Stephen Macedo
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199253661
- eISBN:
- 9780191601972
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199253668.003.0016
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The essays in Part III of the book, on liberal constraints and traditionalist education, argue for a more regulatory conception of liberal education and emphasize the need for some controls over ...
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The essays in Part III of the book, on liberal constraints and traditionalist education, argue for a more regulatory conception of liberal education and emphasize the need for some controls over cultural and religious educational authority. In the last chapter, on liberalism and group rights, according to Stephen Macedo, while the commitment of liberalism to individual freedom and equality is far more easily reconciled with group-based remedies for group-based inequalities than the critics of liberalism allow, the liberal commitment to freedom of association imposes limits on group recognition by insisting on intragroup openness and diversity. The chapter has two main parts. Section 15.1, Liberalism, Education, and Group Identities, rebuts the charge that a liberal public philosophy embraces a narrow individualism that is incompatible with tackling group-based forms of inequality, and surveys some of the myriad liberal reforms of the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s that promoted more equal respect for differing group identities, especially in schools. Section 15.2, Special Exemptions and the Rights of Traditional Communities, focuses on the difficulties raised by “traditionalistic” groups that seek special accommodations in part because they reject liberal values of equal freedom for all, and makes the point that a liberal regime should not seek to be equally hospitable or accommodating to groups that accept and those that reject educational policies designed to promote the equal freedom of all persons; various examples are presented and discussed.Less
The essays in Part III of the book, on liberal constraints and traditionalist education, argue for a more regulatory conception of liberal education and emphasize the need for some controls over cultural and religious educational authority. In the last chapter, on liberalism and group rights, according to Stephen Macedo, while the commitment of liberalism to individual freedom and equality is far more easily reconciled with group-based remedies for group-based inequalities than the critics of liberalism allow, the liberal commitment to freedom of association imposes limits on group recognition by insisting on intragroup openness and diversity. The chapter has two main parts. Section 15.1, Liberalism, Education, and Group Identities, rebuts the charge that a liberal public philosophy embraces a narrow individualism that is incompatible with tackling group-based forms of inequality, and surveys some of the myriad liberal reforms of the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s that promoted more equal respect for differing group identities, especially in schools. Section 15.2, Special Exemptions and the Rights of Traditional Communities, focuses on the difficulties raised by “traditionalistic” groups that seek special accommodations in part because they reject liberal values of equal freedom for all, and makes the point that a liberal regime should not seek to be equally hospitable or accommodating to groups that accept and those that reject educational policies designed to promote the equal freedom of all persons; various examples are presented and discussed.
Patricia Londoño-Vega
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199249534
- eISBN:
- 9780191719318
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199249534.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This chapter begins by considering local reactions to the return of the Jesuits in 1844, an event that defined some of the interests and positions that would emerge recurrently during the third ...
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This chapter begins by considering local reactions to the return of the Jesuits in 1844, an event that defined some of the interests and positions that would emerge recurrently during the third quarter of the 19th century. It then examines the effect on the Antiqueño Church of two rounds of Liberal reforms introduced on a national scale. It comments on the local suspension of discord between Church and state achieved in Antioquia by Pedro Justo Berrio’s Conservative administration, ended by the national civil war of 1876-7. It explains that with the occupation of Antioquia by Liberal forces, the region’s clergy experienced another difficult period. It discusses the ideological ascendancy of the Church with the compliance of civil authorities, and the questioning to its authority posed by the new realities of the early 20th century.Less
This chapter begins by considering local reactions to the return of the Jesuits in 1844, an event that defined some of the interests and positions that would emerge recurrently during the third quarter of the 19th century. It then examines the effect on the Antiqueño Church of two rounds of Liberal reforms introduced on a national scale. It comments on the local suspension of discord between Church and state achieved in Antioquia by Pedro Justo Berrio’s Conservative administration, ended by the national civil war of 1876-7. It explains that with the occupation of Antioquia by Liberal forces, the region’s clergy experienced another difficult period. It discusses the ideological ascendancy of the Church with the compliance of civil authorities, and the questioning to its authority posed by the new realities of the early 20th century.
