Harry Brighouse
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199257874
- eISBN:
- 9780191598845
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199257876.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Examines, and refutes, three a priori arguments against school choice: the argument from commodification, the argument from democracy, and the argument from the common good. It argues that markets ...
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Examines, and refutes, three a priori arguments against school choice: the argument from commodification, the argument from democracy, and the argument from the common good. It argues that markets are inevitably involved in the delivery of educational services, and that although democracy is valuable its value does not justify the level of local control many critics of vouchers favour. It argues that a defensible notion of the common good cannot do the work required to ground a theory of justice for education, and is therefore not immediately pertinent to the evaluation of school reform.Less
Examines, and refutes, three a priori arguments against school choice: the argument from commodification, the argument from democracy, and the argument from the common good. It argues that markets are inevitably involved in the delivery of educational services, and that although democracy is valuable its value does not justify the level of local control many critics of vouchers favour. It argues that a defensible notion of the common good cannot do the work required to ground a theory of justice for education, and is therefore not immediately pertinent to the evaluation of school reform.
Paul T. Hill and Ashley E. Jochim
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780226200545
- eISBN:
- 9780226200712
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226200712.001.0001
- Subject:
- Education, Educational Policy and Politics
The book focuses on governance of K-12 public schools. Governance – the work of institutions that set the rules under which schools must operate – can protect children and prevent misuse of public ...
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The book focuses on governance of K-12 public schools. Governance – the work of institutions that set the rules under which schools must operate – can protect children and prevent misuse of public funds, but it can also prevent teachers and principals from doing their best for children. There are proposals to simplify governance changing by giving control to mayors, eliminating elected school boards, or eliminating local oversight entirely. This book approaches governance from a new angle: who governs is less important than what powers government has. We propose system of “constitutional” limits on what local governing bodies can do, and checks and balances to enforce these limits. The core of the governance system is a local Civic Education Council, a representative democratic body that has unique but also strictly limited powers: to decide what organizations may run schools, but to let individual schools employ teachers and principals; to withdraw support from unproductive schools and to seek better alternatives for children; and to allocate funds to schools based on enrollment but not to create a large central bureaucracy. This maintains local control, but also limits the purview of government action. The book explains constitutional governance in detail and lays out its implications for parents, students, teachers and their unions, state and federal government and the courts. Later chapters address how the laws defining the new system could be stabilized by a combination of structural change in government and political organization.Less
The book focuses on governance of K-12 public schools. Governance – the work of institutions that set the rules under which schools must operate – can protect children and prevent misuse of public funds, but it can also prevent teachers and principals from doing their best for children. There are proposals to simplify governance changing by giving control to mayors, eliminating elected school boards, or eliminating local oversight entirely. This book approaches governance from a new angle: who governs is less important than what powers government has. We propose system of “constitutional” limits on what local governing bodies can do, and checks and balances to enforce these limits. The core of the governance system is a local Civic Education Council, a representative democratic body that has unique but also strictly limited powers: to decide what organizations may run schools, but to let individual schools employ teachers and principals; to withdraw support from unproductive schools and to seek better alternatives for children; and to allocate funds to schools based on enrollment but not to create a large central bureaucracy. This maintains local control, but also limits the purview of government action. The book explains constitutional governance in detail and lays out its implications for parents, students, teachers and their unions, state and federal government and the courts. Later chapters address how the laws defining the new system could be stabilized by a combination of structural change in government and political organization.
Campbell F. Scribner
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781501700804
- eISBN:
- 9781501704116
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501700804.001.0001
- Subject:
- Education, Educational Policy and Politics
Throughout the twentieth century, local control of school districts was one of the most contentious issues in American politics. As state and federal regulation attempted to standardize public ...
