Johan F. M. Swinnen
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199288915
- eISBN:
- 9780191603518
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199288917.003.0006
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
This chapter introduces the second part of the book, which focuses on the political economy of agricultural transition. It introduces the basic concepts to be used in the analysis: initial ...
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This chapter introduces the second part of the book, which focuses on the political economy of agricultural transition. It introduces the basic concepts to be used in the analysis: initial technology, wealth and structure of the economy, decentralization, historical legacy, and path dependency.Less
This chapter introduces the second part of the book, which focuses on the political economy of agricultural transition. It introduces the basic concepts to be used in the analysis: initial technology, wealth and structure of the economy, decentralization, historical legacy, and path dependency.
Leslie Berlin
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195163438
- eISBN:
- 9780199788569
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195163438.003.0014
- Subject:
- History, History of Science, Technology, and Medicine
This chapter focuses on Robert Noyce's legacy. Many of the companies, organizations, and causes with which Noyce involved himself flourish today. In 2004, roughly $30 billion worth of microprocessors ...
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This chapter focuses on Robert Noyce's legacy. Many of the companies, organizations, and causes with which Noyce involved himself flourish today. In 2004, roughly $30 billion worth of microprocessors — the little chips Noyce once promoted with missionary zeal before incredulous audiences — were sold around the world. The largest company in this market is Intel, whose microprocessors drive more than 80% of the personal computers on the market today. But Noyce's most enduring legacy is to present a set of ideals that have become an indelible part of American high-tech culture: knowledge trumps hierarchy, every idea can be taken farther, new and interesting is better than established and safe, go for broke or don't go at all.Less
This chapter focuses on Robert Noyce's legacy. Many of the companies, organizations, and causes with which Noyce involved himself flourish today. In 2004, roughly $30 billion worth of microprocessors — the little chips Noyce once promoted with missionary zeal before incredulous audiences — were sold around the world. The largest company in this market is Intel, whose microprocessors drive more than 80% of the personal computers on the market today. But Noyce's most enduring legacy is to present a set of ideals that have become an indelible part of American high-tech culture: knowledge trumps hierarchy, every idea can be taken farther, new and interesting is better than established and safe, go for broke or don't go at all.
Rachel Sieder
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240906
- eISBN:
- 9780191598869
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240906.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter considers the role of ‘memory politics’ – understood as the combination of official and unofficial attempts to deal with the legacy of past violations – in the struggle for ...
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This chapter considers the role of ‘memory politics’ – understood as the combination of official and unofficial attempts to deal with the legacy of past violations – in the struggle for democratization in Central America: official initiatives can include truth commissions, amnesty dispensations, criminal investigations and prosecutions, and a range of institutional reforms aimed at redressing the previous failure of the state to guarantee human rights; unofficial initiatives developed by civil society actors to confront the past can include investigations of violations, legal actions, and different kinds of commemorative acts and exercises in collective memory. Memory politics operates at multiple levels and involves a diversity of agents, including local communities, national and international non-governmental human rights organizations (HROs), governments, the media, and, in the case of Central America, the UN; however, it is suggested here that its long-term effects in any national context depend on the interaction between official and unofficial efforts to address the legacies of the past. The experiences of memory politics analysed in this chapter are those of El Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala, the three Central American countries that during the 1990s undertook official processes of investigating past violations of human rights. The precise nature of memory politics and the impact it has had varied considerably in these three countries, and it is suggested that four interrelated factors are central to explaining differences between the respective national experiences: the first is the specific political and social legacies of human rights abuse in each country; the second concerns the circumstances of the transition from war to peace, specifically the prevailing balance of forces and the trade-off between truth and justice that this engendered in each case; the third is the role of local HROs and civil society in general in the politics of memory; and the fourth is the role of international governmental and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in efforts to uncover the truth about the past and to address the consequences of violations. The first three sections of the chapter compare the legacies of human rights abuses, the transitional trade-offs between truth and justice, and the role of civil society organizations and international actors in the memory politics of El Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala; the final section considers the impact of memory politics on the prospects for democracy in these countries.Less