George R. Boyer
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691178738
- eISBN:
- 9780691183992
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691178738.001.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic History
How did Britain transform itself from a nation of workhouses to one that became a model for the modern welfare state? This book investigates the evolution of living standards and welfare policies in ...
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How did Britain transform itself from a nation of workhouses to one that became a model for the modern welfare state? This book investigates the evolution of living standards and welfare policies in Britain from the 1830s to 1950 and provides insights into how British working-class households coped with economic insecurity. The book examines the retrenchment in Victorian poor relief, the Liberal Welfare Reforms, and the beginnings of the postwar welfare state, and it describes how workers altered spending and saving methods based on changing government policies. From the cutting back of the Poor Law after 1834 to Parliament's abrupt about-face in 1906 with the adoption of the Liberal Welfare Reforms, the book offers new explanations for oscillations in Britain's social policies and how these shaped worker well-being. The Poor Law's increasing stinginess led skilled manual workers to adopt self-help strategies, but this was not a feasible option for low-skilled workers, many of whom continued to rely on the Poor Law into old age. In contrast, the Liberal Welfare Reforms were a major watershed, marking the end of seven decades of declining support for the needy. Concluding with the Beveridge Report and Labour's social policies in the late 1940s, the book shows how the Liberal Welfare Reforms laid the foundations for a national social safety net. A sweeping look at economic pressures after the Industrial Revolution, this book illustrates how British welfare policy waxed and waned over the course of a century.Less
How did Britain transform itself from a nation of workhouses to one that became a model for the modern welfare state? This book investigates the evolution of living standards and welfare policies in Britain from the 1830s to 1950 and provides insights into how British working-class households coped with economic insecurity. The book examines the retrenchment in Victorian poor relief, the Liberal Welfare Reforms, and the beginnings of the postwar welfare state, and it describes how workers altered spending and saving methods based on changing government policies. From the cutting back of the Poor Law after 1834 to Parliament's abrupt about-face in 1906 with the adoption of the Liberal Welfare Reforms, the book offers new explanations for oscillations in Britain's social policies and how these shaped worker well-being. The Poor Law's increasing stinginess led skilled manual workers to adopt self-help strategies, but this was not a feasible option for low-skilled workers, many of whom continued to rely on the Poor Law into old age. In contrast, the Liberal Welfare Reforms were a major watershed, marking the end of seven decades of declining support for the needy. Concluding with the Beveridge Report and Labour's social policies in the late 1940s, the book shows how the Liberal Welfare Reforms laid the foundations for a national social safety net. A sweeping look at economic pressures after the Industrial Revolution, this book illustrates how British welfare policy waxed and waned over the course of a century.
Bruce K. Rutherford
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691158044
- eISBN:
- 9781400846146
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691158044.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter studies the emergence of liberal constitutionalism in Egypt. It examines the historical foundations of Egyptian liberalism in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and ...
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This chapter studies the emergence of liberal constitutionalism in Egypt. It examines the historical foundations of Egyptian liberalism in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and observes that this conception of governance became tightly integrated into the development of the legal profession. As a consequence, lawyers and judges became the most dedicated advocates of liberal reform. The Bar Association played a leading role in promoting the liberal cause for most of the twentieth century. However, changes in its membership and steady regime repression eventually fragmented the Bar and undermined its effectiveness. The judiciary, in contrast, has retained a strong sense of liberal identity and has developed a robust conception of liberal constitutionalism. In order to understand this approach to law and politics, the chapter studies the decisions of Egypt's major courts (the Supreme Constitutional Court, the administrative courts, and the Court of Cassation). It uses this body of jurisprudence to analyze the judiciary's views with regard to four core elements of constitutionalism: the rule of law, constraints on state power, protection of basic rights, and public participation in governance.Less
This chapter studies the emergence of liberal constitutionalism in Egypt. It examines the historical foundations of Egyptian liberalism in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and observes that this conception of governance became tightly integrated into the development of the legal profession. As a consequence, lawyers and judges became the most dedicated advocates of liberal reform. The Bar Association played a leading role in promoting the liberal cause for most of the twentieth century. However, changes in its membership and steady regime repression eventually fragmented the Bar and undermined its effectiveness. The judiciary, in contrast, has retained a strong sense of liberal identity and has developed a robust conception of liberal constitutionalism. In order to understand this approach to law and politics, the chapter studies the decisions of Egypt's major courts (the Supreme Constitutional Court, the administrative courts, and the Court of Cassation). It uses this body of jurisprudence to analyze the judiciary's views with regard to four core elements of constitutionalism: the rule of law, constraints on state power, protection of basic rights, and public participation in governance.
