Eamonn Callan
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198292586
- eISBN:
- 9780191598913
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198292589.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The problem of education in liberal democracies is to ensure the intergenerational continuity of their constitutive political ideals while remaining open to a diversity of conduct and belief that ...
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The problem of education in liberal democracies is to ensure the intergenerational continuity of their constitutive political ideals while remaining open to a diversity of conduct and belief that sometimes threatens those ideals. Creating Citizens addresses this problem. The book identifies both the principal aims of political education—liberal patriotism and the sense of justice—and the rights that limit their public pursuit. The public pursuit of these educational aims is properly constrained by deference to the rights of parents, and these are shown to have some independent moral weight underived from the rights of children. The liberal state's possible role in the sponsorship and the control of denominational school is discussed, as are the benefits and hazards of moral dialogue in morally diverse educational environments. The book draws heavily on John Rawls's theory of justice.Less
The problem of education in liberal democracies is to ensure the intergenerational continuity of their constitutive political ideals while remaining open to a diversity of conduct and belief that sometimes threatens those ideals. Creating Citizens addresses this problem. The book identifies both the principal aims of political education—liberal patriotism and the sense of justice—and the rights that limit their public pursuit. The public pursuit of these educational aims is properly constrained by deference to the rights of parents, and these are shown to have some independent moral weight underived from the rights of children. The liberal state's possible role in the sponsorship and the control of denominational school is discussed, as are the benefits and hazards of moral dialogue in morally diverse educational environments. The book draws heavily on John Rawls's theory of justice.
Luiz Carlos Bresser-Pereira
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- November 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199261185
- eISBN:
- 9780191601507
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199261180.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Two related historical facts welcomed liberal democracy or the liberal-democratic state. On one hand, in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, social contract theory imposed a major setback to ...
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Two related historical facts welcomed liberal democracy or the liberal-democratic state. On one hand, in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, social contract theory imposed a major setback to the divine legitimacy of political rulers. On the other hand, the capitalist revolution–embracing the mercantile, the industrial, and the liberal revolutions–changed the basic way of appropriating the economic surplus. This no longer depended on the state’s control but increasingly depended on the realization of profits in the market. For the first time in history, authoritarian regimes ceased to be a necessary condition for the ruling classes’ survival. Democracy turned gradually into synonym of the good state. Eventually, with the acknowledgement of political rights–specifically of universal suffrage––liberal democracy emerged. This process took one century–the time for the bourgeois ruling class to stop fearing expropriation by the poor who democracy entitled to vote.Less
Two related historical facts welcomed liberal democracy or the liberal-democratic state. On one hand, in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, social contract theory imposed a major setback to the divine legitimacy of political rulers. On the other hand, the capitalist revolution–embracing the mercantile, the industrial, and the liberal revolutions–changed the basic way of appropriating the economic surplus. This no longer depended on the state’s control but increasingly depended on the realization of profits in the market. For the first time in history, authoritarian regimes ceased to be a necessary condition for the ruling classes’ survival. Democracy turned gradually into synonym of the good state. Eventually, with the acknowledgement of political rights–specifically of universal suffrage––liberal democracy emerged. This process took one century–the time for the bourgeois ruling class to stop fearing expropriation by the poor who democracy entitled to vote.
G. John Ikenberry
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240975
- eISBN:
- 9780191598999
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240973.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Analyses democracy promotion as part of America's ‘liberal grand strategy’, i.e. the notion that the US is better able to pursue its interests, reduce security threats, and foster a stable political ...
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Analyses democracy promotion as part of America's ‘liberal grand strategy’, i.e. the notion that the US is better able to pursue its interests, reduce security threats, and foster a stable political order when other states are democracies. It provides answers to the following questions: What are the elements of the liberal grand strategy? Why has it been so persistent? Which groups support it within the foreign policy community? How significant is the liberal democratic orientation in current American foreign policy?Less
Analyses democracy promotion as part of America's ‘liberal grand strategy’, i.e. the notion that the US is better able to pursue its interests, reduce security threats, and foster a stable political order when other states are democracies. It provides answers to the following questions: What are the elements of the liberal grand strategy? Why has it been so persistent? Which groups support it within the foreign policy community? How significant is the liberal democratic orientation in current American foreign policy?
Robert E. Goodin
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199256174
- eISBN:
- 9780191599354
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199256179.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This is the second of two chapters on preference democracy. It points out that theories of liberal democracy necessarily require systematic responsiveness to popular wishes, in ways that make them ...
