G. John Ikenberry
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780197265529
- eISBN:
- 9780191760334
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197265529.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Liberal order is not embodied in a fixed set of principles or practices. Instead, aspects of the liberal vision have made appearances in various combinations and changing ways over the last century. ...
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Liberal order is not embodied in a fixed set of principles or practices. Instead, aspects of the liberal vision have made appearances in various combinations and changing ways over the last century. This chapter argues that it is possible to identify three versions of liberal order. The first is associated with the ideas of Woodrow Wilson; the second is the liberal internationalism of the post-1945 decades; and the third version is a sort of post-hegemonic liberal internationalism that has only partially appeared and whose full shape and logic is still uncertain. The chapter develops a set of dimensions that allow for identifying different logics of liberal order and identify variables that will shape the movement from liberal internationalism 2.0 to 3.0.Less
Liberal order is not embodied in a fixed set of principles or practices. Instead, aspects of the liberal vision have made appearances in various combinations and changing ways over the last century. This chapter argues that it is possible to identify three versions of liberal order. The first is associated with the ideas of Woodrow Wilson; the second is the liberal internationalism of the post-1945 decades; and the third version is a sort of post-hegemonic liberal internationalism that has only partially appeared and whose full shape and logic is still uncertain. The chapter develops a set of dimensions that allow for identifying different logics of liberal order and identify variables that will shape the movement from liberal internationalism 2.0 to 3.0.
Tim Dunne, Trine Flockhart, and Marjo Koivisto
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780197265529
- eISBN:
- 9780191760334
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197265529.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The current liberal order is fading and has failed to deliver on some of its most fundamental promises. Yet, rather than taking flight from liberal order, this book suggests that liberal orders in ...
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The current liberal order is fading and has failed to deliver on some of its most fundamental promises. Yet, rather than taking flight from liberal order, this book suggests that liberal orders in the past always have been historically constituted and institutionally contested. Although liberal order's current crisis is not disputed, it suggests that the crisis has partly been constituted by the specific account of liberal order offered by ‘new liberalism’, which in its quest for a scientific method has shorn liberalism — and with it liberal order — of its critical and normative potential. The observation places liberal order's alleged crisis in a new light, where attention to liberal values and ordering practices invite consideration of those aspects of liberal order that are resilient and enduring.Less
The current liberal order is fading and has failed to deliver on some of its most fundamental promises. Yet, rather than taking flight from liberal order, this book suggests that liberal orders in the past always have been historically constituted and institutionally contested. Although liberal order's current crisis is not disputed, it suggests that the crisis has partly been constituted by the specific account of liberal order offered by ‘new liberalism’, which in its quest for a scientific method has shorn liberalism — and with it liberal order — of its critical and normative potential. The observation places liberal order's alleged crisis in a new light, where attention to liberal values and ordering practices invite consideration of those aspects of liberal order that are resilient and enduring.
Emanuel Adler
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780197265529
- eISBN:
- 9780191760334
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197265529.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter focuses on the integrative force of resilient liberal practices. It acknowledges that liberal order is in crisis, but asserts that liberal internationalism's permanent crisis is a source ...
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This chapter focuses on the integrative force of resilient liberal practices. It acknowledges that liberal order is in crisis, but asserts that liberal internationalism's permanent crisis is a source of renewal and transformation in liberal order. A definition of liberal internationalism is put forward that carefully avoids constructing reified notions of liberal internationalism associated with American power. The chapter points to the need to focus on social practices to see the potential of liberal order's adaptation and renewal, and suggests that, although the decline of American power indeed may be seen from a narrow perspective to threaten liberal order, from a wider and deeper conceptual historical perspective, liberal practices may be why the order has not yet been replaced.Less
This chapter focuses on the integrative force of resilient liberal practices. It acknowledges that liberal order is in crisis, but asserts that liberal internationalism's permanent crisis is a source of renewal and transformation in liberal order. A definition of liberal internationalism is put forward that carefully avoids constructing reified notions of liberal internationalism associated with American power. The chapter points to the need to focus on social practices to see the potential of liberal order's adaptation and renewal, and suggests that, although the decline of American power indeed may be seen from a narrow perspective to threaten liberal order, from a wider and deeper conceptual historical perspective, liberal practices may be why the order has not yet been replaced.
