Zachary Callen
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691143552
- eISBN:
- 9781400842544
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691143552.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter examines what individual voters know about local elections and what factors shape their voting choices. After reviewing how and why we might expect that local voting behavior may differ ...
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This chapter examines what individual voters know about local elections and what factors shape their voting choices. After reviewing how and why we might expect that local voting behavior may differ from presidential voting behavior, it examines a unique dataset of over 1400 voters in thirty different smaller communities that focuses on these questions in particular. In line with their “homevoter” identities, most local voters typically have high knowledge levels about candidates and express a great deal of interest in local affairs. But because of this, local voters tend to employ different criteria than national ones. They are far more likely to base their votes on specific issues or incumbent performance and less likely to utilize heuristics like partisanship or candidate charisma, although this varies somewhat with the size, scope, and bias of their community. Local voters are also more likely to embody the normative expectations of the informed and rational citizen of classical democratic theory.Less
This chapter examines what individual voters know about local elections and what factors shape their voting choices. After reviewing how and why we might expect that local voting behavior may differ from presidential voting behavior, it examines a unique dataset of over 1400 voters in thirty different smaller communities that focuses on these questions in particular. In line with their “homevoter” identities, most local voters typically have high knowledge levels about candidates and express a great deal of interest in local affairs. But because of this, local voters tend to employ different criteria than national ones. They are far more likely to base their votes on specific issues or incumbent performance and less likely to utilize heuristics like partisanship or candidate charisma, although this varies somewhat with the size, scope, and bias of their community. Local voters are also more likely to embody the normative expectations of the informed and rational citizen of classical democratic theory.
J. Eric Oliver, Shang E. Ha, and Zachary Callen
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691143552
- eISBN:
- 9781400842544
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691143552.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter examines the systematic factors behind local electoral results. Looking at data from over 7,000 different municipalities over a twenty-year time period, it appears that local elections ...
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This chapter examines the systematic factors behind local electoral results. Looking at data from over 7,000 different municipalities over a twenty-year time period, it appears that local elections are a curious mixture of the predictable and the idiosyncratic. They are predictable in that the majority of incumbents for local office either run unopposed or win reelection if they face challengers. This is consistent with the idea of managerial democracy: elections for local office should hinge on issues of custodial performance, and because incumbents get reelected at high rates, most are probably doing their jobs well enough to satisfy enough constituents or to dissuade any opponents. Identifying those instances when incumbents are likely to lose, however, turns out to be a very difficult task. Of the few identifiable trends, it appears that incumbent city council members are more likely to lose in places that are larger in size, greater in scope, and higher in bias. But the ability to predict the likelihood that any given incumbent is likely to lose, even when we know most political and social characteristics of a place, remains small.Less
This chapter examines the systematic factors behind local electoral results. Looking at data from over 7,000 different municipalities over a twenty-year time period, it appears that local elections are a curious mixture of the predictable and the idiosyncratic. They are predictable in that the majority of incumbents for local office either run unopposed or win reelection if they face challengers. This is consistent with the idea of managerial democracy: elections for local office should hinge on issues of custodial performance, and because incumbents get reelected at high rates, most are probably doing their jobs well enough to satisfy enough constituents or to dissuade any opponents. Identifying those instances when incumbents are likely to lose, however, turns out to be a very difficult task. Of the few identifiable trends, it appears that incumbent city council members are more likely to lose in places that are larger in size, greater in scope, and higher in bias. But the ability to predict the likelihood that any given incumbent is likely to lose, even when we know most political and social characteristics of a place, remains small.
J. Eric Oliver, Shang E. Ha, and Zachary Callen
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691143552
- eISBN:
- 9781400842544
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691143552.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This introductory chapter sets out the book's purpose, which is to provide an answer to the question: “Who governs” America when Americans live in so many types of places and under so many types of ...