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This is the second of two chapters on preference democracy. It points out that theories of liberal democracy necessarily require systematic responsiveness to popular wishes, in ways that make them fundamentally ‘preference‐respecting’, but that there are many different kinds of preferences and correspondingly many different ways of respecting them. Different models of democracy are better at providing certain sorts of respect for certain sorts of preferences than others, and which model of democracy liberal democrats want to adopt therefore depends on which sorts of preferences they want to accord which sort of respect. The central claim of this chapter is that the author's preferred model of ‘democratic deliberation within’ is preference‐respecting in the right way, and that it therefore deserves a key role in any larger system of democratic accountability. The different sections of the chapter are: Respecting Preferences, Not Just Recording Them; Permissible Paternalism; Assessing Alternative Models of Preference‐Respecting Democracy; The Virtues of Sporadic Assessments: Preference‐Respecting Arguments for Indirect Democracy; and Combining ‘Democratic Deliberation Within’ and Trustee‐style Representative Democracy.Less
This is the second of two chapters on preference democracy. It points out that theories of liberal democracy necessarily require systematic responsiveness to popular wishes, in ways that make them fundamentally ‘preference‐respecting’, but that there are many different kinds of preferences and correspondingly many different ways of respecting them. Different models of democracy are better at providing certain sorts of respect for certain sorts of preferences than others, and which model of democracy liberal democrats want to adopt therefore depends on which sorts of preferences they want to accord which sort of respect. The central claim of this chapter is that the author's preferred model of ‘democratic deliberation within’ is preference‐respecting in the right way, and that it therefore deserves a key role in any larger system of democratic accountability. The different sections of the chapter are: Respecting Preferences, Not Just Recording Them; Permissible Paternalism; Assessing Alternative Models of Preference‐Respecting Democracy; The Virtues of Sporadic Assessments: Preference‐Respecting Arguments for Indirect Democracy; and Combining ‘Democratic Deliberation Within’ and Trustee‐style Representative Democracy.
John McGarry and Brendan O'Leary
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- August 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199266579
- eISBN:
- 9780191601446
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199266573.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Pierre van den Berghe has argued that democracy in divided societies can take five different forms: Herrenvolk democracy, ethnic democracy, liberal democracy, multicultural democracy, and ...
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Pierre van den Berghe has argued that democracy in divided societies can take five different forms: Herrenvolk democracy, ethnic democracy, liberal democracy, multicultural democracy, and consociational democracy. This chapter argues that each of these five ostensible versions of democracy, or relatives of them, has been experimented with in pre-partition Ireland and Northern Ireland. While all have clear limits, the one that is most suited to Northern Ireland's conditions is consociational democracy. The chapter discusses some limits of the consociational approach, but also defends it against common criticisms.Less
Pierre van den Berghe has argued that democracy in divided societies can take five different forms: Herrenvolk democracy, ethnic democracy, liberal democracy, multicultural democracy, and consociational democracy. This chapter argues that each of these five ostensible versions of democracy, or relatives of them, has been experimented with in pre-partition Ireland and Northern Ireland. While all have clear limits, the one that is most suited to Northern Ireland's conditions is consociational democracy. The chapter discusses some limits of the consociational approach, but also defends it against common criticisms.
Nader Hashemi
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195321241
- eISBN:
- 9780199869831
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195321241.003.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
This chapter maps out the key arguments, theoretical approaches, analytical assumptions, and methodology that shape this study. The emerging sub-discipline of comparative political theory is ...
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This chapter maps out the key arguments, theoretical approaches, analytical assumptions, and methodology that shape this study. The emerging sub-discipline of comparative political theory is discussed and an argument is advanced as to why this book should be viewed as a contribution to this new discipline of political science. Furthermore, the intellectual context that has informed the academic and intellectual debate both on the relationship between religion and democracy in general and Islam and liberal democracy in particular is discussed with special attention to the post-Cold War and post-September 11, 2001 context. A definition of terms such as religion and liberal democracy is provided along a discussion of the theoretical tensions between the two. A detailed chapter overview and summary appears along with a concluding discussion about the salience of this inquiry for our world today.Less
This chapter maps out the key arguments, theoretical approaches, analytical assumptions, and methodology that shape this study. The emerging sub-discipline of comparative political theory is discussed and an argument is advanced as to why this book should be viewed as a contribution to this new discipline of political science. Furthermore, the intellectual context that has informed the academic and intellectual debate both on the relationship between religion and democracy in general and Islam and liberal democracy in particular is discussed with special attention to the post-Cold War and post-September 11, 2001 context. A definition of terms such as religion and liberal democracy is provided along a discussion of the theoretical tensions between the two. A detailed chapter overview and summary appears along with a concluding discussion about the salience of this inquiry for our world today.