Andrew Gamble
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780197266618
- eISBN:
- 9780191896064
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197266618.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
One of the distinctive features of the idea of an Anglosphere has been a particular view of world order, based on liberal principles of free movement of goods, capital and people, representative ...
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One of the distinctive features of the idea of an Anglosphere has been a particular view of world order, based on liberal principles of free movement of goods, capital and people, representative government, and the rule of law, which requires a powerful state or coalition of states to uphold and enforce them. This chapter charts the roots as well as the limits of this conception in the period of British ascendancy in the nineteenth century, and how significant elements of the political class in both Britain and the United States in the twentieth century came to see the desirability of cooperation between the English-speaking nations to preserve that order against challengers. This cooperation was most clearly realised in the Second World War. The post-war construction of a new liberal world order was achieved under the leadership of the United States, with Britain playing a largely supportive but secondary role. Cooperation between Britain and the US flourished during the Cold War, particularly in the military and intelligence fields, and this became the institutional core of the ‘special relationship’. The period since the end of the Cold War has seen new challenges emerge both externally and internally to the Anglo-American worldview.Less
One of the distinctive features of the idea of an Anglosphere has been a particular view of world order, based on liberal principles of free movement of goods, capital and people, representative government, and the rule of law, which requires a powerful state or coalition of states to uphold and enforce them. This chapter charts the roots as well as the limits of this conception in the period of British ascendancy in the nineteenth century, and how significant elements of the political class in both Britain and the United States in the twentieth century came to see the desirability of cooperation between the English-speaking nations to preserve that order against challengers. This cooperation was most clearly realised in the Second World War. The post-war construction of a new liberal world order was achieved under the leadership of the United States, with Britain playing a largely supportive but secondary role. Cooperation between Britain and the US flourished during the Cold War, particularly in the military and intelligence fields, and this became the institutional core of the ‘special relationship’. The period since the end of the Cold War has seen new challenges emerge both externally and internally to the Anglo-American worldview.
Tony Smith
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691154923
- eISBN:
- 9781400842025
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691154923.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter examines Woodrow Wilson's comprehensive program for world order that came to constitute the foundation of liberal democratic internationalism, also known as Wilsonianism. Wilson's ...
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This chapter examines Woodrow Wilson's comprehensive program for world order that came to constitute the foundation of liberal democratic internationalism, also known as Wilsonianism. Wilson's policy, designed “to make the world safe for democracy,” was not a radical departure from traditional American national security policy. His proposals to restructure world politics on the basis of a liberal world order were consistent with basic propositions of past American foreign policy. The chapter first considers the theory and practice underlying Wilsonianism before discussing the dilemma of Wilson's policy in Europe. It also explores the virtues of Wilsonianism for the postwar world, such as its acknowledgment of the fundamental political importance of nationalism. Finally, it emphasizes the resurgence of Wilsonianism in American foreign policy in the aftermath of World War II.Less
This chapter examines Woodrow Wilson's comprehensive program for world order that came to constitute the foundation of liberal democratic internationalism, also known as Wilsonianism. Wilson's policy, designed “to make the world safe for democracy,” was not a radical departure from traditional American national security policy. His proposals to restructure world politics on the basis of a liberal world order were consistent with basic propositions of past American foreign policy. The chapter first considers the theory and practice underlying Wilsonianism before discussing the dilemma of Wilson's policy in Europe. It also explores the virtues of Wilsonianism for the postwar world, such as its acknowledgment of the fundamental political importance of nationalism. Finally, it emphasizes the resurgence of Wilsonianism in American foreign policy in the aftermath of World War II.
Tony Smith
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691154923
- eISBN:
- 9781400842025
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691154923.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter examines Franklin D. Roosevelt's liberal democratic internationalism and his efforts to assure American national security by constructing a stable world order based on the Monroe ...
