Wayne Norman
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780198293354
- eISBN:
- 9780191604126
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293356.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The chapter begins by taking stock of two decades of sophisticated intellectual debate by sociologists, political scientists, and philosophers about the nature and significance of nationalism. It ...
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The chapter begins by taking stock of two decades of sophisticated intellectual debate by sociologists, political scientists, and philosophers about the nature and significance of nationalism. It then examines how nationalism may or may not be compatible with contemporary currents in liberal political theory, following in the footsteps of Will Kymlicka, Yael Tamir, David Miller, Jacob Levy, and others. It ends with an appendix evaluating Rogers Brubaker’s argument on why political theorists should avoid legitimizing the vocabulary of nationalists — including the category of ‘nation’ — when explaining nationalist movements.Less
The chapter begins by taking stock of two decades of sophisticated intellectual debate by sociologists, political scientists, and philosophers about the nature and significance of nationalism. It then examines how nationalism may or may not be compatible with contemporary currents in liberal political theory, following in the footsteps of Will Kymlicka, Yael Tamir, David Miller, Jacob Levy, and others. It ends with an appendix evaluating Rogers Brubaker’s argument on why political theorists should avoid legitimizing the vocabulary of nationalists — including the category of ‘nation’ — when explaining nationalist movements.
Michael Freeden
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294146
- eISBN:
- 9780191599323
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829414X.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Philosophical liberalism poses a challenge for the ideological analyst since it illustrates the divide between ideology and political philosophy discussed in Part I of the book, even though at least ...
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Philosophical liberalism poses a challenge for the ideological analyst since it illustrates the divide between ideology and political philosophy discussed in Part I of the book, even though at least one of its most representative formulators (R. Dworkin) refers to its distinct ideological features. It is almost entirely ahistorical despite superficial allusions to the historical liberal tradition, and adopts the conceptual purism of some philosophers in its attempts to isolate the synchronic constitutive principles of liberalism ‘as such’; it is formalistic and rule bound. It is currently the most carefully argued and academically the most widely discussed liberal theory, and moreover, follows the academic trend of resurrecting major ideologies—Marxism is the best‐known example—within the confines of philosophical discourse and, like twentieth‐century Marxism, it exhibits the scholastic tendency of relatively circumscribed circles to focus detailed and often repetitive debate on a small number of texts, so that liberal principles are stated in such a way as to blur the distinctions between the theory and the ideology. Significantly, American philosophical liberalism is both similar to and different from other American liberal counterparts and a comparison between the two is therefore of some interest. Philosophical liberalism, it is contended, has borrowed a false horizon for American liberalism, stretching back to Kant but unrelated to the thought‐behaviour of American liberals; the hitherto existing horizons of those liberals, whether accumulative or diminishing, and whether compatible or incongruous, hark back instead to Locke, to progressivism and the New Deal, and to the civil rights movement of the 1960s.Less
Philosophical liberalism poses a challenge for the ideological analyst since it illustrates the divide between ideology and political philosophy discussed in Part I of the book, even though at least one of its most representative formulators (R. Dworkin) refers to its distinct ideological features. It is almost entirely ahistorical despite superficial allusions to the historical liberal tradition, and adopts the conceptual purism of some philosophers in its attempts to isolate the synchronic constitutive principles of liberalism ‘as such’; it is formalistic and rule bound. It is currently the most carefully argued and academically the most widely discussed liberal theory, and moreover, follows the academic trend of resurrecting major ideologies—Marxism is the best‐known example—within the confines of philosophical discourse and, like twentieth‐century Marxism, it exhibits the scholastic tendency of relatively circumscribed circles to focus detailed and often repetitive debate on a small number of texts, so that liberal principles are stated in such a way as to blur the distinctions between the theory and the ideology. Significantly, American philosophical liberalism is both similar to and different from other American liberal counterparts and a comparison between the two is therefore of some interest. Philosophical liberalism, it is contended, has borrowed a false horizon for American liberalism, stretching back to Kant but unrelated to the thought‐behaviour of American liberals; the hitherto existing horizons of those liberals, whether accumulative or diminishing, and whether compatible or incongruous, hark back instead to Locke, to progressivism and the New Deal, and to the civil rights movement of the 1960s.