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This introductory chapter sets out the book's purpose, which is to provide an answer to the question: “Who governs” America when Americans live in so many types of places and under so many types of government? It argues for the need to look beyond the forces that shape national politics and consider the factors that influence local politics, particularly local elections. By reexamining local government in terms of their size, scope, and bias, we can restate the question of “who governs” as a question of how does changing the size, scope, or bias of a small-scale democracy affect the ability of its citizens to govern themselves? Or, more importantly, to what extent does changing the size, scope, and bias of a municipality fundamentally alter the distribution of power and resources within a locality?Less
This introductory chapter sets out the book's purpose, which is to provide an answer to the question: “Who governs” America when Americans live in so many types of places and under so many types of government? It argues for the need to look beyond the forces that shape national politics and consider the factors that influence local politics, particularly local elections. By reexamining local government in terms of their size, scope, and bias, we can restate the question of “who governs” as a question of how does changing the size, scope, or bias of a small-scale democracy affect the ability of its citizens to govern themselves? Or, more importantly, to what extent does changing the size, scope, and bias of a municipality fundamentally alter the distribution of power and resources within a locality?
Alison Sharrock
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198277125
- eISBN:
- 9780191684159
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198277125.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the participation and experience of the Arab minority in parliamentary, local, and trade unionist elections in Israel from ...
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This chapter examines the participation and experience of the Arab minority in parliamentary, local, and trade unionist elections in Israel from 1967—1981. It focuses on Arab parliamentary voting after 1967, or six electoral contests in the years 1969—1988. The key findings include the 69.7 to 80.3 percent decline in Arab participation in voting during the 1960s and 1970s, the stability of the electoral results of the Jewish parties in the Arab sector, and the conservative and moderate for the Knesset in small Arab villages. This chapter also highlights the developments in Arab voting in local elections and in the trade union group Histadrut.Less
This chapter examines the participation and experience of the Arab minority in parliamentary, local, and trade unionist elections in Israel from 1967—1981. It focuses on Arab parliamentary voting after 1967, or six electoral contests in the years 1969—1988. The key findings include the 69.7 to 80.3 percent decline in Arab participation in voting during the 1960s and 1970s, the stability of the electoral results of the Jewish parties in the Arab sector, and the conservative and moderate for the Knesset in small Arab villages. This chapter also highlights the developments in Arab voting in local elections and in the trade union group Histadrut.
J. Eric Oliver, Shang E. Ha, and Zachary Callen
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691143552
- eISBN:
- 9781400842544
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691143552.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Local government is the hidden leviathan of American politics: it accounts for nearly a tenth of gross domestic product, it collects nearly as much in taxes as the federal government, and its ...
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Local government is the hidden leviathan of American politics: it accounts for nearly a tenth of gross domestic product, it collects nearly as much in taxes as the federal government, and its decisions have an enormous impact on Americans' daily lives. Yet political scientists have few explanations for how people vote in local elections, particularly in the smaller cities, towns, and suburbs where most Americans live. Drawing on a wide variety of data sources and case studies, this book offers the first comprehensive analysis of electoral politics in America's municipalities. Arguing that current explanations of voting behavior are ill suited for most local contests, the book puts forward a new theory that highlights the crucial differences between local, state, and national democracies. Being small in size, limited in power, and largely unbiased in distributing their resources, local governments are “managerial democracies” with a distinct style of electoral politics. Instead of hinging on the partisanship, ideology, and group appeals that define national and state elections, local elections are based on the custodial performance of civic-oriented leaders and on their personal connections to voters with similarly deep community ties. Explaining not only the dynamics of local elections, Oliver's findings also upend many long-held assumptions about community power and local governance, including the importance of voter turnout and the possibilities for grassroots political change.Less
Local government is the hidden leviathan of American politics: it accounts for nearly a tenth of gross domestic product, it collects nearly as much in taxes as the federal government, and its decisions have an enormous impact on Americans' daily lives. Yet political scientists have few explanations for how people vote in local elections, particularly in the smaller cities, towns, and suburbs where most Americans live. Drawing on a wide variety of data sources and case studies, this book offers the first comprehensive analysis of electoral politics in America's municipalities. Arguing that current explanations of voting behavior are ill suited for most local contests, the book puts forward a new theory that highlights the crucial differences between local, state, and national democracies. Being small in size, limited in power, and largely unbiased in distributing their resources, local governments are “managerial democracies” with a distinct style of electoral politics. Instead of hinging on the partisanship, ideology, and group appeals that define national and state elections, local elections are based on the custodial performance of civic-oriented leaders and on their personal connections to voters with similarly deep community ties. Explaining not only the dynamics of local elections, Oliver's findings also upend many long-held assumptions about community power and local governance, including the importance of voter turnout and the possibilities for grassroots political change.