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This chapter examines Franklin D. Roosevelt's liberal democratic internationalism and his efforts to assure American national security by constructing a stable world order based on the Monroe Doctrine of 1823, which the United States sought to globalize in the aftermath of the Axis defeat in World War II. It first considers how FDR infused American liberalism with a healthy dose of realism about the appropriateness of democracy for other countries in the aftermath of World War II before discussing anti-imperialism as a component of American foreign policy. It also explores the United States's promotion of democracy and pursuit of a liberal world order as a means of countering Soviet imperialism. It argues that liberal democratic internationalism has been the American way of practicing balance-of-power politics in world affairs, and that the dominant logic of American foreign policy was dictated by concerns for national security.Less
This chapter examines Franklin D. Roosevelt's liberal democratic internationalism and his efforts to assure American national security by constructing a stable world order based on the Monroe Doctrine of 1823, which the United States sought to globalize in the aftermath of the Axis defeat in World War II. It first considers how FDR infused American liberalism with a healthy dose of realism about the appropriateness of democracy for other countries in the aftermath of World War II before discussing anti-imperialism as a component of American foreign policy. It also explores the United States's promotion of democracy and pursuit of a liberal world order as a means of countering Soviet imperialism. It argues that liberal democratic internationalism has been the American way of practicing balance-of-power politics in world affairs, and that the dominant logic of American foreign policy was dictated by concerns for national security.
Tony Smith
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691154923
- eISBN:
- 9781400842025
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691154923.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This book provides a comprehensive historical review of American liberal democratic internationalism. It argues that the global strength and prestige of democracy today are due in large part to ...
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This book provides a comprehensive historical review of American liberal democratic internationalism. It argues that the global strength and prestige of democracy today are due in large part to America's impact on international affairs. The book documents the extraordinary history of how American foreign policy has been used to try to promote democracy worldwide, an effort that enjoyed its greatest triumphs in the occupations of Japan and Germany but suffered huge setbacks in Latin America, Vietnam, and elsewhere. With new chapters and a new introduction and epilogue, this expanded edition also traces U.S. attempts to spread democracy more recently, under presidents Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, and Barack Obama, and assesses America's role in the Arab Spring. The book argues that liberal internationalism is built on powerful global historical trends, and the liberal internationalist streak in American foreign policy has been responsible for shaping a liberal world order conducive to American security and economic interests.Less
This book provides a comprehensive historical review of American liberal democratic internationalism. It argues that the global strength and prestige of democracy today are due in large part to America's impact on international affairs. The book documents the extraordinary history of how American foreign policy has been used to try to promote democracy worldwide, an effort that enjoyed its greatest triumphs in the occupations of Japan and Germany but suffered huge setbacks in Latin America, Vietnam, and elsewhere. With new chapters and a new introduction and epilogue, this expanded edition also traces U.S. attempts to spread democracy more recently, under presidents Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, and Barack Obama, and assesses America's role in the Arab Spring. The book argues that liberal internationalism is built on powerful global historical trends, and the liberal internationalist streak in American foreign policy has been responsible for shaping a liberal world order conducive to American security and economic interests.
Chandran Kukathas
- Published in print:
- 1989
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198273264
- eISBN:
- 9780191684029
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198273264.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter evaluates F. A. Hayek's enterprise and assesses his contribution to modern political theory and liberal theory in particular. It focuses on the question of coherence of the philosophical ...
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This chapter evaluates F. A. Hayek's enterprise and assesses his contribution to modern political theory and liberal theory in particular. It focuses on the question of coherence of the philosophical assumptions which underlie Hayek's attempt to offer a justification of the liberal social order. It shows how Hayek's view of the nature of human knowledge and his account of the nature of social order lead him to develop arguments for liberalism grounded in an anti-rationalist stance. It also shows how his desire to secure this defence in a set of normative principles upholding individual freedom lead him to adopt a more rationalist approach to justifying his liberal theory of justice.Less
This chapter evaluates F. A. Hayek's enterprise and assesses his contribution to modern political theory and liberal theory in particular. It focuses on the question of coherence of the philosophical assumptions which underlie Hayek's attempt to offer a justification of the liberal social order. It shows how Hayek's view of the nature of human knowledge and his account of the nature of social order lead him to develop arguments for liberalism grounded in an anti-rationalist stance. It also shows how his desire to secure this defence in a set of normative principles upholding individual freedom lead him to adopt a more rationalist approach to justifying his liberal theory of justice.