Barbara Arneil
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199242689
- eISBN:
- 9780191598715
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242682.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The excessive faith liberal theorists have had in the power of rights and rights discourse can have deleterious consequences for children. As vulnerable and dependent beings, children need to be ...
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The excessive faith liberal theorists have had in the power of rights and rights discourse can have deleterious consequences for children. As vulnerable and dependent beings, children need to be nurtured with love and affection in a setting in which intimate relationships between parents and children can flourish. A rights‐based discourse is conceptually ill‐equipped to accommodate the importance of establishing and supporting caring relationships. An ethic of care, emphasizing responsibilities over rights, provides a better way of conceptualizing and responding to the interests of children than thinking of children as proto‐adults with rights especially that to autonomy.Less
The excessive faith liberal theorists have had in the power of rights and rights discourse can have deleterious consequences for children. As vulnerable and dependent beings, children need to be nurtured with love and affection in a setting in which intimate relationships between parents and children can flourish. A rights‐based discourse is conceptually ill‐equipped to accommodate the importance of establishing and supporting caring relationships. An ethic of care, emphasizing responsibilities over rights, provides a better way of conceptualizing and responding to the interests of children than thinking of children as proto‐adults with rights especially that to autonomy.
Will Kymlicka
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240982
- eISBN:
- 9780191599729
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240981.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter presents the author’s response to criticisms that the theory of minority rights developed in his book, “Multicultural Citizenship” relies on universal liberal values, and is insensitive ...
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This chapter presents the author’s response to criticisms that the theory of minority rights developed in his book, “Multicultural Citizenship” relies on universal liberal values, and is insensitive to contextual factors and cultural differences. The author argues that any attempt to develop a theory of minority rights will contradict other conceptions on the nature and role of culture. Developing a coherent liberal theory of minority rights is essential to finding the answers to questions on ethnocultural pluralism.Less
This chapter presents the author’s response to criticisms that the theory of minority rights developed in his book, “Multicultural Citizenship” relies on universal liberal values, and is insensitive to contextual factors and cultural differences. The author argues that any attempt to develop a theory of minority rights will contradict other conceptions on the nature and role of culture. Developing a coherent liberal theory of minority rights is essential to finding the answers to questions on ethnocultural pluralism.
Meira Levinson
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199250448
- eISBN:
- 9780191599750
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199250448.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The goal of this book is to develop a coherent liberal political theory of children's education provision. This goal is motivated by three observations: although people's intuitions about liberalism ...
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The goal of this book is to develop a coherent liberal political theory of children's education provision. This goal is motivated by three observations: although people's intuitions about liberalism already guide their approach to education policy, their intuitions (and hence their policy stances) are often wrong; in liberal states, liberal political principles should and do have important ramifications for education policy; and educational outcomes have important ramifications for the health and preservation of the liberal polity. The book does not justify liberalism's value—instead takes that as given—but it does address the relationship between formal schooling and other forms of education, as well as discusses the difference between liberal and democratic theories of education.Less
The goal of this book is to develop a coherent liberal political theory of children's education provision. This goal is motivated by three observations: although people's intuitions about liberalism already guide their approach to education policy, their intuitions (and hence their policy stances) are often wrong; in liberal states, liberal political principles should and do have important ramifications for education policy; and educational outcomes have important ramifications for the health and preservation of the liberal polity. The book does not justify liberalism's value—instead takes that as given—but it does address the relationship between formal schooling and other forms of education, as well as discusses the difference between liberal and democratic theories of education.
David B. Wong
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780195305395
- eISBN:
- 9780199786657
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195305396.003.0005
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy
This chapter argues for the crucial role of intermediate associations in the promotion of effective moral agency. Communitarians often criticize liberal ethical theory as neglecting this role, and ...