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Throughout the twentieth century, local control of school districts was one of the most contentious issues in American politics. As state and federal regulation attempted to standardize public schools, conservatives defended local prerogative as a bulwark of democratic values. Yet their commitment to those values was shifting and selective. This book demonstrates how, in the decades after World War II, suburban communities appropriated legacies of rural education to assert their political autonomy and in the process radically changed educational law. The account unfolds on the metropolitan fringe, where rapid suburbanization overlapped with the consolidation of thousands of small rural schools. Rural residents initially clashed with their new neighbors, but by the 1960s the groups had rallied to resist government oversight. Suburban conservatives carved out new rights for local autonomy, stifling equal educational opportunity. Yet the book also provides insight into why many conservatives have since abandoned localism for policies that stress school choice and federal accountability. In the 1970s, as new battles arose over unions, textbooks, and taxes, districts on the rural–suburban fringe became the first to assert individual choice in the form of school vouchers, religious exemptions, and a marketplace model of education. At the same time, they began to embrace tax limitation and standardized testing, policies that checked educational bureaucracy but bypassed local school boards. The effect, the book concludes, has been to reinforce inequalities between districts while weakening participatory government within them, keeping the worst aspects of local control in place while forfeiting its virtues.Less
Throughout the twentieth century, local control of school districts was one of the most contentious issues in American politics. As state and federal regulation attempted to standardize public schools, conservatives defended local prerogative as a bulwark of democratic values. Yet their commitment to those values was shifting and selective. This book demonstrates how, in the decades after World War II, suburban communities appropriated legacies of rural education to assert their political autonomy and in the process radically changed educational law. The account unfolds on the metropolitan fringe, where rapid suburbanization overlapped with the consolidation of thousands of small rural schools. Rural residents initially clashed with their new neighbors, but by the 1960s the groups had rallied to resist government oversight. Suburban conservatives carved out new rights for local autonomy, stifling equal educational opportunity. Yet the book also provides insight into why many conservatives have since abandoned localism for policies that stress school choice and federal accountability. In the 1970s, as new battles arose over unions, textbooks, and taxes, districts on the rural–suburban fringe became the first to assert individual choice in the form of school vouchers, religious exemptions, and a marketplace model of education. At the same time, they began to embrace tax limitation and standardized testing, policies that checked educational bureaucracy but bypassed local school boards. The effect, the book concludes, has been to reinforce inequalities between districts while weakening participatory government within them, keeping the worst aspects of local control in place while forfeiting its virtues.
Campbell F. Scribner
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781501700804
- eISBN:
- 9781501704116
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501700804.003.0002
- Subject:
- Education, Educational Policy and Politics
This chapter explains local control in the context of suburbanization, conservative politics, and school reform, and demonstrates how the confluence of these issues changed practices of municipal ...
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This chapter explains local control in the context of suburbanization, conservative politics, and school reform, and demonstrates how the confluence of these issues changed practices of municipal government. Local autonomy had almost no legal basis before the 1890s, when a handful of states added home rule amendments to their constitutions, and even then it was primarily used to empower cities at the expense of suburban and rural areas. It was the rise of mass suburbanization between the 1910s and the 1950s that prompted calls to protect small-town government, with attendant rights of zoning, tax collection, and geographical integrity. Conceived in opposition to political machines and profligate spending, the notion of local control became popular with a variety of interest groups, especially rural and suburban conservatives, for whom localism preserved existing systems of political power and smoothed over potential areas of division.Less
This chapter explains local control in the context of suburbanization, conservative politics, and school reform, and demonstrates how the confluence of these issues changed practices of municipal government. Local autonomy had almost no legal basis before the 1890s, when a handful of states added home rule amendments to their constitutions, and even then it was primarily used to empower cities at the expense of suburban and rural areas. It was the rise of mass suburbanization between the 1910s and the 1950s that prompted calls to protect small-town government, with attendant rights of zoning, tax collection, and geographical integrity. Conceived in opposition to political machines and profligate spending, the notion of local control became popular with a variety of interest groups, especially rural and suburban conservatives, for whom localism preserved existing systems of political power and smoothed over potential areas of division.
Jesse H. Rhodes
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801449710
- eISBN:
- 9780801464195
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801449710.001.0001
- Subject:
- Education, Educational Policy and Politics
Since the early 1990s, the federal role in education—exemplified by the controversial No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB)—has expanded dramatically. Yet states and localities have retained a central role ...