Philip Cunliffe
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781526105721
- eISBN:
- 9781526152084
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7765/9781526151452.00006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter considers various accounts offered for the challenges confronting liberal international order today, and finds them wanting. It is argued that the most militarily aggressive and ...
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This chapter considers various accounts offered for the challenges confronting liberal international order today, and finds them wanting. It is argued that the most militarily aggressive and revisionist states over the thirty years since the end of the Cold War have been the status quo states of the West, not ‘emerging powers’ such as Russia or China. It is Western states that have repeatedly used force to reshape the international order as well as adapting international organisation to suit their new humanitarian outlook. This cuts against the expectations of International Relations theory regarding the origin of revisionist challenges to international order, and requires explanation. As this new form of liberal revisionism arises from the status quo states rather than outside them, this type of behaviour is called ‘inverted revisionism’.Less
This chapter considers various accounts offered for the challenges confronting liberal international order today, and finds them wanting. It is argued that the most militarily aggressive and revisionist states over the thirty years since the end of the Cold War have been the status quo states of the West, not ‘emerging powers’ such as Russia or China. It is Western states that have repeatedly used force to reshape the international order as well as adapting international organisation to suit their new humanitarian outlook. This cuts against the expectations of International Relations theory regarding the origin of revisionist challenges to international order, and requires explanation. As this new form of liberal revisionism arises from the status quo states rather than outside them, this type of behaviour is called ‘inverted revisionism’.
Ian Clark
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199556267
- eISBN:
- 9780191725609
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199556267.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The second historical case revisits Britain's role in the nineteenth century. While conventionally Pax Britannica has been presented as one of the cases of hegemonic stability, this view has been ...
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The second historical case revisits Britain's role in the nineteenth century. While conventionally Pax Britannica has been presented as one of the cases of hegemonic stability, this view has been strongly challenged. The chapter suggests that Britain can be considered a case of singular hegemony, but of a distinctive type: it depended as much on British weaknesses as on its strengths. This was especially so in its inability to control the European balance, as also in its increasingly exposed position in the Empire. Rather than rehearse the material dimensions of British economic power, the chapter turns instead to the followers, and asks to what extent Britain was viewed as a model for emulation, or encouraged a liberal order. These issues are explored in the contexts of free trade, and the roles of sterling and the gold standard.Less
The second historical case revisits Britain's role in the nineteenth century. While conventionally Pax Britannica has been presented as one of the cases of hegemonic stability, this view has been strongly challenged. The chapter suggests that Britain can be considered a case of singular hegemony, but of a distinctive type: it depended as much on British weaknesses as on its strengths. This was especially so in its inability to control the European balance, as also in its increasingly exposed position in the Empire. Rather than rehearse the material dimensions of British economic power, the chapter turns instead to the followers, and asks to what extent Britain was viewed as a model for emulation, or encouraged a liberal order. These issues are explored in the contexts of free trade, and the roles of sterling and the gold standard.
David G. Lewis
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781474454766
- eISBN:
- 9781474480611
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474454766.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter examines Carl Schmitt’s theory of international relations and applies it to Russian foreign policy. It outlines the emergence of Schmitt’s thinking about the ‘Grand Space’ or the ...
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This chapter examines Carl Schmitt’s theory of international relations and applies it to Russian foreign policy. It outlines the emergence of Schmitt’s thinking about the ‘Grand Space’ or the Großraum as the most important unit of analysis in international relations. This understanding of the world as divided into macroregions centred on great powers became widespread in Russian foreign policy thinking after 2012. The chapter explores different features of Russia’s regional policy in Eurasia and its sphere of influence politics through the prism of Großraum theory, including its spatial challenge to the universalism of the liberal international order.Less
This chapter examines Carl Schmitt’s theory of international relations and applies it to Russian foreign policy. It outlines the emergence of Schmitt’s thinking about the ‘Grand Space’ or the Großraum as the most important unit of analysis in international relations. This understanding of the world as divided into macroregions centred on great powers became widespread in Russian foreign policy thinking after 2012. The chapter explores different features of Russia’s regional policy in Eurasia and its sphere of influence politics through the prism of Großraum theory, including its spatial challenge to the universalism of the liberal international order.