Will Kymlicka
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240982
- eISBN:
- 9780191599729
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240981.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This book explores the rights and situations of ethnocultural groups in Western democracies. It presents essays that share three major themes: the dialectic of nation building and minority rights, ...
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This book explores the rights and situations of ethnocultural groups in Western democracies. It presents essays that share three major themes: the dialectic of nation building and minority rights, the gap between theory and practice of liberal democracies; and the effectiveness of emerging forms of nation-building and minority rights in Western democracies. The book is divided into four parts. Part I presents debates on the rights of ethnocultural minorities. Part II discusses the requirements for ethnocultural justices in a liberal democracy. Part III examines liberals’ misconceptions about nationalism. Part IV focuses on how democratic citizenship can be sustained.Less
This book explores the rights and situations of ethnocultural groups in Western democracies. It presents essays that share three major themes: the dialectic of nation building and minority rights, the gap between theory and practice of liberal democracies; and the effectiveness of emerging forms of nation-building and minority rights in Western democracies. The book is divided into four parts. Part I presents debates on the rights of ethnocultural minorities. Part II discusses the requirements for ethnocultural justices in a liberal democracy. Part III examines liberals’ misconceptions about nationalism. Part IV focuses on how democratic citizenship can be sustained.
Jason G. Ralph
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240975
- eISBN:
- 9780191598999
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240973.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Explores the gap between rhetoric and practice in the American policy of promoting democracy. It attributes it to the US, promoting two inconsistent goals at the same time: democratization and free ...
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Explores the gap between rhetoric and practice in the American policy of promoting democracy. It attributes it to the US, promoting two inconsistent goals at the same time: democratization and free market capitalism. This is not because the US responds only to corporate interests. Instead, this policy mix stems from America's image of its own success: at the time of its foundation, democratic development was compatible with economic individualism due to extraordinary socio–economic circumstances. However, given the contemporary socio–economic circumstances of new democracies, it would be more appropriate to promote social democracy rather than liberal democracy.Less
Explores the gap between rhetoric and practice in the American policy of promoting democracy. It attributes it to the US, promoting two inconsistent goals at the same time: democratization and free market capitalism. This is not because the US responds only to corporate interests. Instead, this policy mix stems from America's image of its own success: at the time of its foundation, democratic development was compatible with economic individualism due to extraordinary socio–economic circumstances. However, given the contemporary socio–economic circumstances of new democracies, it would be more appropriate to promote social democracy rather than liberal democracy.
Thomas F. Farr
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195179958
- eISBN:
- 9780199869749
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195179958.003.0004
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter examines how a more realistic and historically accurate understanding of religion and democracy can increase the effectiveness of U.S. foreign policy in influencing the natural desire of ...
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This chapter examines how a more realistic and historically accurate understanding of religion and democracy can increase the effectiveness of U.S. foreign policy in influencing the natural desire of peoples for freedom. It begins with a discussion of the nature of democracy and what makes it stable and lasting. It asks how and why U.S. diplomacy has ignored the connections between religion and democracy, and how the deficit might be remedied. It surveys America's understanding of religion at the founding and beyond. It describes concepts vital to a refurbishing of American diplomacy in an age of faith: religious pluralism and the free market, the “twin tolerations,” and social and spiritual capital. It analyzes the history of Protestant and Catholic experiences with liberal governance and provides insights into the larger question of how religious societies might accommodate themselves to democracy.Less
This chapter examines how a more realistic and historically accurate understanding of religion and democracy can increase the effectiveness of U.S. foreign policy in influencing the natural desire of peoples for freedom. It begins with a discussion of the nature of democracy and what makes it stable and lasting. It asks how and why U.S. diplomacy has ignored the connections between religion and democracy, and how the deficit might be remedied. It surveys America's understanding of religion at the founding and beyond. It describes concepts vital to a refurbishing of American diplomacy in an age of faith: religious pluralism and the free market, the “twin tolerations,” and social and spiritual capital. It analyzes the history of Protestant and Catholic experiences with liberal governance and provides insights into the larger question of how religious societies might accommodate themselves to democracy.