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Since the early 1990s, the federal role in education—exemplified by the controversial No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB)—has expanded dramatically. Yet states and localities have retained a central role in education policy, leading to a growing struggle for control over the direction of the nation's schools. This book explains the uneven development of federal involvement in education. While supporters of expanded federal involvement enjoyed some success in bringing new ideas to the federal policy agenda, the book argues, they also encountered stiff resistance from proponents of local control. Built atop existing decentralized policies, new federal reforms raised difficult questions about which level of government bore ultimate responsibility for improving schools. The book's argument focuses on the role played by civil rights activists, business leaders, and education experts in promoting the reforms that would be enacted with federal policies such as NCLB. It also underscores the constraints on federal involvement imposed by existing education policies, hostile interest groups, and, above all, the nation's federal system. Indeed, the federal system, which left specific policy formation and implementation to the states and localities, repeatedly frustrated efforts to effect changes: national reforms lost their force as policies passed through iterations at the state, county, and municipal levels. Ironically, state and local resistance only encouraged civil rights activists, business leaders, and their political allies to advocate even more stringent reforms that imposed heavier burdens on state and local governments. Through it all, the nation's education system made only incremental steps toward the goal of providing a quality education for every child.Less
Since the early 1990s, the federal role in education—exemplified by the controversial No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB)—has expanded dramatically. Yet states and localities have retained a central role in education policy, leading to a growing struggle for control over the direction of the nation's schools. This book explains the uneven development of federal involvement in education. While supporters of expanded federal involvement enjoyed some success in bringing new ideas to the federal policy agenda, the book argues, they also encountered stiff resistance from proponents of local control. Built atop existing decentralized policies, new federal reforms raised difficult questions about which level of government bore ultimate responsibility for improving schools. The book's argument focuses on the role played by civil rights activists, business leaders, and education experts in promoting the reforms that would be enacted with federal policies such as NCLB. It also underscores the constraints on federal involvement imposed by existing education policies, hostile interest groups, and, above all, the nation's federal system. Indeed, the federal system, which left specific policy formation and implementation to the states and localities, repeatedly frustrated efforts to effect changes: national reforms lost their force as policies passed through iterations at the state, county, and municipal levels. Ironically, state and local resistance only encouraged civil rights activists, business leaders, and their political allies to advocate even more stringent reforms that imposed heavier burdens on state and local governments. Through it all, the nation's education system made only incremental steps toward the goal of providing a quality education for every child.
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226772097
- eISBN:
- 9780226772127
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226772127.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
During the National Education Association's Department of Superintendence meeting in 1918 to discuss “centralizing tendencies in educational administration,” Payson Smith, state superintendent of ...
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During the National Education Association's Department of Superintendence meeting in 1918 to discuss “centralizing tendencies in educational administration,” Payson Smith, state superintendent of Massachusetts, called for a stronger state government role to safeguard equal opportunity by addressing inequities wrought by social, economic, and demographic changes. Many of those who attended the meeting agreed with his call for expanded state responsibility, but others were not as enthusiastic. This chapter focuses on the expansion of the state government role in education and explores public debates over state and federal aid, the growth of state administration, and the complex ways that states negotiated with and utilized local control. It first looks at state government promotion of local schooling before World War I before turning to equal educational opportunity and the nation-state interest in schooling during the war. The chapter also considers postwar state school administration and argues that the state role in schooling from 1890 to 1940 was one of expansive legal authority and steadily growing involvement by state boards of education, state superintendents and departments of education, state legislatures, and state courts.Less
During the National Education Association's Department of Superintendence meeting in 1918 to discuss “centralizing tendencies in educational administration,” Payson Smith, state superintendent of Massachusetts, called for a stronger state government role to safeguard equal opportunity by addressing inequities wrought by social, economic, and demographic changes. Many of those who attended the meeting agreed with his call for expanded state responsibility, but others were not as enthusiastic. This chapter focuses on the expansion of the state government role in education and explores public debates over state and federal aid, the growth of state administration, and the complex ways that states negotiated with and utilized local control. It first looks at state government promotion of local schooling before World War I before turning to equal educational opportunity and the nation-state interest in schooling during the war. The chapter also considers postwar state school administration and argues that the state role in schooling from 1890 to 1940 was one of expansive legal authority and steadily growing involvement by state boards of education, state superintendents and departments of education, state legislatures, and state courts.
Campbell F. Scribner
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781501700804
- eISBN:
- 9781501704116
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501700804.003.0009
- Subject:
- Education, Educational Policy and Politics
This chapter discusses how campaigns for local control of curriculum surged nationwide in the late 1970s. Conservatives often championed both the rights of school boards and those of individual ...
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This chapter discusses how campaigns for local control of curriculum surged nationwide in the late 1970s. Conservatives often championed both the rights of school boards and those of individual parents, combining two seemingly contradictory interpretations of local control—one based on the principle of majority rule and the other on minority rights. These positions began to diverge during the late 1970s as courts limited the ability of local majorities to determine curriculum and strengthened the rights of individual parents, students, and teachers. The legal shift decoupled not only conflicting notions of democracy but the conservative movement's “radical” and “respectable” segments as well.Less
This chapter discusses how campaigns for local control of curriculum surged nationwide in the late 1970s. Conservatives often championed both the rights of school boards and those of individual parents, combining two seemingly contradictory interpretations of local control—one based on the principle of majority rule and the other on minority rights. These positions began to diverge during the late 1970s as courts limited the ability of local majorities to determine curriculum and strengthened the rights of individual parents, students, and teachers. The legal shift decoupled not only conflicting notions of democracy but the conservative movement's “radical” and “respectable” segments as well.