Catia Cecilia Confortini
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199845231
- eISBN:
- 9780199979875
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199845231.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter starts with a discussion about international relations (IR) theory’s understandings of peace as well as the relationship between peace and feminist IR, pointing at the need both to be ...
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This chapter starts with a discussion about international relations (IR) theory’s understandings of peace as well as the relationship between peace and feminist IR, pointing at the need both to be concerned about peace and to revisit its relationship to feminism. It highlights the importance of analyzing women’s peace activism to draw lessons for IR and feminism as well as the uniqueness of WILPF for this type of project. This is followed by historical background on WILPF, from its origins to the end of the Second World War. Finally, it locates the organization in the context of the post–WWII international liberal order as it was being shaped by the United States and its allies.Less
This chapter starts with a discussion about international relations (IR) theory’s understandings of peace as well as the relationship between peace and feminist IR, pointing at the need both to be concerned about peace and to revisit its relationship to feminism. It highlights the importance of analyzing women’s peace activism to draw lessons for IR and feminism as well as the uniqueness of WILPF for this type of project. This is followed by historical background on WILPF, from its origins to the end of the Second World War. Finally, it locates the organization in the context of the post–WWII international liberal order as it was being shaped by the United States and its allies.
Harry Blustein
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781784992897
- eISBN:
- 9781526104311
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781784992897.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
The ascent of globalisation captures the sweeping drama of postwar globalisation through intimate portraits of twenty of its key architects. These profiles provide insights into what inspired these ...
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The ascent of globalisation captures the sweeping drama of postwar globalisation through intimate portraits of twenty of its key architects. These profiles provide insights into what inspired these pioneers of globalisation — the beliefs they each imbibed in their youth, the formative experiences that shaped their ideas and their contributions to the global architecture. Engaging anecdotes and telling personal details, many of which have never been told, enliven each of the stories, as well as the behind-the-scenes dramas that accompanied the creation of institutions such as the World Bank, IMF, UN and World Trade Organization and the informal governance structures that are part of the postwar global architecture. Their legacies are critically examined, both their successes and their disappointments: a global financial system that is fragile and unstable; an international trading system that is unfair; the unintended consequences of largely unregulated transnational capital; and dysfunction that plagues institutions like the European Union and the United Nations. The book ends by examining what implications the flawed architecture may have for the future of globalisation.Less
The ascent of globalisation captures the sweeping drama of postwar globalisation through intimate portraits of twenty of its key architects. These profiles provide insights into what inspired these pioneers of globalisation — the beliefs they each imbibed in their youth, the formative experiences that shaped their ideas and their contributions to the global architecture. Engaging anecdotes and telling personal details, many of which have never been told, enliven each of the stories, as well as the behind-the-scenes dramas that accompanied the creation of institutions such as the World Bank, IMF, UN and World Trade Organization and the informal governance structures that are part of the postwar global architecture. Their legacies are critically examined, both their successes and their disappointments: a global financial system that is fragile and unstable; an international trading system that is unfair; the unintended consequences of largely unregulated transnational capital; and dysfunction that plagues institutions like the European Union and the United Nations. The book ends by examining what implications the flawed architecture may have for the future of globalisation.
Alexander Cooley and Daniel Nexon
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- March 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780190916473
- eISBN:
- 9780190054557
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190916473.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Nearly every recent National Security Strategy of the United States takes for granted that the United States is a hegemonic power, that it constructed a liberal international order after World War ...
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Nearly every recent National Security Strategy of the United States takes for granted that the United States is a hegemonic power, that it constructed a liberal international order after World War II, and that it expanded that order from the 1990s onward. This chapter looks closely at these assumptions. What is international liberalism? What is hegemony? What is international order? How does world history look through the lens of theories of hegemony and hegemonic ordering? We argue that international orders have architectures—norms, rules, and principles—and infrastructures—the interactions, practices, and relationships that undergird them. Overall, international order resembles a dynamic ecosystem, one that structures the behavior of the states and other actors that constitute it. This helps explain not only why post–Cold War liberal enlargement faltered but also how it created conditions for its own unraveling.Less
Nearly every recent National Security Strategy of the United States takes for granted that the United States is a hegemonic power, that it constructed a liberal international order after World War II, and that it expanded that order from the 1990s onward. This chapter looks closely at these assumptions. What is international liberalism? What is hegemony? What is international order? How does world history look through the lens of theories of hegemony and hegemonic ordering? We argue that international orders have architectures—norms, rules, and principles—and infrastructures—the interactions, practices, and relationships that undergird them. Overall, international order resembles a dynamic ecosystem, one that structures the behavior of the states and other actors that constitute it. This helps explain not only why post–Cold War liberal enlargement faltered but also how it created conditions for its own unraveling.