This chapter considers the role of ‘memory politics’ – understood as the combination of official and unofficial attempts to deal with the legacy of past violations – in the struggle for democratization in Central America: official initiatives can include truth commissions, amnesty dispensations, criminal investigations and prosecutions, and a range of institutional reforms aimed at redressing the previous failure of the state to guarantee human rights; unofficial initiatives developed by civil society actors to confront the past can include investigations of violations, legal actions, and different kinds of commemorative acts and exercises in collective memory. Memory politics operates at multiple levels and involves a diversity of agents, including local communities, national and international non-governmental human rights organizations (HROs), governments, the media, and, in the case of Central America, the UN; however, it is suggested here that its long-term effects in any national context depend on the interaction between official and unofficial efforts to address the legacies of the past. The experiences of memory politics analysed in this chapter are those of El Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala, the three Central American countries that during the 1990s undertook official processes of investigating past violations of human rights. The precise nature of memory politics and the impact it has had varied considerably in these three countries, and it is suggested that four interrelated factors are central to explaining differences between the respective national experiences: the first is the specific political and social legacies of human rights abuse in each country; the second concerns the circumstances of the transition from war to peace, specifically the prevailing balance of forces and the trade-off between truth and justice that this engendered in each case; the third is the role of local HROs and civil society in general in the politics of memory; and the fourth is the role of international governmental and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in efforts to uncover the truth about the past and to address the consequences of violations. The first three sections of the chapter compare the legacies of human rights abuses, the transitional trade-offs between truth and justice, and the role of civil society organizations and international actors in the memory politics of El Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala; the final section considers the impact of memory politics on the prospects for democracy in these countries.
Umar F. Abd‐Allah
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780195187281
- eISBN:
- 9780199784875
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195187288.003.0011
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
This chapter focuses on Webb's legacy. It argues that Webb's legacy is valuable for the future of American pluralism and the emerging self-definition of its large and growing Muslim community. ...
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This chapter focuses on Webb's legacy. It argues that Webb's legacy is valuable for the future of American pluralism and the emerging self-definition of its large and growing Muslim community. Sulayman Nyang defines Webb as the prototype of a “Webbian tradition” within American Islam, one that is “color-blind,” addresses itself “to the plight of all people in the world,” and is disposed to balance religious identity with American culture, creating a sense of self that is at once genuinely American and truly Islamic. As a historical generalization, Nyang's Webbian tradition may be somewhat problematic, although it is useful as a sociological concept and future ideal. Webb was not completely color-blind. He did, however, express concern for the plight of the poor and oppressed, and he certainly saw Islam as eminently compatible with an American identity.Less
This chapter focuses on Webb's legacy. It argues that Webb's legacy is valuable for the future of American pluralism and the emerging self-definition of its large and growing Muslim community. Sulayman Nyang defines Webb as the prototype of a “Webbian tradition” within American Islam, one that is “color-blind,” addresses itself “to the plight of all people in the world,” and is disposed to balance religious identity with American culture, creating a sense of self that is at once genuinely American and truly Islamic. As a historical generalization, Nyang's Webbian tradition may be somewhat problematic, although it is useful as a sociological concept and future ideal. Webb was not completely color-blind. He did, however, express concern for the plight of the poor and oppressed, and he certainly saw Islam as eminently compatible with an American identity.
Alexandra Barahona de Brito
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198280385
- eISBN:
- 9780191598852
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280386.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This book analyses the Uruguayan and Chilean experiences with the transitional politics of truth and justice regarding past human rights violations. These policies are shaped by the legacy of ...