Fernando Filgueira and Jorge Papadópulos
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198781837
- eISBN:
- 9780191598968
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198781830.003.0015
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Uruguay was able to resist many aspects of neo‐liberal reform that took hold in Latin America in the 1970s and 1980s, despite economic crises, a fundamental change of Uruguay's position in the ...
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Uruguay was able to resist many aspects of neo‐liberal reform that took hold in Latin America in the 1970s and 1980s, despite economic crises, a fundamental change of Uruguay's position in the international market, and pressures from international financial institutions. By examining the limited change in social security, the patterns of labour organization and negotiation, and finally the limits on privatization of public enterprises, it shows how political factors, more than economic or social ones, brought about resistance to those changes, and a more egalitarian response than in other countries. Uruguay's institutionalized pattern of political incorporation allowed new popular actors to effectively participate, and the consensus styles of leadership built on clientelistic parties‐forced changes limited the sharpening income divisions common in other countries. The experience poses the question of whether Uruguay is an outlier or a possible alternative path.Less
Uruguay was able to resist many aspects of neo‐liberal reform that took hold in Latin America in the 1970s and 1980s, despite economic crises, a fundamental change of Uruguay's position in the international market, and pressures from international financial institutions. By examining the limited change in social security, the patterns of labour organization and negotiation, and finally the limits on privatization of public enterprises, it shows how political factors, more than economic or social ones, brought about resistance to those changes, and a more egalitarian response than in other countries. Uruguay's institutionalized pattern of political incorporation allowed new popular actors to effectively participate, and the consensus styles of leadership built on clientelistic parties‐forced changes limited the sharpening income divisions common in other countries. The experience poses the question of whether Uruguay is an outlier or a possible alternative path.
George R. Boyer
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691178738
- eISBN:
- 9780691183992
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691178738.003.0006
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic History
This chapter argues that the Liberal Welfare Reforms of 1906–11, which created a safety net reducing the economic insecurity associated with industrial capitalism, marked a watershed in the history ...
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This chapter argues that the Liberal Welfare Reforms of 1906–11, which created a safety net reducing the economic insecurity associated with industrial capitalism, marked a watershed in the history of British social welfare policy. Their timing is explained by increased middle-class knowledge of workers' insecurity and by the greater willingness of Parliament to act as a result of growing working-class political influence. The chapter then compares British social welfare policies with social policies elsewhere in Western Europe. Britain's welfare reforms did not take place in isolation—several European nations adopted social welfare policies in the decades leading up to 1914. Indeed, Britain was a bit of a latecomer in the adoption of social programs, although it caught up quickly after 1906 and by the eve of the First World War was a leader in social welfare protection.Less
This chapter argues that the Liberal Welfare Reforms of 1906–11, which created a safety net reducing the economic insecurity associated with industrial capitalism, marked a watershed in the history of British social welfare policy. Their timing is explained by increased middle-class knowledge of workers' insecurity and by the greater willingness of Parliament to act as a result of growing working-class political influence. The chapter then compares British social welfare policies with social policies elsewhere in Western Europe. Britain's welfare reforms did not take place in isolation—several European nations adopted social welfare policies in the decades leading up to 1914. Indeed, Britain was a bit of a latecomer in the adoption of social programs, although it caught up quickly after 1906 and by the eve of the First World War was a leader in social welfare protection.
Yung Chul Park
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199276776
- eISBN:
- 9780191603051
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199276773.003.0022
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, South and East Asia
Reforming the old system, rather than adopting an Anglo-American model, is essential to make it better suited and more flexible in adjusting to the new realities of the region and the rest of the ...