Ingmar Persson and Julian Savulescu
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199653645
- eISBN:
- 9780191742033
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199653645.003.0003
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter focuses on the question whether affluent liberal democracies can cope with the challenge to their survival that weapons of mass destruction, harmful climate change, and environmental ...
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This chapter focuses on the question whether affluent liberal democracies can cope with the challenge to their survival that weapons of mass destruction, harmful climate change, and environmental destruction pose. The nations of the European Union, the United States of America, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand are affluent liberal democracies that face this challenge. A fully liberal state is a state in which every citizen has equal rights and liberties, which are as extensive as they could be consistently with all others having the same rights and liberties. In these states this equality of rights and liberties coexists with a considerable socio-economical inequality. This raises questions about the extent to which these states are just and can be called true democracies. These questions are however beyond the scope of this book.Less
This chapter focuses on the question whether affluent liberal democracies can cope with the challenge to their survival that weapons of mass destruction, harmful climate change, and environmental destruction pose. The nations of the European Union, the United States of America, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand are affluent liberal democracies that face this challenge. A fully liberal state is a state in which every citizen has equal rights and liberties, which are as extensive as they could be consistently with all others having the same rights and liberties. In these states this equality of rights and liberties coexists with a considerable socio-economical inequality. This raises questions about the extent to which these states are just and can be called true democracies. These questions are however beyond the scope of this book.
Will Kymlicka
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240982
- eISBN:
- 9780191599729
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240981.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The ongoing philosophical debate over minority rights has three distinct stages. The first stage views minority rights as a communitarian defence against the encroachment of liberalism. The second ...
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The ongoing philosophical debate over minority rights has three distinct stages. The first stage views minority rights as a communitarian defence against the encroachment of liberalism. The second stage revolves around the question: what is the possible scope for minority rights within liberal theory? The third stage views minority rights as a response to majority nation-building, rather than a deviation from ethnocultural neutrality.Less
The ongoing philosophical debate over minority rights has three distinct stages. The first stage views minority rights as a communitarian defence against the encroachment of liberalism. The second stage revolves around the question: what is the possible scope for minority rights within liberal theory? The third stage views minority rights as a response to majority nation-building, rather than a deviation from ethnocultural neutrality.
Desmond King
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296294
- eISBN:
- 9780191599668
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296290.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
King argues that liberal democratic policies assume illiberal characteristics insofar as they violate what he views as two core principles of liberalism: equality of treatment and respect for ...
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King argues that liberal democratic policies assume illiberal characteristics insofar as they violate what he views as two core principles of liberalism: equality of treatment and respect for individual freedom. King asserts that such illiberal policies are usually justified within a threefold typology; first, through ‘liberal unreason’, the notion that government must make judgements about the mental competence and reasoning powers necessary for citizenship. Second, through ‘liberal amelioration and collectivism’, an idea by which governments have applied collectivist solutions to social problems. Finally, King contends that under the premises of a ‘liberal coercive contract’, governments have required specific activities of welfare recipients.Less
King argues that liberal democratic policies assume illiberal characteristics insofar as they violate what he views as two core principles of liberalism: equality of treatment and respect for individual freedom. King asserts that such illiberal policies are usually justified within a threefold typology; first, through ‘liberal unreason’, the notion that government must make judgements about the mental competence and reasoning powers necessary for citizenship. Second, through ‘liberal amelioration and collectivism’, an idea by which governments have applied collectivist solutions to social problems. Finally, King contends that under the premises of a ‘liberal coercive contract’, governments have required specific activities of welfare recipients.
Nader Hashemi
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195321241
- eISBN:
- 9780199869831
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195321241.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
This book analyzes the relationship between religion, secularism, and liberal democracy—historically, theoretically, and in the context of the contemporary Muslim world. The central issue is: liberal ...