Eric T. Freyfogle
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780226326399
- eISBN:
- 9780226326429
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226326429.003.0007
- Subject:
- Environmental Science, Environmental Studies
This chapter continues the effort to construct an overall normative frame for distinguishing land use from land abuse. It takes up elements of social justice, defined more broadly than typically done ...
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This chapter continues the effort to construct an overall normative frame for distinguishing land use from land abuse. It takes up elements of social justice, defined more broadly than typically done in discussions of environmental justice. Social justice includes how we share the good parts of nature as well as environmental bads. It considers how actions (including consumption) by some people adversely affect others, effects that should register in moral assessments. And it contends that good land use requires the support and engagement of local people and that injustice occurs when local people are powerless to control key decisions about their landscapes. This critique extends to private property, a morally complex institution that vests power over nature in the hands of individual owners. Particularly with climate change humans must share the earth fairly and make room for one another taking into account variations in the productivity of landscapes. The chapter challenges common understandings of environmental racism as sometimes too focused on the racism (social justice) aspect and insufficiently attentive to ecological degradation. It ends by challenging the tendency to blend environmental goals with social justice goals into a single goal that can allow economic development to justify continuing degradation. Less
This chapter continues the effort to construct an overall normative frame for distinguishing land use from land abuse. It takes up elements of social justice, defined more broadly than typically done in discussions of environmental justice. Social justice includes how we share the good parts of nature as well as environmental bads. It considers how actions (including consumption) by some people adversely affect others, effects that should register in moral assessments. And it contends that good land use requires the support and engagement of local people and that injustice occurs when local people are powerless to control key decisions about their landscapes. This critique extends to private property, a morally complex institution that vests power over nature in the hands of individual owners. Particularly with climate change humans must share the earth fairly and make room for one another taking into account variations in the productivity of landscapes. The chapter challenges common understandings of environmental racism as sometimes too focused on the racism (social justice) aspect and insufficiently attentive to ecological degradation. It ends by challenging the tendency to blend environmental goals with social justice goals into a single goal that can allow economic development to justify continuing degradation.
Campbell F. Scribner
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781501700804
- eISBN:
- 9781501704116
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501700804.003.0004
- Subject:
- Education, Educational Policy and Politics
This chapter discusses the impact of suburbanization on rural school districts and looks at the invocation of local control to oppose court-ordered busing for racial desegregation. The history of ...
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This chapter discusses the impact of suburbanization on rural school districts and looks at the invocation of local control to oppose court-ordered busing for racial desegregation. The history of metropolitan busing in Wisconsin offers a particularly clear example of conservatives' conflation of rural and suburban school policy. Although the Wisconsin (Rural) Schools Association failed to stop the consolidation of rural districts during the 1950s, a decade later it gained popularity among suburbanites in Oshkosh, Green Bay, and Milwaukee with its pledge “to oppose the relentless disruption of our present school system.” When Milwaukee tried to install a race-based busing program in 1975, the Brookfield city council insisted that if “suburban home rule” were not preserved, villages and school districts in adjacent counties would be “consolidated, attached, dismembered, or reduced” at the whim of urban politicians.Less
This chapter discusses the impact of suburbanization on rural school districts and looks at the invocation of local control to oppose court-ordered busing for racial desegregation. The history of metropolitan busing in Wisconsin offers a particularly clear example of conservatives' conflation of rural and suburban school policy. Although the Wisconsin (Rural) Schools Association failed to stop the consolidation of rural districts during the 1950s, a decade later it gained popularity among suburbanites in Oshkosh, Green Bay, and Milwaukee with its pledge “to oppose the relentless disruption of our present school system.” When Milwaukee tried to install a race-based busing program in 1975, the Brookfield city council insisted that if “suburban home rule” were not preserved, villages and school districts in adjacent counties would be “consolidated, attached, dismembered, or reduced” at the whim of urban politicians.
Campbell F. Scribner
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781501700804
- eISBN:
- 9781501704116
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501700804.003.0010
- Subject:
- Education, Educational Policy and Politics
This concluding chapter argues that the misfortune of rural schools speaks to the declining population and political influence of rural communities in general, but it also suggests new possibilities ...