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Reforming the old system, rather than adopting an Anglo-American model, is essential to make it better suited and more flexible in adjusting to the new realities of the region and the rest of the world. Although the Asian crisis provided a strong impetus for structural transformation, the internal and external developments that have slowed or impeded the reform process are examined.Less
Reforming the old system, rather than adopting an Anglo-American model, is essential to make it better suited and more flexible in adjusting to the new realities of the region and the rest of the world. Although the Asian crisis provided a strong impetus for structural transformation, the internal and external developments that have slowed or impeded the reform process are examined.
Daniel Stedman Jones
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691161013
- eISBN:
- 9781400851836
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691161013.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter describes the contours and limits of the political settlement in Great Britain and the United States in the middle of the twentieth century. It shows how at the heart of both New Deal ...
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This chapter describes the contours and limits of the political settlement in Great Britain and the United States in the middle of the twentieth century. It shows how at the heart of both New Deal liberalism and the British Liberal and Labour reforms was a happy conception of the state so long as its power was in the hands of an enlightened and expert policy elite. The famous Brain Trust around Franklin Roosevelt and the progressive liberal civil service personified by Beveridge and Keynes fit exactly this notion of top-down reform for the benefit of society as a whole. The progressive liberal project was not revolutionary; it was born of a desire to preserve and defend liberal democracy and the capitalist system.Less
This chapter describes the contours and limits of the political settlement in Great Britain and the United States in the middle of the twentieth century. It shows how at the heart of both New Deal liberalism and the British Liberal and Labour reforms was a happy conception of the state so long as its power was in the hands of an enlightened and expert policy elite. The famous Brain Trust around Franklin Roosevelt and the progressive liberal civil service personified by Beveridge and Keynes fit exactly this notion of top-down reform for the benefit of society as a whole. The progressive liberal project was not revolutionary; it was born of a desire to preserve and defend liberal democracy and the capitalist system.
Karl J. Fields
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199643097
- eISBN:
- 9780191741944
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199643097.003.0003
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Political Economy, International Business
Decades of high growth in Japan, Taiwan, and South Korea led a generation of scholars to herald the emergence of an East Asian ‘developmental state’ marked by internally coherent and cross-nationally ...
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Decades of high growth in Japan, Taiwan, and South Korea led a generation of scholars to herald the emergence of an East Asian ‘developmental state’ marked by internally coherent and cross-nationally comparable political economic institutions and policy packages. This chapter shows that scholars clearly overstated their early claims of an isomorphic East Asian developmental state model. More recent contentions of institutional divergence among the three are truer in form than in substance and predictions of the end of the East Asian developmental state are premature. Neither the path-dependent persistence of functional or dysfunctional institutions nor even piecemeal or wholesale evolutions away from these state–business arrangements warrant the conclusion that the outcome of these processes will yield convergence upon a neo-liberal order of capitalism. In seeking to account for these evolutions, the chapter argues that while emerging change coalitions, declining state strength, and a dominant policy discourse of neo-liberalism have attenuated the developmental states in all three national economies and in many cases dramatically shifted the form of industrial policy and state intervention, the substance of developmentalism remains.Less
Decades of high growth in Japan, Taiwan, and South Korea led a generation of scholars to herald the emergence of an East Asian ‘developmental state’ marked by internally coherent and cross-nationally comparable political economic institutions and policy packages. This chapter shows that scholars clearly overstated their early claims of an isomorphic East Asian developmental state model. More recent contentions of institutional divergence among the three are truer in form than in substance and predictions of the end of the East Asian developmental state are premature. Neither the path-dependent persistence of functional or dysfunctional institutions nor even piecemeal or wholesale evolutions away from these state–business arrangements warrant the conclusion that the outcome of these processes will yield convergence upon a neo-liberal order of capitalism. In seeking to account for these evolutions, the chapter argues that while emerging change coalitions, declining state strength, and a dominant policy discourse of neo-liberalism have attenuated the developmental states in all three national economies and in many cases dramatically shifted the form of industrial policy and state intervention, the substance of developmentalism remains.
Miguel Centellas
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199936267
- eISBN:
- 9780199333066
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199936267.003.0028
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter provides an overview of Bolivia’s 2009 constitution, as it relates to indigenous rights. Using a comparative historical perspective, the chapter discusses how the new constitution fits ...