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This book analyses the Uruguayan and Chilean experiences with the transitional politics of truth and justice regarding past human rights violations. These policies are shaped by the legacy of repressive rule, and the dynamics of the politics of transition and of the balance of power under the new democratic governments peculiar to each country. The issue is central to the politics of transition for ethical, symbolic, practical and political reasons: politically it is the most explosive transitional issue; on a practical level, only official acknowledgement can resolve pending legal questions for survivors and families of victims; ethically, it is hard to generate democratic consensus or social endorsement for social reform without involving principles and ideals that appeal to the underlying values and aspirations of the citizenry. Dealing with legacies of state repression permits the beginning of the process of ‘deconstruction of cultures of fear’ without which democratization cannot occur. This is not only desirable and necessary; some kind of truth telling policy has proved to be both required and feasible in a wide range of contemporary regime transitions. However, justice is not always possible: limitations on prosecutions are more self-imposed than 'structural', more political than institutional, and clearly there is a tension between the conditions necessary to ensure accountability and those that govern periods of transition. Unconsolidated democracies are not able to practise the politics of a consolidated democracy; the politics of consolidated democracies includes the capacity to call the powerful to account. This is perhaps the yardstick with which to measure consolidation. Instead of practising the politics of consolidated democracy, what these countries have to engage in is the politics of democratic consolidation. Although truth and justice policies may remain relevant after the transition and 'leak into' the politics of democratization, (where they can continue to be a source of conflict in the judicial system and of latent or overt painful and deep-seated social animosities), the resolution of the issue in the formal political arena can and does make it marginal in terms of day-to-day politics. Consolidation depends more crucially on the reform of key institutions that permitted abuse and impunity: the thorough reform of the judiciary and of the forces of repression. If a government does not undertake a proper reform of the institutions that made abuse and impunity possible, the democracy it presides over will be lame and incomplete.Less
This book analyses the Uruguayan and Chilean experiences with the transitional politics of truth and justice regarding past human rights violations. These policies are shaped by the legacy of repressive rule, and the dynamics of the politics of transition and of the balance of power under the new democratic governments peculiar to each country. The issue is central to the politics of transition for ethical, symbolic, practical and political reasons: politically it is the most explosive transitional issue; on a practical level, only official acknowledgement can resolve pending legal questions for survivors and families of victims; ethically, it is hard to generate democratic consensus or social endorsement for social reform without involving principles and ideals that appeal to the underlying values and aspirations of the citizenry. Dealing with legacies of state repression permits the beginning of the process of ‘deconstruction of cultures of fear’ without which democratization cannot occur. This is not only desirable and necessary; some kind of truth telling policy has proved to be both required and feasible in a wide range of contemporary regime transitions. However, justice is not always possible: limitations on prosecutions are more self-imposed than 'structural', more political than institutional, and clearly there is a tension between the conditions necessary to ensure accountability and those that govern periods of transition. Unconsolidated democracies are not able to practise the politics of a consolidated democracy; the politics of consolidated democracies includes the capacity to call the powerful to account. This is perhaps the yardstick with which to measure consolidation. Instead of practising the politics of consolidated democracy, what these countries have to engage in is the politics of democratic consolidation. Although truth and justice policies may remain relevant after the transition and 'leak into' the politics of democratization, (where they can continue to be a source of conflict in the judicial system and of latent or overt painful and deep-seated social animosities), the resolution of the issue in the formal political arena can and does make it marginal in terms of day-to-day politics. Consolidation depends more crucially on the reform of key institutions that permitted abuse and impunity: the thorough reform of the judiciary and of the forces of repression. If a government does not undertake a proper reform of the institutions that made abuse and impunity possible, the democracy it presides over will be lame and incomplete.
Georg Menz
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199533886
- eISBN:
- 9780191714771
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199533886.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
This chapter submits the historical institutionalist argument that though past legacies of migration regulation leave an important imprint on national approaches, a critical juncture has now been ...
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This chapter submits the historical institutionalist argument that though past legacies of migration regulation leave an important imprint on national approaches, a critical juncture has now been reached, thus, migration policies are in flux and are being recast. The changing nature of the state and the embrace of competition state priorities lead to an economistic approach that divides migrants into desirable and undesirable categories. Therefore, securitization is increasingly defined not only in narrow societal terms but also in terms of economic vitality and competitiveness. Finally, the regulatory legacies in six European countries, namely, Ireland, Germany, France, Italy, Poland, the United Kingdom, and at the European Union level are then being analyzed.Less
This chapter submits the historical institutionalist argument that though past legacies of migration regulation leave an important imprint on national approaches, a critical juncture has now been reached, thus, migration policies are in flux and are being recast. The changing nature of the state and the embrace of competition state priorities lead to an economistic approach that divides migrants into desirable and undesirable categories. Therefore, securitization is increasingly defined not only in narrow societal terms but also in terms of economic vitality and competitiveness. Finally, the regulatory legacies in six European countries, namely, Ireland, Germany, France, Italy, Poland, the United Kingdom, and at the European Union level are then being analyzed.
Paloma Aguilar
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240906
- eISBN:
- 9780191598869
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240906.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
In all processes of political change the emerging regime must face the difficult task of deciding what to do with the legacies of the former dictatorship, which people were working for the previous ...