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This concluding chapter argues that the misfortune of rural schools speaks to the declining population and political influence of rural communities in general, but it also suggests new possibilities for a usable past. For as conservatives shift their attention from local control to school choice—and as suburbanites ignore the outlying communities with whom they once identified—they discard a valuable legacy of democratic participation, a cause with the potential to unite rural and urban areas as well as teachers and taxpayers. Rural teachers may have an important role to play in contemporary politics, not because their concerns are distinct from those of urban teachers but because conservative policies have hurt the communities in which both groups work.Less
This concluding chapter argues that the misfortune of rural schools speaks to the declining population and political influence of rural communities in general, but it also suggests new possibilities for a usable past. For as conservatives shift their attention from local control to school choice—and as suburbanites ignore the outlying communities with whom they once identified—they discard a valuable legacy of democratic participation, a cause with the potential to unite rural and urban areas as well as teachers and taxpayers. Rural teachers may have an important role to play in contemporary politics, not because their concerns are distinct from those of urban teachers but because conservative policies have hurt the communities in which both groups work.
Neethi P.
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- June 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780199463626
- eISBN:
- 9780199086863
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199463626.001.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
This book concerns the broad theme of globalization and labour, particularly female labour, and applies the ‘labour geography’ approach to examine contemporary forms of labour control, conflict, and ...
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This book concerns the broad theme of globalization and labour, particularly female labour, and applies the ‘labour geography’ approach to examine contemporary forms of labour control, conflict, and response under a globalization regime in Kerala state in India, through four diverse in-depth empirical case studies set in this state. This book concentrates on the transforming nature of work under capitalism, and has three interrelated aims: (a) to identify the myriad forms of globalization, as against casting it as a monolith; (b) to perceive workers as active social agents rather than as passive subjects; and (c) to reflect on local discourses of globalization and related issues. Kerala has been chosen as the setting because the state’s labour scenario has dramatically changed, especially in the second half of the twentieth century. While constructing a collage of certain contemporary trends in Kerala’s labour market, this book moves away from the approaches prescribed by economic orthodoxy and borrows from sociological, anthropological, and partly from ethnographic approaches. A geographic perspective allows us to appreciate local variability and uneven development in the labour market, and to chart the complex landscape in which contemporary workers live, work, and struggle. The four distinct, theoretically-driven case studies also help in bringing out the role played by various seemingly unlikely actors in the labour market. Questioning global stereotypes, the book argues that labour becomes actively involved in the very process of globalization and the expansion of capital.Less
This book concerns the broad theme of globalization and labour, particularly female labour, and applies the ‘labour geography’ approach to examine contemporary forms of labour control, conflict, and response under a globalization regime in Kerala state in India, through four diverse in-depth empirical case studies set in this state. This book concentrates on the transforming nature of work under capitalism, and has three interrelated aims: (a) to identify the myriad forms of globalization, as against casting it as a monolith; (b) to perceive workers as active social agents rather than as passive subjects; and (c) to reflect on local discourses of globalization and related issues. Kerala has been chosen as the setting because the state’s labour scenario has dramatically changed, especially in the second half of the twentieth century. While constructing a collage of certain contemporary trends in Kerala’s labour market, this book moves away from the approaches prescribed by economic orthodoxy and borrows from sociological, anthropological, and partly from ethnographic approaches. A geographic perspective allows us to appreciate local variability and uneven development in the labour market, and to chart the complex landscape in which contemporary workers live, work, and struggle. The four distinct, theoretically-driven case studies also help in bringing out the role played by various seemingly unlikely actors in the labour market. Questioning global stereotypes, the book argues that labour becomes actively involved in the very process of globalization and the expansion of capital.
Neethi P.
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- June 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780199463626
- eISBN:
- 9780199086863
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199463626.003.0004
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
This chapter is a case study of a prominent electronics manufacturer in Kerala. It illuminates an approach to labour studies which focuses on ‘local labour control regimes’. This approach provides an ...