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This chapter argues for the crucial role of intermediate associations in the promotion of effective moral agency. Communitarians often criticize liberal ethical theory as neglecting this role, and moreover, argue that liberal theory (e.g., Rawls’ theory of justice) is ill suited to the nature and moral qualities of some of the most crucial associations such as the family. It is argued here that liberal theory does tend to neglect the role of intermediate associations and to gloss over moral conflicts between loyalties to these associations and loyalties to the larger society. However, it is also argued that liberal conceptions of justice are not so much ill suited to families but provide incomplete normative perspectives on them, and that values of care and communitarian conceptions of justice need to be brought into play along aside the liberal conceptions.Less
This chapter argues for the crucial role of intermediate associations in the promotion of effective moral agency. Communitarians often criticize liberal ethical theory as neglecting this role, and moreover, argue that liberal theory (e.g., Rawls’ theory of justice) is ill suited to the nature and moral qualities of some of the most crucial associations such as the family. It is argued here that liberal theory does tend to neglect the role of intermediate associations and to gloss over moral conflicts between loyalties to these associations and loyalties to the larger society. However, it is also argued that liberal conceptions of justice are not so much ill suited to families but provide incomplete normative perspectives on them, and that values of care and communitarian conceptions of justice need to be brought into play along aside the liberal conceptions.
Juliet Hooker
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195335361
- eISBN:
- 9780199868995
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195335361.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter traces the development of the contemporary debate about minority group rights in political theory, and shows its lack of attention to solidarity. It (a) charts the bifurcation of the ...
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This chapter traces the development of the contemporary debate about minority group rights in political theory, and shows its lack of attention to solidarity. It (a) charts the bifurcation of the multiculturalism literature into two branches: one concerned with the justice of temporary group rights as compensation for historic racial injustice and another focused on permanent group rights for cultural minorities as enduring terms of fair coexistence; (b) analyzes the consequences of this split; and (c) argues that the two branches need to be reintegrated. Drawing on examples from Latin America—where indigenous peoples suffer from racial discrimination and racialized groups make claims relating to language, culture, and territory—it shows that the artificial theoretical division between race and culture in theories of multiculturalism can be misleading, and suggests that as a result of this bifurcation neither strand has sufficiently considered the potential effects of minority group rights on political solidarity.Less
This chapter traces the development of the contemporary debate about minority group rights in political theory, and shows its lack of attention to solidarity. It (a) charts the bifurcation of the multiculturalism literature into two branches: one concerned with the justice of temporary group rights as compensation for historic racial injustice and another focused on permanent group rights for cultural minorities as enduring terms of fair coexistence; (b) analyzes the consequences of this split; and (c) argues that the two branches need to be reintegrated. Drawing on examples from Latin America—where indigenous peoples suffer from racial discrimination and racialized groups make claims relating to language, culture, and territory—it shows that the artificial theoretical division between race and culture in theories of multiculturalism can be misleading, and suggests that as a result of this bifurcation neither strand has sufficiently considered the potential effects of minority group rights on political solidarity.
Shelley Burtt
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199253661
- eISBN:
- 9780191601972
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199253668.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This is the first of the four essays in Part II of the book on liberalism and traditionalist education; all four are by authors who would like to find ways for the liberal state to honour the ...
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This is the first of the four essays in Part II of the book on liberalism and traditionalist education; all four are by authors who would like to find ways for the liberal state to honour the self-definitions of traditional cultures and to find ways of avoiding a confrontation with differences. For example, Shelley Burtt argues that the liberal state has good reason to be far more accommodating of traditional groups than liberals commonly recognize. She contends that liberal autonomy, properly understood, is not threatened in any special way by traditional religious or cultural groups, and that traditional cultures are as capable of fostering autonomy as their more cosmopolitan counterparts. Most strikingly, she maintains that it is a good thing, from the perspective of liberal autonomy, to be encumbered by unchosen attachments and loyalties such as those that we might expect to be most fully developed within religious communities. The essay is in two main parts: Part One takes up the challenge of the notion that liberal theorists have missed the chance to describe in detail the possibilities for autonomous thought from within a comprehensive education to a particular way of life or understanding of the good, offering several reasons why the central demand of autonomy – to think and know for oneself – is well within the reach of individuals who receive this sort of ‘grounded’ education; Part Two looks more closely at liberal theories of autonomy, particularly aspects of those accounts that encourage the idea that comprehensive educations are at odds with the development of autonomy, arguing that such characterizations overstate the difficulties that exist, and concluding by reaffirming the possibility of combining an education for autonomy with education toward a comprehensive vision of the good life.Less
This is the first of the four essays in Part II of the book on liberalism and traditionalist education; all four are by authors who would like to find ways for the liberal state to honour the self-definitions of traditional cultures and to find ways of avoiding a confrontation with differences. For example, Shelley Burtt argues that the liberal state has good reason to be far more accommodating of traditional groups than liberals commonly recognize. She contends that liberal autonomy, properly understood, is not threatened in any special way by traditional religious or cultural groups, and that traditional cultures are as capable of fostering autonomy as their more cosmopolitan counterparts. Most strikingly, she maintains that it is a good thing, from the perspective of liberal autonomy, to be encumbered by unchosen attachments and loyalties such as those that we might expect to be most fully developed within religious communities. The essay is in two main parts: Part One takes up the challenge of the notion that liberal theorists have missed the chance to describe in detail the possibilities for autonomous thought from within a comprehensive education to a particular way of life or understanding of the good, offering several reasons why the central demand of autonomy – to think and know for oneself – is well within the reach of individuals who receive this sort of ‘grounded’ education; Part Two looks more closely at liberal theories of autonomy, particularly aspects of those accounts that encourage the idea that comprehensive educations are at odds with the development of autonomy, arguing that such characterizations overstate the difficulties that exist, and concluding by reaffirming the possibility of combining an education for autonomy with education toward a comprehensive vision of the good life.