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In all processes of political change the emerging regime must face the difficult task of deciding what to do with the legacies of the former dictatorship, which people were working for the previous civil and military administration preserve, and whether or not to put on trial those responsible for having violated human rights under the previous regime. This chapter analyses what was done, and what was deliberately put aside in the Spanish case. The Spanish transition to democracy has been praised as mainly exemplary, and as demonstrating success in the stabilization of the new democratic regime. However, the final positive result should not obscure the fact that, because of the correlation of forces of the transitional period, and also because of the traumatic collective memory of the Spanish civil war, the victims of the Francoist repression were not properly rehabilitated and the dictatorship was not condemned in the Spanish parliament until 2002. In fact, a very broad Amnesty Law was passed in 1977 that not only allowed all ETA prisoners to get out of jail, but also impeded the judicial revision of the dictatorial past. None of these limitations have impeded the consolidation of democracy in Spain, but some important sectors of society feel that justice has not been done, which explains the very recent political, social and even cultural initiatives to face the authoritarian past.Less
In all processes of political change the emerging regime must face the difficult task of deciding what to do with the legacies of the former dictatorship, which people were working for the previous civil and military administration preserve, and whether or not to put on trial those responsible for having violated human rights under the previous regime. This chapter analyses what was done, and what was deliberately put aside in the Spanish case. The Spanish transition to democracy has been praised as mainly exemplary, and as demonstrating success in the stabilization of the new democratic regime. However, the final positive result should not obscure the fact that, because of the correlation of forces of the transitional period, and also because of the traumatic collective memory of the Spanish civil war, the victims of the Francoist repression were not properly rehabilitated and the dictatorship was not condemned in the Spanish parliament until 2002. In fact, a very broad Amnesty Law was passed in 1977 that not only allowed all ETA prisoners to get out of jail, but also impeded the judicial revision of the dictatorial past. None of these limitations have impeded the consolidation of democracy in Spain, but some important sectors of society feel that justice has not been done, which explains the very recent political, social and even cultural initiatives to face the authoritarian past.
Alexandra Barahona de Brito
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240906
- eISBN:
- 9780191598869
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240906.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter examines how Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay and Chile fared with truth and justice policies after the transition from authoritarian rule, looking at the issue from an institutional and ...
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This chapter examines how Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay and Chile fared with truth and justice policies after the transition from authoritarian rule, looking at the issue from an institutional and political angle, and at the social politics of memory. Efforts to deal with the past and their significance in the overall politics of transition to democracy are shaped by country-specific historical conditions and developments: the nature and legacies of repression and authoritarian rule; and the nature of the transition process and the various political, institutional and legal factors conditioning the post-transitional period, among which are the nature of repression, the presence and strength of a human rights movement, inherited legal or constitutional limitations, relations between political parties and Human Rights Organizations (HROs), the degree of executive or party commitment to policies of truth and justice, the unity of democratic parties, the ability of the military to mobilise against any policies of accountability as well as their relations with the democratic executive, the attitude of the judiciary to past violations, the presence of a strong legislative right, and the degree to which repression penetrated the social fabric. The way in which the first democratically elected authorities deal with the past, together with the relative strength of the human rights movement in the post-transitional period, sets the agenda for the subsequent evolution of the issue; more specifically, the past remains a source of open conflict if there are loopholes in official policies that preclude full closure or amnesty, and if transnational groups or regional and international human rights bodies challenge national policies favouring impunity. The past also remains a source of conflict if there are strong HROs that continue to contest official decisions on how to deal with the past, and have allies in the formal political arena or the courts. Official policies to deal with the past are not of themselves directly relevant to the process of democratisation, and what is more, during the first transitional period, truth and justice policies are unrelated to (or may even place obstacles in the way of) wider institutional reform; the reverse is also true, but whatever the case, the past becomes part of the dynamic of democratic politics. Indeed, although the continued pursuit of truth and justice and its links to wider reforms may be difficult to establish across the board, the politics of memory more widely conceived are important for a process of democratization in all four countries examined here, as it is about how a society interprets and appropriates its past, in an attempt to mould its future, and as such it is an integral part of any political process, including progress towards deeper democracy.Less