J. Eric Oliver, Shang E. Ha, and Zachary Callen
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691143552
- eISBN:
- 9781400842544
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691143552.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter considers the types of people who run for office and the types of campaigns they run. It examines the impact of factors such as personal ambition, civic responsibility, mobilizing ...
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This chapter considers the types of people who run for office and the types of campaigns they run. It examines the impact of factors such as personal ambition, civic responsibility, mobilizing issues, personal gain, and political indignation by looking at a large sample of local politicians (i.e., unsuccessful candidates and elected officials) from the greater Chicago metropolitan area. The small size, limited scope, and low bias of most Chicago-area municipal governments mean that these local politicians, like local voters, tend to be stakeholders in their communities. They are very concerned with issues of economic development and quality of life, yet are drawn into public affairs primarily from a sense of civic duty and an attachment to their towns. They are motivated less by ideology, partisanship, or even personal ambition, than by a public-spirited commitment to sustaining the quality of their communities.Less
This chapter considers the types of people who run for office and the types of campaigns they run. It examines the impact of factors such as personal ambition, civic responsibility, mobilizing issues, personal gain, and political indignation by looking at a large sample of local politicians (i.e., unsuccessful candidates and elected officials) from the greater Chicago metropolitan area. The small size, limited scope, and low bias of most Chicago-area municipal governments mean that these local politicians, like local voters, tend to be stakeholders in their communities. They are very concerned with issues of economic development and quality of life, yet are drawn into public affairs primarily from a sense of civic duty and an attachment to their towns. They are motivated less by ideology, partisanship, or even personal ambition, than by a public-spirited commitment to sustaining the quality of their communities.
James Owen
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781846319440
- eISBN:
- 9781781387207
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/liverpool/9781846319440.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter, by examining both parliamentary and local elections between 1868 and 1876, demonstrates how working-class candidates could adapt their attitude towards local Liberalism depending on the ...
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This chapter, by examining both parliamentary and local elections between 1868 and 1876, demonstrates how working-class candidates could adapt their attitude towards local Liberalism depending on the electoral and organisational context. The ways in which labour used language during these elections, both in the press and when would-be politicians spoke directly to the electorate, to construct its identity in relation to the Liberal party are analysed. The extent to which the failure of working-class candidatesstanding for the Reform League at the 1868 general election prompted labour leaders to reassess their identity in relation to official Liberalism is considered, paying particular attention to the formation of the Labour Representation League. The League's response to the Criminal Law Amendment Act and its strategy at the 1874 general election are analysed in detail, along with a consideration of the ways in which local Liberal associations disabled their candidatures. Key labour figures considered include George Howell and George Odger. The final part of the chapter examines how labour and organised Liberalism interacted during municipal and school board elections.Less
This chapter, by examining both parliamentary and local elections between 1868 and 1876, demonstrates how working-class candidates could adapt their attitude towards local Liberalism depending on the electoral and organisational context. The ways in which labour used language during these elections, both in the press and when would-be politicians spoke directly to the electorate, to construct its identity in relation to the Liberal party are analysed. The extent to which the failure of working-class candidatesstanding for the Reform League at the 1868 general election prompted labour leaders to reassess their identity in relation to official Liberalism is considered, paying particular attention to the formation of the Labour Representation League. The League's response to the Criminal Law Amendment Act and its strategy at the 1874 general election are analysed in detail, along with a consideration of the ways in which local Liberal associations disabled their candidatures. Key labour figures considered include George Howell and George Odger. The final part of the chapter examines how labour and organised Liberalism interacted during municipal and school board elections.
Colin Copus
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719088322
- eISBN:
- 9781526104236
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719088322.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The chapter examines the complex set of reasons, stimuli and motivations that lead individuals to place themselves before the voters to become elected councillors. It examines the political ...