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This book analyzes the relationship between religion, secularism, and liberal democracy—historically, theoretically, and in the context of the contemporary Muslim world. The central issue is: liberal democracy requires a form of secularism, yet simultaneously the main cultural and intellectual resources that Muslim democrats can draw upon are religious. A paradox, therefore, confronts the democratic theorist. Challenging the popular belief that religious politics and democratic development are structurally incompatible, three arguments are advanced: In societies where religion is a key marker of identity, the road to liberal democracy must traverse the gates of religious politics. The primary theoretical implication that emerges from this claim is that the process of democratization cannot be de-linked from debates about the normative role of religion in government. While liberal democracy requires secularism, religious traditions are not born with an inherent secular conception of politics. These ideas must be socially constructed. In the context of an emerging democracy, how secularism becomes indigenized as political value is topic that this work explores. An intimate relationship exists between religious reformation and political development. While the first often precedes the second, the processes are interlinked. Democratization does not require a privatization of religion but it does require a reinterpretation of religious ideas that are conducive to liberal democracy. By engaging in this reinterpretation, religious groups can play an important role in the development and consolidation of democracy. Overall, this book argues for a rethinking of democratic theory so that it incorporates the variable of religion in the development and social construction of liberal democracy.Less
This book analyzes the relationship between religion, secularism, and liberal democracy—historically, theoretically, and in the context of the contemporary Muslim world. The central issue is: liberal democracy requires a form of secularism, yet simultaneously the main cultural and intellectual resources that Muslim democrats can draw upon are religious. A paradox, therefore, confronts the democratic theorist. Challenging the popular belief that religious politics and democratic development are structurally incompatible, three arguments are advanced: In societies where religion is a key marker of identity, the road to liberal democracy must traverse the gates of religious politics. The primary theoretical implication that emerges from this claim is that the process of democratization cannot be de-linked from debates about the normative role of religion in government. While liberal democracy requires secularism, religious traditions are not born with an inherent secular conception of politics. These ideas must be socially constructed. In the context of an emerging democracy, how secularism becomes indigenized as political value is topic that this work explores. An intimate relationship exists between religious reformation and political development. While the first often precedes the second, the processes are interlinked. Democratization does not require a privatization of religion but it does require a reinterpretation of religious ideas that are conducive to liberal democracy. By engaging in this reinterpretation, religious groups can play an important role in the development and consolidation of democracy. Overall, this book argues for a rethinking of democratic theory so that it incorporates the variable of religion in the development and social construction of liberal democracy.
Joseph H. Carens
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198297680
- eISBN:
- 9780191598937
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198297688.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Considers what sorts of cultural adaptations may be expected of immigrants to a liberal democratic state by looking at the case of Quebec. Quebec is an interesting test case for this issue because it ...
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Considers what sorts of cultural adaptations may be expected of immigrants to a liberal democratic state by looking at the case of Quebec. Quebec is an interesting test case for this issue because it has an explicit political project of protecting and promoting a culturally distinct society. Nevertheless, Quebec's announced expectations of immigrants are remarkably modest: learn French and accept pluralism and democracy as the norms of public life. The chapter contends that Quebec's language policies and its official expectations of immigrants are morally defensible from the perspective of justice as evenhandedness because these are the sorts of demands that go hand in hand with a commitment to providing immigrants and their children with equal opportunities in Quebec and with the other rights and freedoms that a liberal democratic political community should provide to its members.Less
Considers what sorts of cultural adaptations may be expected of immigrants to a liberal democratic state by looking at the case of Quebec. Quebec is an interesting test case for this issue because it has an explicit political project of protecting and promoting a culturally distinct society. Nevertheless, Quebec's announced expectations of immigrants are remarkably modest: learn French and accept pluralism and democracy as the norms of public life. The chapter contends that Quebec's language policies and its official expectations of immigrants are morally defensible from the perspective of justice as evenhandedness because these are the sorts of demands that go hand in hand with a commitment to providing immigrants and their children with equal opportunities in Quebec and with the other rights and freedoms that a liberal democratic political community should provide to its members.
Jan Zielonka
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244096
- eISBN:
- 9780191600371
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924409X.003.0020
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
The concluding chapter identifies a set of variables responsible for the enormous impact of external factors on democratic consolidation in Eastern Europe: (1) the historical legacy, (2) the ...