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This chapter provides an overview of Bolivia’s 2009 constitution, as it relates to indigenous rights. Using a comparative historical perspective, the chapter discusses how the new constitution fits into the broader trajectory of indigenous rights as it evolved in Bolivia’s constitutional and institutional framework across the 20th century. Next, the chapter traces the deliberative process of the constituent assembly that produced the new constitutional text, before evaluating the text’s impact on the relationship between indigenous peoples. The chapter argues that the provisions for indigenous autonomy and cultural recognition are not an entirely radical departure, but rather fit within an ongoing trend in liberal-pluralist reforms dating to the 1990s and are part of a larger package of institutional reforms that also impose limitations and constraints on prospects for indigenous autonomy.Less
This chapter provides an overview of Bolivia’s 2009 constitution, as it relates to indigenous rights. Using a comparative historical perspective, the chapter discusses how the new constitution fits into the broader trajectory of indigenous rights as it evolved in Bolivia’s constitutional and institutional framework across the 20th century. Next, the chapter traces the deliberative process of the constituent assembly that produced the new constitutional text, before evaluating the text’s impact on the relationship between indigenous peoples. The chapter argues that the provisions for indigenous autonomy and cultural recognition are not an entirely radical departure, but rather fit within an ongoing trend in liberal-pluralist reforms dating to the 1990s and are part of a larger package of institutional reforms that also impose limitations and constraints on prospects for indigenous autonomy.
Doug Rossinow
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252036866
- eISBN:
- 9780252093982
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252036866.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter argues that from the Popular Front of the 1930s and 1940s through the anti-Vietnam War movement and the “new politics” of the 1960s and 1970s, liberals and leftists worked together to ...
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This chapter argues that from the Popular Front of the 1930s and 1940s through the anti-Vietnam War movement and the “new politics” of the 1960s and 1970s, liberals and leftists worked together to strengthen individual political and social rights. They sought to advance the interests of the industrial working class within the framework of liberal capitalist society, and to oppose war and empire. The chapter also describes the left edge of the liberal political tradition across the broad sweep of industrial U.S. history, revealing both the way in which the radical left provided idealistic, sometimes utopian fuel for liberal reform projects, as well as the broad influence of liberal ideas on the political left in the United States.Less
This chapter argues that from the Popular Front of the 1930s and 1940s through the anti-Vietnam War movement and the “new politics” of the 1960s and 1970s, liberals and leftists worked together to strengthen individual political and social rights. They sought to advance the interests of the industrial working class within the framework of liberal capitalist society, and to oppose war and empire. The chapter also describes the left edge of the liberal political tradition across the broad sweep of industrial U.S. history, revealing both the way in which the radical left provided idealistic, sometimes utopian fuel for liberal reform projects, as well as the broad influence of liberal ideas on the political left in the United States.
George R. Boyer
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691178738
- eISBN:
- 9780691183992
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691178738.003.0008
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic History
This chapter explores the story of the 1942 Beveridge Report and the beginnings of the welfare state. The policies proposed by Beveridge and the 1945–48 legislation were logical extensions of ...
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This chapter explores the story of the 1942 Beveridge Report and the beginnings of the welfare state. The policies proposed by Beveridge and the 1945–48 legislation were logical extensions of government's expanding role in social welfare policy beginning with the Liberal Welfare Reforms. This does not mean that the importance of the postwar legislation should be downplayed. Because of the adoption of the National Health Service, universal coverage, and equality of treatment, Britain after 1948 deserves to be called a welfare state, while Edwardian and interwar Britain do not. Unfortunately, despite the enthusiasm with which the public greeted the welfare state, the postwar policies did not eliminate economic insecurity.Less
This chapter explores the story of the 1942 Beveridge Report and the beginnings of the welfare state. The policies proposed by Beveridge and the 1945–48 legislation were logical extensions of government's expanding role in social welfare policy beginning with the Liberal Welfare Reforms. This does not mean that the importance of the postwar legislation should be downplayed. Because of the adoption of the National Health Service, universal coverage, and equality of treatment, Britain after 1948 deserves to be called a welfare state, while Edwardian and interwar Britain do not. Unfortunately, despite the enthusiasm with which the public greeted the welfare state, the postwar policies did not eliminate economic insecurity.