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The chapter examines the complex set of reasons, stimuli and motivations that lead individuals to place themselves before the voters to become elected councillors. It examines the political recruitment process for councillors and adds to our understanding of that process by acknowledging the role that councillors themselves play in that process identifying three separate pathways to the council: the big-bang, the slow-burn and the resister. The chapter sets out four groups of factors that stimulate individuals into seeking council office: public service, the democratic spirit, ambitional and status and reward and explores the role each play as other-regarding and self-regarding reasons for becoming a councillor. The chapter concludes that, among councillors, other regarding reasons for seeking office are a greater source of stimuli than the self-regarding reasons.Less
The chapter examines the complex set of reasons, stimuli and motivations that lead individuals to place themselves before the voters to become elected councillors. It examines the political recruitment process for councillors and adds to our understanding of that process by acknowledging the role that councillors themselves play in that process identifying three separate pathways to the council: the big-bang, the slow-burn and the resister. The chapter sets out four groups of factors that stimulate individuals into seeking council office: public service, the democratic spirit, ambitional and status and reward and explores the role each play as other-regarding and self-regarding reasons for becoming a councillor. The chapter concludes that, among councillors, other regarding reasons for seeking office are a greater source of stimuli than the self-regarding reasons.
Timothy Gorringe
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198752462
- eISBN:
- 9780191695117
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198752462.003.0004
- Subject:
- Religion, Theology, History of Christianity
Barth was already evidently concerned with issues of theological and political developments when he moved to Bonn in March 1930. Germany was increasingly experiencing unemployment and the local ...
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Barth was already evidently concerned with issues of theological and political developments when he moved to Bonn in March 1930. Germany was increasingly experiencing unemployment and the local elections for the National Socialist and Communist candidates saw gains. The centre government was thus established to facilitate radical fiscal reform, and its rejection initiated a number of various effects on the number of votes for the National Socialist party. Hitler's ‘Sturmabteilung’ or the SA played no small part in the street violence which was aimed at socialists, Communists, and the Jews. It was during this period that Barth joined the Social Democrats — the fundamental party which was grounded against fascism. In this chapter, we explore the German situation, particularly on German Christians, during the rise of Hitler and fascism.Less
Barth was already evidently concerned with issues of theological and political developments when he moved to Bonn in March 1930. Germany was increasingly experiencing unemployment and the local elections for the National Socialist and Communist candidates saw gains. The centre government was thus established to facilitate radical fiscal reform, and its rejection initiated a number of various effects on the number of votes for the National Socialist party. Hitler's ‘Sturmabteilung’ or the SA played no small part in the street violence which was aimed at socialists, Communists, and the Jews. It was during this period that Barth joined the Social Democrats — the fundamental party which was grounded against fascism. In this chapter, we explore the German situation, particularly on German Christians, during the rise of Hitler and fascism.
David Thackeray
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780719087615
- eISBN:
- 9781781705858
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719087615.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
After 1918 local politics became a pressing concern for Conservatives as although a Labour parliamentary majority appeared unlikely, achieving control of municipal councils provided it with a key ...
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After 1918 local politics became a pressing concern for Conservatives as although a Labour parliamentary majority appeared unlikely, achieving control of municipal councils provided it with a key means of expanding its support base through the provision of efficient public services, thereby laying the foundations for future success in national contests. During the 1920s various Conservative identities across the English regions. Opposition to government ‘waste’ proved popular amongst many party activists, particularly in southern England. However, Conservatives in cities like Leeds and Birmingham promoted a more consensual form of anti-socialist politics, focused on their local efforts towards the amelioration of social conditions and the integration of working class activists into the party. In cities where Labour plausibly promoted moderate reforms in local government Conservatives proved more reluctant to tar their opponents with Bolshevik or extreme socialist associations.Less
After 1918 local politics became a pressing concern for Conservatives as although a Labour parliamentary majority appeared unlikely, achieving control of municipal councils provided it with a key means of expanding its support base through the provision of efficient public services, thereby laying the foundations for future success in national contests. During the 1920s various Conservative identities across the English regions. Opposition to government ‘waste’ proved popular amongst many party activists, particularly in southern England. However, Conservatives in cities like Leeds and Birmingham promoted a more consensual form of anti-socialist politics, focused on their local efforts towards the amelioration of social conditions and the integration of working class activists into the party. In cities where Labour plausibly promoted moderate reforms in local government Conservatives proved more reluctant to tar their opponents with Bolshevik or extreme socialist associations.