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This chapter is a case study of a prominent electronics manufacturer in Kerala. It illuminates an approach to labour studies which focuses on ‘local labour control regimes’. This approach provides an entry point to theorize the processes and operations of the localized system of power at various scales. This is followed by an examination of day-to-day resistance paths crafted by the workers. Building on the theoretical base of local labour control regimes, empirical evidence from the case study reveals that local labour markets develop their own forms of labour control and worker response patterns. These are not always clearly visible and may require something more than superficial enquiry to bring their salient features into view. In this case, the Church, an actor that has been for long a very influential player in the development experience in Kerala, is shown to play an unexpected role in local labour control regimes.Less
This chapter is a case study of a prominent electronics manufacturer in Kerala. It illuminates an approach to labour studies which focuses on ‘local labour control regimes’. This approach provides an entry point to theorize the processes and operations of the localized system of power at various scales. This is followed by an examination of day-to-day resistance paths crafted by the workers. Building on the theoretical base of local labour control regimes, empirical evidence from the case study reveals that local labour markets develop their own forms of labour control and worker response patterns. These are not always clearly visible and may require something more than superficial enquiry to bring their salient features into view. In this case, the Church, an actor that has been for long a very influential player in the development experience in Kerala, is shown to play an unexpected role in local labour control regimes.
Malcolm Anderson
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- February 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199693641
- eISBN:
- 9780191803758
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:osobl/9780199693641.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter deals with controversies involving the municipal police in France since 1870. It begins with an overview of issues concerning national or local control of municipal policing. This is ...
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This chapter deals with controversies involving the municipal police in France since 1870. It begins with an overview of issues concerning national or local control of municipal policing. This is followed by a discussion on the distinction between municipal police and national police. The chapter then considers the revival of the municipal police from 1970 following its ‘disappearance’ after 1945. It also examines the virtues of the municipal police compared with the national police.Less
This chapter deals with controversies involving the municipal police in France since 1870. It begins with an overview of issues concerning national or local control of municipal policing. This is followed by a discussion on the distinction between municipal police and national police. The chapter then considers the revival of the municipal police from 1970 following its ‘disappearance’ after 1945. It also examines the virtues of the municipal police compared with the national police.
Alan Mikhail
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780226427171
- eISBN:
- 9780226427201
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226427201.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
From the Ottoman conquest of Egypt in 1517 until the second half of the eighteenth century, Egyptian farmers initiated and oversaw the construction and repair of small-scale irrigation and other ...
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From the Ottoman conquest of Egypt in 1517 until the second half of the eighteenth century, Egyptian farmers initiated and oversaw the construction and repair of small-scale irrigation and other infrastructural works in their local environments. They controlled how and when their labor was used. At the end of the eighteenth century, rural labor in Egypt dramatically changed. It became coerced, required the large-scale movement of peasant laborers, resulted in enormous environmental manipulation, and was often deadly. This chapter explains this massive sea change in environmental labor in Egypt. It makes clear how and why forced labor, deleterious environmental exploitation, extractive economics, and population movements emerged at the end of the eighteenth century and how they have come to characterize the relationship between work and the environment in rural Egypt from that period until today.Less
From the Ottoman conquest of Egypt in 1517 until the second half of the eighteenth century, Egyptian farmers initiated and oversaw the construction and repair of small-scale irrigation and other infrastructural works in their local environments. They controlled how and when their labor was used. At the end of the eighteenth century, rural labor in Egypt dramatically changed. It became coerced, required the large-scale movement of peasant laborers, resulted in enormous environmental manipulation, and was often deadly. This chapter explains this massive sea change in environmental labor in Egypt. It makes clear how and why forced labor, deleterious environmental exploitation, extractive economics, and population movements emerged at the end of the eighteenth century and how they have come to characterize the relationship between work and the environment in rural Egypt from that period until today.
Douglas S. Reed
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- August 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199838486
- eISBN:
- 9780199384303
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199838486.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Chapter 7 examines the origins and reception of accountability policies and politics in Alexandria, beginning in the 1990s with the effort to shift from a School Board appointed by the Alexandria ...
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Chapter 7 examines the origins and reception of accountability policies and politics in Alexandria, beginning in the 1990s with the effort to shift from a School Board appointed by the Alexandria City Council to an elected one. This campaign stemmed from increasing frustration with Alexandria’s schools and growing calls for a more “accountable” school board. These changing priorities emerged at roughly the same time Virginia was revising its statewide accountability framework, the Virginia Standards of Learning (SOL), which represented both an incursion into local control and a national model for other states. Fresh off a campaign to impose electoral accountability on Alexandria schools, the local school leadership in Alexandria, led by Superintendent Herbert Berg, endorsed the accountability model with enthusiasm, unlike many school districts across Northern Virginia,. The local acceptance of Virginia’s accountability model stemmed from the concerted efforts of local activists to impose a norm of accountability on Alexandria’s schools and students alike.Less
Chapter 7 examines the origins and reception of accountability policies and politics in Alexandria, beginning in the 1990s with the effort to shift from a School Board appointed by the Alexandria City Council to an elected one. This campaign stemmed from increasing frustration with Alexandria’s schools and growing calls for a more “accountable” school board. These changing priorities emerged at roughly the same time Virginia was revising its statewide accountability framework, the Virginia Standards of Learning (SOL), which represented both an incursion into local control and a national model for other states. Fresh off a campaign to impose electoral accountability on Alexandria schools, the local school leadership in Alexandria, led by Superintendent Herbert Berg, endorsed the accountability model with enthusiasm, unlike many school districts across Northern Virginia,. The local acceptance of Virginia’s accountability model stemmed from the concerted efforts of local activists to impose a norm of accountability on Alexandria’s schools and students alike.