Jonathan Bell and Timothy Stanley (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252036866
- eISBN:
- 9780252093982
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252036866.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This book offers refreshing and intelligent new perspectives on postwar American liberalism. The book challenges popular myths about liberalism in the United States. It presents the Democratic Party ...
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This book offers refreshing and intelligent new perspectives on postwar American liberalism. The book challenges popular myths about liberalism in the United States. It presents the Democratic Party and liberal reform efforts such as civil rights, feminism, labor, and environmentalism as a more united, more radical force than has been depicted in scholarship and the media emphasizing the decline and disunity of the left. Chapters assess the problems liberals have confronted in the twentieth century, examine their strategies for change, and chart the successes and potential for future liberal reform. Each chapter tackles a different example of the challenges and achievements of liberal politics, from organized labor to the links between liberalism and social democracy in U.S. political life. The book emphasizes the powerful liberal reform impulse in making modern American politics, while remaining cognizant of the importance of the right in shaping policy and ideology.Less
This book offers refreshing and intelligent new perspectives on postwar American liberalism. The book challenges popular myths about liberalism in the United States. It presents the Democratic Party and liberal reform efforts such as civil rights, feminism, labor, and environmentalism as a more united, more radical force than has been depicted in scholarship and the media emphasizing the decline and disunity of the left. Chapters assess the problems liberals have confronted in the twentieth century, examine their strategies for change, and chart the successes and potential for future liberal reform. Each chapter tackles a different example of the challenges and achievements of liberal politics, from organized labor to the links between liberalism and social democracy in U.S. political life. The book emphasizes the powerful liberal reform impulse in making modern American politics, while remaining cognizant of the importance of the right in shaping policy and ideology.
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804760485
- eISBN:
- 9780804771306
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804760485.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
This chapter focuses on the years between 1855 and 1863, which were marked by the unexpected return of Caste War violence and the deaths of the leaders of Yucatán's old order. The Liberal Reform ...
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This chapter focuses on the years between 1855 and 1863, which were marked by the unexpected return of Caste War violence and the deaths of the leaders of Yucatán's old order. The Liberal Reform constituted a critical passage in the history of southeast Mexico, affecting virtually every aspect of the society, from parish life to property to the Caste War itself. The chapter addresses the following questions: What was the Reform in the southeast? Did its strategy really manage to liberate individual energies, foster a sense of citizenship, and stimulate economic vitality? How did Reform-era chaos start, what paths did it trace, and to what unexpected ends did the struggle lead?Less
This chapter focuses on the years between 1855 and 1863, which were marked by the unexpected return of Caste War violence and the deaths of the leaders of Yucatán's old order. The Liberal Reform constituted a critical passage in the history of southeast Mexico, affecting virtually every aspect of the society, from parish life to property to the Caste War itself. The chapter addresses the following questions: What was the Reform in the southeast? Did its strategy really manage to liberate individual energies, foster a sense of citizenship, and stimulate economic vitality? How did Reform-era chaos start, what paths did it trace, and to what unexpected ends did the struggle lead?
Margaret Chowning
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195182217
- eISBN:
- 9780199850532
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195182217.003.0008
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity
Even if the civil law allowed the nuns of Mexico who were laid off from the convents to live freely, some of these women made efforts to recreate how they had lived as a community. According to the ...
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Even if the civil law allowed the nuns of Mexico who were laid off from the convents to live freely, some of these women made efforts to recreate how they had lived as a community. According to the ecclesiastical hierarchy that they were accustomed to, these former nuns should individually live by their vows of chastity, obedience, poverty, and enclosure, but the church did not find anything wrong with their attempts to rebuild their communities. This chapter explains what happened to the nuns who were dismissed from the convent during the period of liberal reform, and what happened to the buildings and the church of La Purísima convent.Less
Even if the civil law allowed the nuns of Mexico who were laid off from the convents to live freely, some of these women made efforts to recreate how they had lived as a community. According to the ecclesiastical hierarchy that they were accustomed to, these former nuns should individually live by their vows of chastity, obedience, poverty, and enclosure, but the church did not find anything wrong with their attempts to rebuild their communities. This chapter explains what happened to the nuns who were dismissed from the convent during the period of liberal reform, and what happened to the buildings and the church of La Purísima convent.