John Curtice, Nicola McEwen, Michael Marsh, and Rachel Ormston
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748638994
- eISBN:
- 9780748652891
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748638994.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Does the 2007 election indeed mark a revolutionary break in Scotland's links with the rest of the United Kingdom and in the importance of personality in local elections? Or does it simply mark an ...
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Does the 2007 election indeed mark a revolutionary break in Scotland's links with the rest of the United Kingdom and in the importance of personality in local elections? Or does it simply mark an evolution in the country's politics? It brings together the threads of the analyses to consider in each case whether the revolutionary or the evolutionary perspective is the more appropriate, and to examine the apparent implications of the interpretation.Less
Does the 2007 election indeed mark a revolutionary break in Scotland's links with the rest of the United Kingdom and in the importance of personality in local elections? Or does it simply mark an evolution in the country's politics? It brings together the threads of the analyses to consider in each case whether the revolutionary or the evolutionary perspective is the more appropriate, and to examine the apparent implications of the interpretation.
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780853239857
- eISBN:
- 9781846313066
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/liverpool/9780853239857.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
This chapter surveys the impact, on both national and local elections, of the relationship between the Spanish community in the enclaves and the central government in Madrid. It examines the ...
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This chapter surveys the impact, on both national and local elections, of the relationship between the Spanish community in the enclaves and the central government in Madrid. It examines the emergence of the Muslim community as a political force in local elections as well as the rise of the Grupo Independiente Liberal (GIL) party in both towns and the political crises that it caused. Both phenomena are clear manifestations of the peculiar circumstance of the enclaves within the Spanish state.Less
This chapter surveys the impact, on both national and local elections, of the relationship between the Spanish community in the enclaves and the central government in Madrid. It examines the emergence of the Muslim community as a political force in local elections as well as the rise of the Grupo Independiente Liberal (GIL) party in both towns and the political crises that it caused. Both phenomena are clear manifestations of the peculiar circumstance of the enclaves within the Spanish state.
Rafaela M. Dancygier
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199311316
- eISBN:
- 9780199344918
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199311316.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Comparative Politics
This chapter discusses how both culture and context matter in shaping immigrants' political incorporation. It first illustrates the significance of group-level social organization by investigating ...
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This chapter discusses how both culture and context matter in shaping immigrants' political incorporation. It first illustrates the significance of group-level social organization by investigating differences in turnout and representation across groups in one country and in one electoral context: local elections in the United Kingdom. It then goes on to show how cross-national differences in electoral rules have significant implications for immigrant voting and representation. This is followed by a discussion of the interactive effects of culture and context on immigrant political incorporation.Less
This chapter discusses how both culture and context matter in shaping immigrants' political incorporation. It first illustrates the significance of group-level social organization by investigating differences in turnout and representation across groups in one country and in one electoral context: local elections in the United Kingdom. It then goes on to show how cross-national differences in electoral rules have significant implications for immigrant voting and representation. This is followed by a discussion of the interactive effects of culture and context on immigrant political incorporation.
Avner de Shalit
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- November 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780198833215
- eISBN:
- 9780191871443
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198833215.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
If immigrants do settle in the city, what political rights should they have? The criteria for being a city-zen in a city are controversial. On the one hand it seems that immigrants have an interest ...
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If immigrants do settle in the city, what political rights should they have? The criteria for being a city-zen in a city are controversial. On the one hand it seems that immigrants have an interest and are subject to the city’s regulations and laws and therefore should have local voting rights; on the other hand, the law often holds that formal political participation is a right of citizens only. So does it make sense to offer city-zenship and local political rights before naturalization? Chapter 2 argues that this can be justified on both utilitarian and deontological moral grounds. Granting immigrants local voting rights would also enable them to sustain their functioning of having a sense of place.Less
If immigrants do settle in the city, what political rights should they have? The criteria for being a city-zen in a city are controversial. On the one hand it seems that immigrants have an interest and are subject to the city’s regulations and laws and therefore should have local voting rights; on the other hand, the law often holds that formal political participation is a right of citizens only. So does it make sense to offer city-zenship and local political rights before naturalization? Chapter 2 argues that this can be justified on both utilitarian and deontological moral grounds. Granting immigrants local voting rights would also enable them to sustain their functioning of having a sense of place.