Chandran Kukathas
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199257546
- eISBN:
- 9780191599705
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019925754X.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter discusses the theory proposed in this book. It argues that this theory is indeed a liberal theory despite the fact that it is at odds with contemporary liberalism. It presents ...
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This chapter discusses the theory proposed in this book. It argues that this theory is indeed a liberal theory despite the fact that it is at odds with contemporary liberalism. It presents discussions on political philosophy and modern society, and the liberal archipelago.Less
This chapter discusses the theory proposed in this book. It argues that this theory is indeed a liberal theory despite the fact that it is at odds with contemporary liberalism. It presents discussions on political philosophy and modern society, and the liberal archipelago.
Meira Levinson
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199250448
- eISBN:
- 9780191599750
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199250448.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Develops a liberal political theory of children's education provision. It argues that all children have a right to an autonomy‐promoting education, and that this right is best satisfied through a ...
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Develops a liberal political theory of children's education provision. It argues that all children have a right to an autonomy‐promoting education, and that this right is best satisfied through a state‐regulated ‘detached school’ that aims to help children develop their capacities for autonomy. Parents have the privilege to direct their children's upbringing in substantial and pervasive ways, but they do not have the right to prevent their children from developing the capacity for autonomy. There are nonetheless ways to encourage parental involvement and permit school choice. Although political liberals suggest that autonomy is too divisive of an aim, and that liberal schools should simply promote civic virtue, political liberalism and political liberal education are shown to be both theoretically and empirically inferior to weakly perfectionist liberalism and liberal education. Correctly conceived, autonomy‐promoting education contributes to the development of civic virtue, nurtures children's capacities for cultural coherence as well as for choice, and promotes equality.Less
Develops a liberal political theory of children's education provision. It argues that all children have a right to an autonomy‐promoting education, and that this right is best satisfied through a state‐regulated ‘detached school’ that aims to help children develop their capacities for autonomy. Parents have the privilege to direct their children's upbringing in substantial and pervasive ways, but they do not have the right to prevent their children from developing the capacity for autonomy. There are nonetheless ways to encourage parental involvement and permit school choice. Although political liberals suggest that autonomy is too divisive of an aim, and that liberal schools should simply promote civic virtue, political liberalism and political liberal education are shown to be both theoretically and empirically inferior to weakly perfectionist liberalism and liberal education. Correctly conceived, autonomy‐promoting education contributes to the development of civic virtue, nurtures children's capacities for cultural coherence as well as for choice, and promotes equality.
Vatthana Pholsena
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199277629
- eISBN:
- 9780191603303
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199277621.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter discusses the reasons why Kymlicka’s liberal model of minority rights is not (or not yet) applicable in Laos. Nonetheless, Kymlicka’s theories are relevant to the search for a form of ...