Erik Voeten
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780691207322
- eISBN:
- 9780691207339
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691207322.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This concluding chapter addresses how the distributive ideological framework helps one think through questions regarding the future of the Western liberal order. The potential demise of the Western ...
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This concluding chapter addresses how the distributive ideological framework helps one think through questions regarding the future of the Western liberal order. The potential demise of the Western liberal institutional order preoccupies scholars of international institutions. The concerns are twofold. First, nonliberal and/or non-Western states are becoming more powerful and are attempting to change existing institutions and create institutions that better fit their interests and worldviews. Second, populist and antiglobalization movements challenge the commitment of democratically elected Western governments to the liberal international order, most notably the United States. The chapter then contends that a world that moves away from multilateralism would be a world preoccupied with short-term coalitions and conflicts rather than long-term alliances and institutions.Less
This concluding chapter addresses how the distributive ideological framework helps one think through questions regarding the future of the Western liberal order. The potential demise of the Western liberal institutional order preoccupies scholars of international institutions. The concerns are twofold. First, nonliberal and/or non-Western states are becoming more powerful and are attempting to change existing institutions and create institutions that better fit their interests and worldviews. Second, populist and antiglobalization movements challenge the commitment of democratically elected Western governments to the liberal international order, most notably the United States. The chapter then contends that a world that moves away from multilateralism would be a world preoccupied with short-term coalitions and conflicts rather than long-term alliances and institutions.
Dawn C. Murphy
- Published in print:
- 2022
- Published Online:
- May 2022
- ISBN:
- 9781503630093
- eISBN:
- 9781503630604
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9781503630093.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter situates the book in the broader literature examining China as a rising power and defines the terms used throughout the book, including international order. It introduces the ...
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This chapter situates the book in the broader literature examining China as a rising power and defines the terms used throughout the book, including international order. It introduces the methodological approach of the book of exploring the degree to which China competes or cooperates with the United States and how its behavior diverges from or converges with elements of the liberal international order.Less
This chapter situates the book in the broader literature examining China as a rising power and defines the terms used throughout the book, including international order. It introduces the methodological approach of the book of exploring the degree to which China competes or cooperates with the United States and how its behavior diverges from or converges with elements of the liberal international order.
Mark Neocleous
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748633289
- eISBN:
- 9780748671984
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748633289.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter challenges the liberal treatment of security and liberty. Rather than a mythical liberal ‘balance’ between security and liberty, the chapter argues that liberalism has in fact always ...
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This chapter challenges the liberal treatment of security and liberty. Rather than a mythical liberal ‘balance’ between security and liberty, the chapter argues that liberalism has in fact always prioritised security over liberty. It has done so through the logic of ‘emergency’ and ‘prerogative’, which allow for liberties which are supposedly fundamental to be suspended in the name of security. The chapter thus offers a critique of the liberal tradition, by arguing that liberalism's driving principle is security, and that security has been central to liberal order-building.Less
This chapter challenges the liberal treatment of security and liberty. Rather than a mythical liberal ‘balance’ between security and liberty, the chapter argues that liberalism has in fact always prioritised security over liberty. It has done so through the logic of ‘emergency’ and ‘prerogative’, which allow for liberties which are supposedly fundamental to be suspended in the name of security. The chapter thus offers a critique of the liberal tradition, by arguing that liberalism's driving principle is security, and that security has been central to liberal order-building.
Anthony Howe
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201465
- eISBN:
- 9780191674891
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201465.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Economic History
The argument about the limits of free trade or protectionism rages throughout the world to this day. Following the repeal of the Corn Laws in 1846, free trade became one of the most distinctive ...