Emily Talen
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- April 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190907495
- eISBN:
- 9780190907525
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190907495.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century, Cultural History
This chapter focuses on the issue of neighborhood self-governance, including the pros and cons of self-determination and local control. Strong, self-regulated neighborhoods fit well within a ...
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This chapter focuses on the issue of neighborhood self-governance, including the pros and cons of self-determination and local control. Strong, self-regulated neighborhoods fit well within a self-help narrative about residents taking control of their own destinies. But the downside, as the debates reveal, is the loss of power and the potential for insularity, which can further deplete power. At the same time, higher-level authorities are often resistant to relinquishing control, putting added stress on the ability of neighborhoods to self-manage. With a stronger sense of neighborhood, the debate can be resolved through better connection to wider political networks as well as better application of innovative budgeting and governance procedures that are already in place but not widely in use. Resolution of the self-determination debate, then, capitalizes on existing procedures, regulations, and governing authority that exist at the neighborhood level but have not been activated by an explicit understanding of neighborhood.Less
This chapter focuses on the issue of neighborhood self-governance, including the pros and cons of self-determination and local control. Strong, self-regulated neighborhoods fit well within a self-help narrative about residents taking control of their own destinies. But the downside, as the debates reveal, is the loss of power and the potential for insularity, which can further deplete power. At the same time, higher-level authorities are often resistant to relinquishing control, putting added stress on the ability of neighborhoods to self-manage. With a stronger sense of neighborhood, the debate can be resolved through better connection to wider political networks as well as better application of innovative budgeting and governance procedures that are already in place but not widely in use. Resolution of the self-determination debate, then, capitalizes on existing procedures, regulations, and governing authority that exist at the neighborhood level but have not been activated by an explicit understanding of neighborhood.
Keramet Reiter
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781469651231
- eISBN:
- 9781469651262
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469651231.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
The chapter showcases California’s prison bureaucracy where correctional bureaucrats pioneered the development of the “supermax” high-level-security prison, or “prisons within prisons.” Drawing on ...
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The chapter showcases California’s prison bureaucracy where correctional bureaucrats pioneered the development of the “supermax” high-level-security prison, or “prisons within prisons.” Drawing on forty oral history interviews with prison administrators, lawyers, prison architects, and reformers, the chapter demonstrates how correctional bureaucrats initiated solutions to address local problems without political scrutiny. By focusing on local control through correctional bureaucrats, the chapter argues that bureaucrats acted as more than policy implementers but as “policy initiators” who reacted to fears over mounting prison uprisings, gang strife and racial violence, and prisoners’ rights lawsuits by redesigning the prison scheme to arrive at their “solution” of architectural cell isolation. In contrast to the top-down federal narrative of mass incarceration, this chapter reveals that correctional bureaucrats had near total control when advocating for the holistic redesign of the entire prison system within a supermax framework. Correctional bureaucrats thus remapped California’s prison system around a supermax framework with very little political and judicial intent, oversight, or scrutiny.Less
The chapter showcases California’s prison bureaucracy where correctional bureaucrats pioneered the development of the “supermax” high-level-security prison, or “prisons within prisons.” Drawing on forty oral history interviews with prison administrators, lawyers, prison architects, and reformers, the chapter demonstrates how correctional bureaucrats initiated solutions to address local problems without political scrutiny. By focusing on local control through correctional bureaucrats, the chapter argues that bureaucrats acted as more than policy implementers but as “policy initiators” who reacted to fears over mounting prison uprisings, gang strife and racial violence, and prisoners’ rights lawsuits by redesigning the prison scheme to arrive at their “solution” of architectural cell isolation. In contrast to the top-down federal narrative of mass incarceration, this chapter reveals that correctional bureaucrats had near total control when advocating for the holistic redesign of the entire prison system within a supermax framework. Correctional bureaucrats thus remapped California’s prison system around a supermax framework with very little political and judicial intent, oversight, or scrutiny.