Luis Bértola and José Antonio Ocampo
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199662135
- eISBN:
- 9780191748950
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199662135.003.0003
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic History, International
Chapter 3 analyzes the character and timing of export-led growth in the last decades of the XIX and first three decades of the XX century. This process was determined by the revolution in ...
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Chapter 3 analyzes the character and timing of export-led growth in the last decades of the XIX and first three decades of the XX century. This process was determined by the revolution in transportation, the expansion of industrialized countries' demand for raw materials and foodstuffs, and the political and institutional changes that had been taking place in most Latin American countries (liberal reforms, increasing domestic labor mobility, development of a genuine land market, new taxation systems, consolidation of power structures and increased institutional stability). Hefty capital inflows and mass immigration to some countries from Europe reinforced these transformations. Increased export activity led to a diversification of production structures in the leading regional economies, including early manufacturing development, a modern transport infrastructure, and rapid urbanization. The gap with the world leaders diminished for these economies, but remained large, particularly in terms of human capital. Inequality increased both between and within countries.Less
Chapter 3 analyzes the character and timing of export-led growth in the last decades of the XIX and first three decades of the XX century. This process was determined by the revolution in transportation, the expansion of industrialized countries' demand for raw materials and foodstuffs, and the political and institutional changes that had been taking place in most Latin American countries (liberal reforms, increasing domestic labor mobility, development of a genuine land market, new taxation systems, consolidation of power structures and increased institutional stability). Hefty capital inflows and mass immigration to some countries from Europe reinforced these transformations. Increased export activity led to a diversification of production structures in the leading regional economies, including early manufacturing development, a modern transport infrastructure, and rapid urbanization. The gap with the world leaders diminished for these economies, but remained large, particularly in terms of human capital. Inequality increased both between and within countries.
Orfeo Fioretos
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801449697
- eISBN:
- 9780801460715
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801449697.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
This chapter explores the nature of institutional development in key economic domains in France during the early post-war period, the 1970s and 1980s, and in the decade and a half preceding the 2008 ...
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This chapter explores the nature of institutional development in key economic domains in France during the early post-war period, the 1970s and 1980s, and in the decade and a half preceding the 2008 global financial crisis. Unlike Britain where attempts to introduce centralized forms of governance failed in the early post-war period, the French government successfully consolidated such policies in multiple domains. French government is also neither successful in implementing a partial liberal reform agenda, nor in sustaining a comprehensive program of institutional specialization that sought to expand centralized governance. The chapter explains why and when different forms of economic governance across various domains are stable while others are characterized by more change by highlighting the role of historical legacies, shifts in international markets, and the multilateral environment in shaping firm strategy.Less
This chapter explores the nature of institutional development in key economic domains in France during the early post-war period, the 1970s and 1980s, and in the decade and a half preceding the 2008 global financial crisis. Unlike Britain where attempts to introduce centralized forms of governance failed in the early post-war period, the French government successfully consolidated such policies in multiple domains. French government is also neither successful in implementing a partial liberal reform agenda, nor in sustaining a comprehensive program of institutional specialization that sought to expand centralized governance. The chapter explains why and when different forms of economic governance across various domains are stable while others are characterized by more change by highlighting the role of historical legacies, shifts in international markets, and the multilateral environment in shaping firm strategy.
Benjamin Peters
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780262034180
- eISBN:
- 9780262334198
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- The MIT Press
- DOI:
- 10.7551/mitpress/9780262034180.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Russian Politics
This chapter examines the emergence of economic cybernetics in the late 1950s and early 1960s as a field closely allied to mathematical economics and econometrics yet peculiar to the Soviet sphere. ...