David K. Twigg
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780813041889
- eISBN:
- 9780813043890
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813041889.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Florida City and Homestead were entirely within the severe damage zone of Hurricane Andrew--the hurricane's eye wall. Devastation from the hurricane is most clearly associated with this area of the ...
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Florida City and Homestead were entirely within the severe damage zone of Hurricane Andrew--the hurricane's eye wall. Devastation from the hurricane is most clearly associated with this area of the county. Initially, incumbent elected officials worked to help relieve the post-Andrew chaos and suffering. Insurance, FEMA, and other forms of assistance that poured into the area later provided incumbents with a “leadership” rationale for electoral support and with an explanation for the funding limitations that prevented local officials from fulfilling expectations and completing initiated projects. Success in subsequent elections related to incumbents' activity in their jurisdictions and their perceived closeness to the electorate.Less
Florida City and Homestead were entirely within the severe damage zone of Hurricane Andrew--the hurricane's eye wall. Devastation from the hurricane is most clearly associated with this area of the county. Initially, incumbent elected officials worked to help relieve the post-Andrew chaos and suffering. Insurance, FEMA, and other forms of assistance that poured into the area later provided incumbents with a “leadership” rationale for electoral support and with an explanation for the funding limitations that prevented local officials from fulfilling expectations and completing initiated projects. Success in subsequent elections related to incumbents' activity in their jurisdictions and their perceived closeness to the electorate.
Frederick Douglass Opie
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231149402
- eISBN:
- 9780231520355
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231149402.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter delves into the planning and organizing that led to the election of David Dinkins as New York City’s first African American mayor in 1989 and the role that organized labor and Latino ...
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This chapter delves into the planning and organizing that led to the election of David Dinkins as New York City’s first African American mayor in 1989 and the role that organized labor and Latino activists played in that effort. Dinkins’ coalition was made up of black and Latino supporters who hoped that a black mayor would politically empower minorities citywide. His opponent, Republican nominee Rudolph Giuliani cleverly used Dinkins’ supporters against him by using their images to stoke the fears of white, wealthy, and Jewish voters who were already anxious about the rise of street crime and the drug trade. The chapter also discusses Dinkins’ failed reelection campaign in 1993.Less
This chapter delves into the planning and organizing that led to the election of David Dinkins as New York City’s first African American mayor in 1989 and the role that organized labor and Latino activists played in that effort. Dinkins’ coalition was made up of black and Latino supporters who hoped that a black mayor would politically empower minorities citywide. His opponent, Republican nominee Rudolph Giuliani cleverly used Dinkins’ supporters against him by using their images to stoke the fears of white, wealthy, and Jewish voters who were already anxious about the rise of street crime and the drug trade. The chapter also discusses Dinkins’ failed reelection campaign in 1993.
David Thackeray
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780719087615
- eISBN:
- 9781781705858
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719087615.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Work on late-Victorian Conservatism stresses that Salisbury’s party developed a wide support base by promoting a heterogeneous programme, appealing to both working and middle class social cultures. ...
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Work on late-Victorian Conservatism stresses that Salisbury’s party developed a wide support base by promoting a heterogeneous programme, appealing to both working and middle class social cultures. However, Edwardian tariff reformers appear to have struggled to maintain effective links to working class interests. And yet, despite its central importance to its advocates’ political creed, tariff reform was only one of several campaigns that Chamberlain’s supporters waged as they sought to create a Unionist politics with a wider cultural purchase. After 1912 Unionists took substantial steps to reduce their dependence on tariff reform, promoting populist campaigns in support of rural smallholdings, an overhaul of National Insurance, and opposition to Irish home rule. Unionist attempts to engage with class identities in Edwardian Britain were far from one dimensional and grew in sophistication after 1912, as the Conservative party developed a targeted, pluralistic campaign strategy across the nation.Less
Work on late-Victorian Conservatism stresses that Salisbury’s party developed a wide support base by promoting a heterogeneous programme, appealing to both working and middle class social cultures. However, Edwardian tariff reformers appear to have struggled to maintain effective links to working class interests. And yet, despite its central importance to its advocates’ political creed, tariff reform was only one of several campaigns that Chamberlain’s supporters waged as they sought to create a Unionist politics with a wider cultural purchase. After 1912 Unionists took substantial steps to reduce their dependence on tariff reform, promoting populist campaigns in support of rural smallholdings, an overhaul of National Insurance, and opposition to Irish home rule. Unionist attempts to engage with class identities in Edwardian Britain were far from one dimensional and grew in sophistication after 1912, as the Conservative party developed a targeted, pluralistic campaign strategy across the nation.