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The argument about the limits of free trade or protectionism rages throughout the world to this day. Following the repeal of the Corn Laws in 1846, free trade became one of the most distinctive defining features of the British state, and of British economic, social, and political life. While the United States, much of the British Empire, and the leading European Powers turned towards protectionism before 1914, Britain alone held to a policy which had seemingly guaranteed power and prosperity. This book explains the political history of this tenacious loyalty. While the Tariff Reform opponents of free trade have been much studied, this book provides an account, based on a wide range of printed and archival sources, which explains the primacy of free trade in 19th- and early-20th century Britain. It also shows that by the centenary of the repeal of the Corn Laws in 1946, although British free traders lamented the death of Liberal England, they heralded, under American leadership, the rebirth of the liberal international order.Less
The argument about the limits of free trade or protectionism rages throughout the world to this day. Following the repeal of the Corn Laws in 1846, free trade became one of the most distinctive defining features of the British state, and of British economic, social, and political life. While the United States, much of the British Empire, and the leading European Powers turned towards protectionism before 1914, Britain alone held to a policy which had seemingly guaranteed power and prosperity. This book explains the political history of this tenacious loyalty. While the Tariff Reform opponents of free trade have been much studied, this book provides an account, based on a wide range of printed and archival sources, which explains the primacy of free trade in 19th- and early-20th century Britain. It also shows that by the centenary of the repeal of the Corn Laws in 1946, although British free traders lamented the death of Liberal England, they heralded, under American leadership, the rebirth of the liberal international order.
Erik Voeten
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780691207322
- eISBN:
- 9780691207339
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691207322.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This introductory chapter provides an overview of the book's argument that much, though not all, distributive conflict over multilateral institutions takes place in a low-dimensional ideological ...
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This introductory chapter provides an overview of the book's argument that much, though not all, distributive conflict over multilateral institutions takes place in a low-dimensional ideological space. Even if distributive conflict over institutions is not always about ideology, the geopolitical implications often are. The point of this book is not just to argue that ideological contestation matters but also to offer measures, a modeling framework, and empirical illustrations. The theoretical framework helps in better understanding how institutional commitments hang together and may unravel together as challenges to the liberal institutional order mount. If multilateralism is distinct because it advances general principles, then one must understand challenges to the multilateral order in terms of domestic and international challenges to those principles. The chapter then presents a brief illustration of the World Trade Organization.Less
This introductory chapter provides an overview of the book's argument that much, though not all, distributive conflict over multilateral institutions takes place in a low-dimensional ideological space. Even if distributive conflict over institutions is not always about ideology, the geopolitical implications often are. The point of this book is not just to argue that ideological contestation matters but also to offer measures, a modeling framework, and empirical illustrations. The theoretical framework helps in better understanding how institutional commitments hang together and may unravel together as challenges to the liberal institutional order mount. If multilateralism is distinct because it advances general principles, then one must understand challenges to the multilateral order in terms of domestic and international challenges to those principles. The chapter then presents a brief illustration of the World Trade Organization.
Gerald Gaus
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781479812370
- eISBN:
- 9781479852697
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479812370.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter argues that conservatism is better positioned than liberal philosophy. A just liberal society is characterized by moral homogeneity about justice. If liberalism, or a liberal order, is ...
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This chapter argues that conservatism is better positioned than liberal philosophy. A just liberal society is characterized by moral homogeneity about justice. If liberalism, or a liberal order, is identified with a specific “theory of justice” in this way, it must set itself up in opposition to competing “political theories” such as conservatism. A successful, triumphant, just liberal order has no place for conservatism as a popular political program, for the conservative rejects “the liberal theory of justice” and so cannot be a part of a well-ordered society based on it. The existence of a viable conservative party must indicate an incomplete or imperfect “collective commitment to justice.”Less
This chapter argues that conservatism is better positioned than liberal philosophy. A just liberal society is characterized by moral homogeneity about justice. If liberalism, or a liberal order, is identified with a specific “theory of justice” in this way, it must set itself up in opposition to competing “political theories” such as conservatism. A successful, triumphant, just liberal order has no place for conservatism as a popular political program, for the conservative rejects “the liberal theory of justice” and so cannot be a part of a well-ordered society based on it. The existence of a viable conservative party must indicate an incomplete or imperfect “collective commitment to justice.”