Margaret Moore
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- September 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780190222246
- eISBN:
- 9780190222260
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190222246.003.0011
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy, General
This chapter summarizes the central argument of the book, and emphasizes the practical need for a theory of territory, as conflict over land is likely to increase. It also argues that conflict is ...
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This chapter summarizes the central argument of the book, and emphasizes the practical need for a theory of territory, as conflict over land is likely to increase. It also argues that conflict is exacerbated by the lack of consensus on the normative importance of land and the appropriate relationship between land, the state and people.Less
This chapter summarizes the central argument of the book, and emphasizes the practical need for a theory of territory, as conflict over land is likely to increase. It also argues that conflict is exacerbated by the lack of consensus on the normative importance of land and the appropriate relationship between land, the state and people.
Robin Detterman, Jenny Ventura, Lihi Rosenthal, and Ken Berrick
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- November 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780190886516
- eISBN:
- 9780197559901
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190886516.003.0014
- Subject:
- Education, Care and Counseling of Students
By now you are likely aware that unconditional education (UE) is a practice of optimization. That is, the aim is to provide just the right amount of intervention to ...
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By now you are likely aware that unconditional education (UE) is a practice of optimization. That is, the aim is to provide just the right amount of intervention to get the job done, but never unnecessary excess. Chapter 1 introduced the key principles that drive UE: efficiency, intentional relationship building, cross-sector responsibility, and local decision-making. Much of the rest of this book has addressed what happens in schools when these principles are absent. However, in reviewing early UE implementation pitfalls, most, if not all, missteps can be traced back to an overzealous application of these principles without adequate consideration for a just-right approach. This chapter will explore these common missteps and trace the surprising ways in which an over-application of the principles of UE can unintentionally replicate the very practices of exclusion it was designed to address. The previous chapters have proposed that healthy and trusting relationships play a central role when it comes to both personal and organizational learning. While the cultivation of relationships takes time, once established, the presence of relational trust can accelerate efforts. In schools highly impacted by trauma, an initial investment in relationship building is in fact a prerequisite for any successful transformation to take hold. The work of creating trauma-informed schools necessitates that we acknowledge these experiences and create plans to address the vicarious trauma often felt by school staff themselves. In some cases, even this is not enough. Organizational trauma—in which interactions within the entire building or district itself evidence the weight of working in resource-strapped environments—is common in public schools. It is often the case that years of unhealthy competition, inadequate funding, and failed initiatives and promises have overwhelmed an organization’s protective structures and rendered it less resilient for the hard work required to bring about the exact change the organization needs in order to heal and thrive (Vickers & Kouzmin, 2001). Not all public schools operate as traumatized systems, yet the conditions within many schools, particularly those serving a high percentage of students who belong to systematically oppressed groups, are most vulnerable.
Less
By now you are likely aware that unconditional education (UE) is a practice of optimization. That is, the aim is to provide just the right amount of intervention to get the job done, but never unnecessary excess. Chapter 1 introduced the key principles that drive UE: efficiency, intentional relationship building, cross-sector responsibility, and local decision-making. Much of the rest of this book has addressed what happens in schools when these principles are absent. However, in reviewing early UE implementation pitfalls, most, if not all, missteps can be traced back to an overzealous application of these principles without adequate consideration for a just-right approach. This chapter will explore these common missteps and trace the surprising ways in which an over-application of the principles of UE can unintentionally replicate the very practices of exclusion it was designed to address. The previous chapters have proposed that healthy and trusting relationships play a central role when it comes to both personal and organizational learning. While the cultivation of relationships takes time, once established, the presence of relational trust can accelerate efforts. In schools highly impacted by trauma, an initial investment in relationship building is in fact a prerequisite for any successful transformation to take hold. The work of creating trauma-informed schools necessitates that we acknowledge these experiences and create plans to address the vicarious trauma often felt by school staff themselves. In some cases, even this is not enough. Organizational trauma—in which interactions within the entire building or district itself evidence the weight of working in resource-strapped environments—is common in public schools. It is often the case that years of unhealthy competition, inadequate funding, and failed initiatives and promises have overwhelmed an organization’s protective structures and rendered it less resilient for the hard work required to bring about the exact change the organization needs in order to heal and thrive (Vickers & Kouzmin, 2001). Not all public schools operate as traumatized systems, yet the conditions within many schools, particularly those serving a high percentage of students who belong to systematically oppressed groups, are most vulnerable.