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The concluding chapter identifies a set of variables responsible for the enormous impact of external factors on democratic consolidation in Eastern Europe: (1) the historical legacy, (2) the liberal‐democratic ideological paradigm, and (3) the forces of globalization. Next, it conceptualizes the interplay of external and internal factors impinging upon democracy and assesses positive and negative kinds of external impacts on democracy. The chapter concludes with an evaluation of the conscious Western effort to craft or engineer democracy in Eastern Europe. Despite inconsistent signals and the lack of a broader strategic design for Europe, the West has succeeded in creating an environment conducive to democratic reform in the post‐communist arena. Linking membership of western institutions to democracy and other reforms has been a characteristic feature of this crafting effort.Less
The concluding chapter identifies a set of variables responsible for the enormous impact of external factors on democratic consolidation in Eastern Europe: (1) the historical legacy, (2) the liberal‐democratic ideological paradigm, and (3) the forces of globalization. Next, it conceptualizes the interplay of external and internal factors impinging upon democracy and assesses positive and negative kinds of external impacts on democracy. The chapter concludes with an evaluation of the conscious Western effort to craft or engineer democracy in Eastern Europe. Despite inconsistent signals and the lack of a broader strategic design for Europe, the West has succeeded in creating an environment conducive to democratic reform in the post‐communist arena. Linking membership of western institutions to democracy and other reforms has been a characteristic feature of this crafting effort.
Ingmar Persson and Julian Savulescu
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199653645
- eISBN:
- 9780191742033
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199653645.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy, Political Philosophy
Most of their history human beings have lived in comparatively small and close‐knit societies, with a primitive technology that allowed them to affect only their most immediate environment. Their ...
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Most of their history human beings have lived in comparatively small and close‐knit societies, with a primitive technology that allowed them to affect only their most immediate environment. Their moral psychology is therefore adpated to make them fit to live in these conditions; it is myopic, restricted to a concern about kin and people in the neighbourhood in the immediate future. But by scientific technology humans have radically changed their living conditions, while their moral psychology has remained fundamentally the same through this change, which is occurring with an accelerating speed. Human beings now live in societies with millions of citizens, and with an advanced scientific technology that enables them to exercise an influence that extends all over the world and far into the future. This is leading to increasing environmental degradation and to deleterious climate change. The advanced scientific technology has also equipped human beings with nuclear and biological weapons of mass destruction, which might be used by states in wars over dwindling natural resources, or by terrorists. Liberal democracies cannot overcome these threats merely by developing novel technology. What is needed is an enhancement of the moral dispositions of their citizens, an extension of their moral concern beyond a small circle of personal acquaintances and further into the future. Otherwise, human civilization is jeopardized. It is doubtful whether this moral enhancement could be accomplished solely by means of traditional moral education. Therefore, we should explore, in addition, the prospects of moral enhancement by alternative, biomedical means.Less
Most of their history human beings have lived in comparatively small and close‐knit societies, with a primitive technology that allowed them to affect only their most immediate environment. Their moral psychology is therefore adpated to make them fit to live in these conditions; it is myopic, restricted to a concern about kin and people in the neighbourhood in the immediate future. But by scientific technology humans have radically changed their living conditions, while their moral psychology has remained fundamentally the same through this change, which is occurring with an accelerating speed. Human beings now live in societies with millions of citizens, and with an advanced scientific technology that enables them to exercise an influence that extends all over the world and far into the future. This is leading to increasing environmental degradation and to deleterious climate change. The advanced scientific technology has also equipped human beings with nuclear and biological weapons of mass destruction, which might be used by states in wars over dwindling natural resources, or by terrorists. Liberal democracies cannot overcome these threats merely by developing novel technology. What is needed is an enhancement of the moral dispositions of their citizens, an extension of their moral concern beyond a small circle of personal acquaintances and further into the future. Otherwise, human civilization is jeopardized. It is doubtful whether this moral enhancement could be accomplished solely by means of traditional moral education. Therefore, we should explore, in addition, the prospects of moral enhancement by alternative, biomedical means.
Boris Tsilevich
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- October 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199248155
- eISBN:
- 9780191602955
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924815X.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This paper argues that liberal democratic values provide clear markers for acceptable approaches to minority policies, which is lacking in East Central European countries. Two main trends are evident ...
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This paper argues that liberal democratic values provide clear markers for acceptable approaches to minority policies, which is lacking in East Central European countries. Two main trends are evident in the elaboration of international legal standards for handling ethnic diversity: the elaboration of new instruments on minority rights, and the half-hearted acceptance of this effort by ‘old’ and ‘new’ democracies. Simply put, although nation-states realize the urgency of addressing these issues, they are not eager to undertake serious obligations towards their minorities.Less
This paper argues that liberal democratic values provide clear markers for acceptable approaches to minority policies, which is lacking in East Central European countries. Two main trends are evident in the elaboration of international legal standards for handling ethnic diversity: the elaboration of new instruments on minority rights, and the half-hearted acceptance of this effort by ‘old’ and ‘new’ democracies. Simply put, although nation-states realize the urgency of addressing these issues, they are not eager to undertake serious obligations towards their minorities.