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This chapter examines the emergence of economic cybernetics in the late 1950s and early 1960s as a field closely allied to mathematical economics and econometrics yet peculiar to the Soviet sphere. It also outlines and describes the basics behind the command economy and the coordination problems that the Soviet state and competing schools of orthodox, liberal, and cybernetic economists alike all agreed needed to be addressed and reformed in the early 1960s. A few sources of the organizational dissonance, including heterarchical networks of institutional interests, blat, vertical bargaining, underlying the Soviet command economy and its state administration are also introducedLess
This chapter examines the emergence of economic cybernetics in the late 1950s and early 1960s as a field closely allied to mathematical economics and econometrics yet peculiar to the Soviet sphere. It also outlines and describes the basics behind the command economy and the coordination problems that the Soviet state and competing schools of orthodox, liberal, and cybernetic economists alike all agreed needed to be addressed and reformed in the early 1960s. A few sources of the organizational dissonance, including heterarchical networks of institutional interests, blat, vertical bargaining, underlying the Soviet command economy and its state administration are also introduced
Leonardo Baccini and Johannes Urpelainen
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- December 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199388998
- eISBN:
- 9780199389018
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199388998.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Political Economy
This chapter presents the research question of the book, offers a short summary of the argument, lists the contributions and implications of the book, and offers a roadmap for the remaining chapters. ...
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This chapter presents the research question of the book, offers a short summary of the argument, lists the contributions and implications of the book, and offers a roadmap for the remaining chapters. The chapter begins with the puzzle of why so many developing countries have managed to implement a wide variety of liberal microeconomic reforms despite the intense political controversies that surround such reforms. Summarizing the core argument of the book, the chapter explains why international institutions—and North-South trade agreements in particular—can improve the credibility and political feasibility of liberal reforms in developing countries. The chapter also situates the argument in the literature on international political economy, domestic-international linkages, and economic reform.Less
This chapter presents the research question of the book, offers a short summary of the argument, lists the contributions and implications of the book, and offers a roadmap for the remaining chapters. The chapter begins with the puzzle of why so many developing countries have managed to implement a wide variety of liberal microeconomic reforms despite the intense political controversies that surround such reforms. Summarizing the core argument of the book, the chapter explains why international institutions—and North-South trade agreements in particular—can improve the credibility and political feasibility of liberal reforms in developing countries. The chapter also situates the argument in the literature on international political economy, domestic-international linkages, and economic reform.
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804752138
- eISBN:
- 9780804767774
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804752138.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
This chapter begins by addressing the paradox raised in the questions presented at the start of the book: why did popular sectors react so differently to the two generations of Liberal reformers, ...
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This chapter begins by addressing the paradox raised in the questions presented at the start of the book: why did popular sectors react so differently to the two generations of Liberal reformers, given the apparent similarity of their reform projects? Why was the first round of reforms crushed by a massive, sustained insurrection, whereas the second round encountered only sporadic armed resistance? The answer lies, at least in part, in the fact that the second, or post-1871, generation of Liberals did not initiate a revolutionary transformation in land tenure. Rather, the body of laws that comprised the Reforma was a de jure recognition of changes that had been legislated by the first generation of Liberal reformers in the 1830s, and implemented largely by Conservative authorities in the decades leading up to 1871. It was precisely the years of Conservative rule—the middle third of the nineteenth century—that experienced the greatest number of rebellions. By the time of the Reforma, popular resistance no longer manifested itself as violent opposition with such frequency. The chapter demonstrates that Conservative authorities, not Liberals, broke the indigenous hold on the fertile lands of Guatemala's western Pacific coast. Such an endeavor requires an understanding of community claims to the coastal region, followed by a detailed examination of how those claims were subverted.Less
This chapter begins by addressing the paradox raised in the questions presented at the start of the book: why did popular sectors react so differently to the two generations of Liberal reformers, given the apparent similarity of their reform projects? Why was the first round of reforms crushed by a massive, sustained insurrection, whereas the second round encountered only sporadic armed resistance? The answer lies, at least in part, in the fact that the second, or post-1871, generation of Liberals did not initiate a revolutionary transformation in land tenure. Rather, the body of laws that comprised the Reforma was a de jure recognition of changes that had been legislated by the first generation of Liberal reformers in the 1830s, and implemented largely by Conservative authorities in the decades leading up to 1871. It was precisely the years of Conservative rule—the middle third of the nineteenth century—that experienced the greatest number of rebellions. By the time of the Reforma, popular resistance no longer manifested itself as violent opposition with such frequency. The chapter demonstrates that Conservative authorities, not Liberals, broke the indigenous hold on the fertile lands of Guatemala's western Pacific coast. Such an endeavor requires an understanding of community claims to the coastal region, followed by a detailed examination of how those claims were subverted.