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This chapter discusses the reasons why Kymlicka’s liberal model of minority rights is not (or not yet) applicable in Laos. Nonetheless, Kymlicka’s theories are relevant to the search for a form of nation-building that would reconcile ethnic minority rights, national identity, and social unity in Laos, if and when a more democratic political environment is established in the country. It discusses which kind of minority rights and for which groups in Laos would be consistent in both state cohesion and security on the one hand, and justice and freedom for members of minority groups on the other.Less
This chapter discusses the reasons why Kymlicka’s liberal model of minority rights is not (or not yet) applicable in Laos. Nonetheless, Kymlicka’s theories are relevant to the search for a form of nation-building that would reconcile ethnic minority rights, national identity, and social unity in Laos, if and when a more democratic political environment is established in the country. It discusses which kind of minority rights and for which groups in Laos would be consistent in both state cohesion and security on the one hand, and justice and freedom for members of minority groups on the other.
Richard Breen
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- November 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199258451
- eISBN:
- 9780191601491
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199258457.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Outlines the objectives and layout of the volume; discusses the main theories that have guided empirical research on intergenerational social mobility and the findings of this research; and explains ...
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Outlines the objectives and layout of the volume; discusses the main theories that have guided empirical research on intergenerational social mobility and the findings of this research; and explains the main concepts and instruments (such as the class schema) that are used in the book.Less
Outlines the objectives and layout of the volume; discusses the main theories that have guided empirical research on intergenerational social mobility and the findings of this research; and explains the main concepts and instruments (such as the class schema) that are used in the book.
John J. Coughlin
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195372977
- eISBN:
- 9780199871667
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195372977.003.0005
- Subject:
- Law, Philosophy of Law
This chapter lays the theoretical foundation for a discussion of the ownership of property in the Catholic Church. It presents a comparison of several seminal elements in the understanding of ...
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This chapter lays the theoretical foundation for a discussion of the ownership of property in the Catholic Church. It presents a comparison of several seminal elements in the understanding of property in canon law and liberal political theory. The idea of property—its justifications, functions, and limitations—plays an important role in both canon law and liberal theory. Property is in essence the relationship between an individual, group, community, or state and it is a tangible or intangible thing. It includes not just real property, such as land and edifices constructed upon it, but also intangible acquisitions, as—to mention but a few examples—copyrights, trademarks, stocks, bonds, promissory notes, air rights, options for purchase, franchises, and government licenses for broadcasting. The focus here is on private property and its fruitful ownership.Less
This chapter lays the theoretical foundation for a discussion of the ownership of property in the Catholic Church. It presents a comparison of several seminal elements in the understanding of property in canon law and liberal political theory. The idea of property—its justifications, functions, and limitations—plays an important role in both canon law and liberal theory. Property is in essence the relationship between an individual, group, community, or state and it is a tangible or intangible thing. It includes not just real property, such as land and edifices constructed upon it, but also intangible acquisitions, as—to mention but a few examples—copyrights, trademarks, stocks, bonds, promissory notes, air rights, options for purchase, franchises, and government licenses for broadcasting. The focus here is on private property and its fruitful ownership.
Chandran Kukathas
- Published in print:
- 1989
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198273264
- eISBN:
- 9780191684029
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198273264.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter evaluates F. A. Hayek's enterprise and assesses his contribution to modern political theory and liberal theory in particular. It focuses on the question of coherence of the philosophical ...
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This chapter evaluates F. A. Hayek's enterprise and assesses his contribution to modern political theory and liberal theory in particular. It focuses on the question of coherence of the philosophical assumptions which underlie Hayek's attempt to offer a justification of the liberal social order. It shows how Hayek's view of the nature of human knowledge and his account of the nature of social order lead him to develop arguments for liberalism grounded in an anti-rationalist stance. It also shows how his desire to secure this defence in a set of normative principles upholding individual freedom lead him to adopt a more rationalist approach to justifying his liberal theory of justice.Less
This chapter evaluates F. A. Hayek's enterprise and assesses his contribution to modern political theory and liberal theory in particular. It focuses on the question of coherence of the philosophical assumptions which underlie Hayek's attempt to offer a justification of the liberal social order. It shows how Hayek's view of the nature of human knowledge and his account of the nature of social order lead him to develop arguments for liberalism grounded in an anti-rationalist stance. It also shows how his desire to secure this defence in a set of normative principles upholding individual freedom lead him to adopt a more rationalist approach to justifying his liberal theory of justice.