Kent Greenawalt
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195094190
- eISBN:
- 9780199853021
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195094190.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
Within democratic societies, a deep division exists over the nature of community and the grounds for political life. Should the political order be neutral between competing conceptions of the good ...
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Within democratic societies, a deep division exists over the nature of community and the grounds for political life. Should the political order be neutral between competing conceptions of the good life or should it be based on some such conception? This book addresses one crucial set of problems raised by this division: What bases should officials and citizens employ in reaching political decisions and justifying their positions? Should they feel free to rely on whatever grounds seem otherwise persuasive to them, like religious convictions, or should they restrict themselves to “public reasons,” reasons that are shared within the society or arise from the premises of liberal democracy? This book argues that fundamental premises of liberal democracy alone do not provide answers to these questions, that much depends on historical and cultural contexts. After examining past and current practices and attitudes in the United States, it offers concrete suggestions for appropriate principles relevant to American society today.Less
Within democratic societies, a deep division exists over the nature of community and the grounds for political life. Should the political order be neutral between competing conceptions of the good life or should it be based on some such conception? This book addresses one crucial set of problems raised by this division: What bases should officials and citizens employ in reaching political decisions and justifying their positions? Should they feel free to rely on whatever grounds seem otherwise persuasive to them, like religious convictions, or should they restrict themselves to “public reasons,” reasons that are shared within the society or arise from the premises of liberal democracy? This book argues that fundamental premises of liberal democracy alone do not provide answers to these questions, that much depends on historical and cultural contexts. After examining past and current practices and attitudes in the United States, it offers concrete suggestions for appropriate principles relevant to American society today.
Nader Hashemi
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195321241
- eISBN:
- 9780199869831
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195321241.003.0004
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
This chapter explores the relationship between political secularism and liberal democracy. The historical roots of secularism as a political concept are investigated. The various political models of ...
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This chapter explores the relationship between political secularism and liberal democracy. The historical roots of secularism as a political concept are investigated. The various political models of secularism and types of liberal democracy, primarily the Anglo‐American and French traditions are discussed. In seeking out a detailed grasp of the precise relationship between secularism and liberal democracy the writings of two famous political philosophers are explored: Alexis de Tocqueville and Richard Rorty. Seeking a deeper grasp of the relationship between religion, secularism and democracy, the recent theoretical contributions by Alfred Stepan on the “Twin Tolerations” and the world's religious traditions are examined and then related to the debate on Islam and democracy.Less
This chapter explores the relationship between political secularism and liberal democracy. The historical roots of secularism as a political concept are investigated. The various political models of secularism and types of liberal democracy, primarily the Anglo‐American and French traditions are discussed. In seeking out a detailed grasp of the precise relationship between secularism and liberal democracy the writings of two famous political philosophers are explored: Alexis de Tocqueville and Richard Rorty. Seeking a deeper grasp of the relationship between religion, secularism and democracy, the recent theoretical contributions by Alfred Stepan on the “Twin Tolerations” and the world's religious traditions are examined and then related to the debate on Islam and democracy.
Lam Peng-Er
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199277629
- eISBN:
- 9780191603303
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199277621.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter examines why Western liberal theories of minorities rights have not been adopted in Japan. It argues that while the Japanese state is relatively liberal, Japanese society is not. ...
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This chapter examines why Western liberal theories of minorities rights have not been adopted in Japan. It argues that while the Japanese state is relatively liberal, Japanese society is not. Although the state, particularly local governments, has adopted more enlightened policies towards minorities, Japanese society is often discriminatory towards minorities. This social conservatism and illiberalism limits the sorts of minority policies that the state can adopt.Less
This chapter examines why Western liberal theories of minorities rights have not been adopted in Japan. It argues that while the Japanese state is relatively liberal, Japanese society is not. Although the state, particularly local governments, has adopted more enlightened policies towards minorities, Japanese society is often discriminatory towards minorities. This social conservatism and illiberalism limits the sorts of minority policies that the state can adopt.