Jennifer Bussell
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190945398
- eISBN:
- 9780190945435
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190945398.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Comparative Politics
Chapter 8 tests observable implications of the book’s theory on constituency service’s supply, using the field experiment introduced in Chapter 3 to assess politicians’ motivations to respond to ...
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Chapter 8 tests observable implications of the book’s theory on constituency service’s supply, using the field experiment introduced in Chapter 3 to assess politicians’ motivations to respond to petitions. It shows that indicators of a personal vote—that the petitioner has voted for the politician in the past—can have a small positive effect on the quality of a politician’s response, if not the baseline response rate. This chapter also investigates whether information on local blocking affects politicians’ willingness to respond. It shows that, in states with a long history of local elections, politicians interpret information about a failure to receive assistance locally as an indicator of local partisan blocking and, combined with information on electoral history, an indication that the petitioner is a supporter or persuadable voter. Consistent with qualitative evidence from politician shadowing, this experimental evidence substantiates the argument that politicians use constituency service to reach potential supporters.Less
Chapter 8 tests observable implications of the book’s theory on constituency service’s supply, using the field experiment introduced in Chapter 3 to assess politicians’ motivations to respond to petitions. It shows that indicators of a personal vote—that the petitioner has voted for the politician in the past—can have a small positive effect on the quality of a politician’s response, if not the baseline response rate. This chapter also investigates whether information on local blocking affects politicians’ willingness to respond. It shows that, in states with a long history of local elections, politicians interpret information about a failure to receive assistance locally as an indicator of local partisan blocking and, combined with information on electoral history, an indication that the petitioner is a supporter or persuadable voter. Consistent with qualitative evidence from politician shadowing, this experimental evidence substantiates the argument that politicians use constituency service to reach potential supporters.
Kieran McEvoy
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198299073
- eISBN:
- 9780191685590
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198299073.003.0006
- Subject:
- Law, Criminal Law and Criminology
This chapter focuses primarily on the views of Republican prisoners and former prisoners, in particular towards law as a resistance strategy. It begins with an examination of the attitudes of ...
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This chapter focuses primarily on the views of Republican prisoners and former prisoners, in particular towards law as a resistance strategy. It begins with an examination of the attitudes of paramilitary defendants towards law at their trials and in seeking to draw international legitimacy to their cause in extradition and international human rights fora. It then considers litigation as a strategy of resistance in the prisons themselves. Finally, it analyses the relationship between law and the prison struggle and the use of law in the political arena as Republicans (many of whom were ex-prisoners) began in the 1980s to contest seats in local, Westminster, and Republic of Ireland elections. By charting the varying attitudes towards law in these settings, the chapter explores the interrelated themes of (a) law and struggle as processes of dialogue or communication; (b) law as instrumental struggle; and (c) the impact of such legal struggle in prison and related settings in shaping broader political and military strategy.Less
This chapter focuses primarily on the views of Republican prisoners and former prisoners, in particular towards law as a resistance strategy. It begins with an examination of the attitudes of paramilitary defendants towards law at their trials and in seeking to draw international legitimacy to their cause in extradition and international human rights fora. It then considers litigation as a strategy of resistance in the prisons themselves. Finally, it analyses the relationship between law and the prison struggle and the use of law in the political arena as Republicans (many of whom were ex-prisoners) began in the 1980s to contest seats in local, Westminster, and Republic of Ireland elections. By charting the varying attitudes towards law in these settings, the chapter explores the interrelated themes of (a) law and struggle as processes of dialogue or communication; (b) law as instrumental struggle; and (c) the impact of such legal struggle in prison and related settings in shaping broader political and military strategy.