Kimberly K. Smith
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199895755
- eISBN:
- 9780199950522
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199895755.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory, American Politics
This chapter addresses whether a liberal government may legitimately enforce our moral duties to animals, given the liberal principle of limited government. Liberal theory teaches that the purpose of ...
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This chapter addresses whether a liberal government may legitimately enforce our moral duties to animals, given the liberal principle of limited government. Liberal theory teaches that the purpose of the government is limited to protect human freedom and welfare, which means that the state may not enforce the full range of private moral duties but only those that affect the liberty of other humans. This chapter argues that this understanding of the ends of liberal government is too narrow. It asserts that most animal welfare protections can be justified, because some animals may be considered members of the liberal social contract. Specifically, a liberal government may protect the welfare of animals with whom we have extensive social relationships, including, prominently, pets and livestock, even if such protection limits human freedom.Less
This chapter addresses whether a liberal government may legitimately enforce our moral duties to animals, given the liberal principle of limited government. Liberal theory teaches that the purpose of the government is limited to protect human freedom and welfare, which means that the state may not enforce the full range of private moral duties but only those that affect the liberty of other humans. This chapter argues that this understanding of the ends of liberal government is too narrow. It asserts that most animal welfare protections can be justified, because some animals may be considered members of the liberal social contract. Specifically, a liberal government may protect the welfare of animals with whom we have extensive social relationships, including, prominently, pets and livestock, even if such protection limits human freedom.
George Klosko
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199270200
- eISBN:
- 9780191699467
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199270200.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter first sets out the purpose of this book, which is to address the problem of identifying political principles that can be generally accepted in diverse contemporary societies. It attempts ...
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This chapter first sets out the purpose of this book, which is to address the problem of identifying political principles that can be generally accepted in diverse contemporary societies. It attempts to outline a foundation for agreement among people with widely different moral, religious, and overall philosophical views. The chapter discusses the central elements of the liberal tradition and liberal political theory, the basic commitments in liberal theory, and the concept of liberal neutrality.Less
This chapter first sets out the purpose of this book, which is to address the problem of identifying political principles that can be generally accepted in diverse contemporary societies. It attempts to outline a foundation for agreement among people with widely different moral, religious, and overall philosophical views. The chapter discusses the central elements of the liberal tradition and liberal political theory, the basic commitments in liberal theory, and the concept of liberal neutrality.
Jules L. Coleman
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199253616
- eISBN:
- 9780191719776
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199253616.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Law of Obligations, Philosophy of Law
This book is concerned with the conflict between the goals of justice and economic efficiency in the allocation of risk, especially risk pertaining to safety. The book approaches the subject from the ...
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This book is concerned with the conflict between the goals of justice and economic efficiency in the allocation of risk, especially risk pertaining to safety. The book approaches the subject from the premise that the market is central to liberal political, moral, and legal theory. The first part of the book rejects traditional rational choice liberalism in favor of the view that the market operates as a rational way of fostering stable relationships and institutions within communities of individuals with broadly divergent conceptions of the good. However, markets are needed most where they are most difficult to create and sustain, and one way to understand contract law in liberal legal theory, according to this book, is as an institution designed to reduce uncertainty and thereby make markets possible.Less
This book is concerned with the conflict between the goals of justice and economic efficiency in the allocation of risk, especially risk pertaining to safety. The book approaches the subject from the premise that the market is central to liberal political, moral, and legal theory. The first part of the book rejects traditional rational choice liberalism in favor of the view that the market operates as a rational way of fostering stable relationships and institutions within communities of individuals with broadly divergent conceptions of the good. However, markets are needed most where they are most difficult to create and sustain, and one way to understand contract law in liberal legal theory, according to this book, is as an institution designed to reduce uncertainty and thereby make markets possible.
John Tomasi
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691144467
- eISBN:
- 9781400842391
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691144467.003.0004
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter examines market democracy, a hybrid approach to liberal theory building that combines a concern for private individual economic liberty with a commitment to social justice. As such, ...
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This chapter examines market democracy, a hybrid approach to liberal theory building that combines a concern for private individual economic liberty with a commitment to social justice. As such, market democracy offers an alternative to both classical liberalism and to high liberalism. After explaining exactly what market democracy is, the chapter considers its conceptual space. In particular, it explores why market democracy asserts that economic freedoms should be treated as basic but not absolute, and why it thus allows taxation in support of a limited range of social service programs. The chapter then compares the views espoused by advocates of libertarianism, classical liberalism, and modern or high liberalism. It also looks at market democracy as a research program, its institutional requirements, and the challenges that it faces from both the left and from the right.Less
This chapter examines market democracy, a hybrid approach to liberal theory building that combines a concern for private individual economic liberty with a commitment to social justice. As such, market democracy offers an alternative to both classical liberalism and to high liberalism. After explaining exactly what market democracy is, the chapter considers its conceptual space. In particular, it explores why market democracy asserts that economic freedoms should be treated as basic but not absolute, and why it thus allows taxation in support of a limited range of social service programs. The chapter then compares the views espoused by advocates of libertarianism, classical liberalism, and modern or high liberalism. It also looks at market democracy as a research program, its institutional requirements, and the challenges that it faces from both the left and from the right.
Stephen Mulhall
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198238508
- eISBN:
- 9780191679643
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198238508.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, History of Philosophy, Aesthetics
The author of the book presents a full-length philosophical study of the work of Stanley Cavell, best known for his highly influential contributions to the fields of film studies, Shakespearian ...
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The author of the book presents a full-length philosophical study of the work of Stanley Cavell, best known for his highly influential contributions to the fields of film studies, Shakespearian literary criticism, and the confluence of psychoanalysis and literary theory. It is not properly appreciated that Cavell's project originated in his interpretation of Austin's and Wittgenstein's philosophical interest in the criteria governing ordinary language, and is given unity by an abiding concern with the nature and the varying cultural manifestations of the sceptical impulse in modernity. This book elucidates the essentially philosophical roots and trajectory of Cavell's work, traces its links with Romanticism and its recent turn towards a species of moral pefectionism associated with Thoreau and Emerson, and concludes with an assessment of its relations to liberal-democratic political theory, Christian religious thought, and feminist literary studies.Less
The author of the book presents a full-length philosophical study of the work of Stanley Cavell, best known for his highly influential contributions to the fields of film studies, Shakespearian literary criticism, and the confluence of psychoanalysis and literary theory. It is not properly appreciated that Cavell's project originated in his interpretation of Austin's and Wittgenstein's philosophical interest in the criteria governing ordinary language, and is given unity by an abiding concern with the nature and the varying cultural manifestations of the sceptical impulse in modernity. This book elucidates the essentially philosophical roots and trajectory of Cavell's work, traces its links with Romanticism and its recent turn towards a species of moral pefectionism associated with Thoreau and Emerson, and concludes with an assessment of its relations to liberal-democratic political theory, Christian religious thought, and feminist literary studies.
Douglas John Casson
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691144740
- eISBN:
- 9781400836888
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691144740.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This introductory chapter discusses how John Locke remains important for contemporary liberal theory because he explains that the liberal subject is not simply an unencumbered, originating source of ...
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This introductory chapter discusses how John Locke remains important for contemporary liberal theory because he explains that the liberal subject is not simply an unencumbered, originating source of political legitimacy, but rather an uncertain, incomplete, and fragile achievement. Locke helps reconsider the type of intellectual cultivation necessary for sustaining meaningful commitments to liberty within the constraints of political order. By emphasizing the importance of a new type of probable judgment, Locke recoins a political vocabulary that enables citizens to agree on the terms of their relationship with the government and to hold that government accountable when it fails to live up to those terms. The point of Lockean reasonableness is not to eradicate disagreement, but to ensure a common vocabulary within which disagreement can take place.Less
This introductory chapter discusses how John Locke remains important for contemporary liberal theory because he explains that the liberal subject is not simply an unencumbered, originating source of political legitimacy, but rather an uncertain, incomplete, and fragile achievement. Locke helps reconsider the type of intellectual cultivation necessary for sustaining meaningful commitments to liberty within the constraints of political order. By emphasizing the importance of a new type of probable judgment, Locke recoins a political vocabulary that enables citizens to agree on the terms of their relationship with the government and to hold that government accountable when it fails to live up to those terms. The point of Lockean reasonableness is not to eradicate disagreement, but to ensure a common vocabulary within which disagreement can take place.