This chapter examines how Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay and Chile fared with truth and justice policies after the transition from authoritarian rule, looking at the issue from an institutional and political angle, and at the social politics of memory. Efforts to deal with the past and their significance in the overall politics of transition to democracy are shaped by country-specific historical conditions and developments: the nature and legacies of repression and authoritarian rule; and the nature of the transition process and the various political, institutional and legal factors conditioning the post-transitional period, among which are the nature of repression, the presence and strength of a human rights movement, inherited legal or constitutional limitations, relations between political parties and Human Rights Organizations (HROs), the degree of executive or party commitment to policies of truth and justice, the unity of democratic parties, the ability of the military to mobilise against any policies of accountability as well as their relations with the democratic executive, the attitude of the judiciary to past violations, the presence of a strong legislative right, and the degree to which repression penetrated the social fabric. The way in which the first democratically elected authorities deal with the past, together with the relative strength of the human rights movement in the post-transitional period, sets the agenda for the subsequent evolution of the issue; more specifically, the past remains a source of open conflict if there are loopholes in official policies that preclude full closure or amnesty, and if transnational groups or regional and international human rights bodies challenge national policies favouring impunity. The past also remains a source of conflict if there are strong HROs that continue to contest official decisions on how to deal with the past, and have allies in the formal political arena or the courts. Official policies to deal with the past are not of themselves directly relevant to the process of democratisation, and what is more, during the first transitional period, truth and justice policies are unrelated to (or may even place obstacles in the way of) wider institutional reform; the reverse is also true, but whatever the case, the past becomes part of the dynamic of democratic politics. Indeed, although the continued pursuit of truth and justice and its links to wider reforms may be difficult to establish across the board, the politics of memory more widely conceived are important for a process of democratization in all four countries examined here, as it is about how a society interprets and appropriates its past, in an attempt to mould its future, and as such it is an integral part of any political process, including progress towards deeper democracy.
Fritz W. Scharpf
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240883
- eISBN:
- 9780191600173
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240884.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The chapter examines the common pressures on employment and the welfare state that originated from changes in the international economic environment after the early 1970s, and it relates these to ...
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The chapter examines the common pressures on employment and the welfare state that originated from changes in the international economic environment after the early 1970s, and it relates these to national economic conditions and policy legacies in order to identify differences of vulnerability and varying demands on the institutional capacity for policy adjustment. In the earlier period until the mid‐1980s, these challenges were of a macro‐economic nature, and the effectiveness of national policy responses depended primarily on institutional capabilities for effective coordination between wage policy and monetary policy. After the mid‐1980s, the dominant challenges arose from the global integration of capital markets and the increasing intensity of international competition in product markets. Now the greater or lesser vulnerability of countries was primarily determined by the structure of their welfare states – in particular by the dependence on particular sources of finance and by their effects on service employment in the sheltered sectors. What mattered was the institutional and political capacity to adopt and implement unpopular changes in the policy legacies of the welfare state.Less
The chapter examines the common pressures on employment and the welfare state that originated from changes in the international economic environment after the early 1970s, and it relates these to national economic conditions and policy legacies in order to identify differences of vulnerability and varying demands on the institutional capacity for policy adjustment. In the earlier period until the mid‐1980s, these challenges were of a macro‐economic nature, and the effectiveness of national policy responses depended primarily on institutional capabilities for effective coordination between wage policy and monetary policy. After the mid‐1980s, the dominant challenges arose from the global integration of capital markets and the increasing intensity of international competition in product markets. Now the greater or lesser vulnerability of countries was primarily determined by the structure of their welfare states – in particular by the dependence on particular sources of finance and by their effects on service employment in the sheltered sectors. What mattered was the institutional and political capacity to adopt and implement unpopular changes in the policy legacies of the welfare state.
Anton Hemerijck and Martin Schludi
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240883
- eISBN:
- 9780191600173
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240884.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The chapter examines the dynamics of policy responses and their ultimate effectiveness. It identifies typical sequences of policy failures, caused by the misfit between new problems and existing ...
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The chapter examines the dynamics of policy responses and their ultimate effectiveness. It identifies typical sequences of policy failures, caused by the misfit between new problems and existing policy legacies, which may generate processes of policy learning that ultimately produce effective solutions; but it also points to instances in which policy learning is blocked by conflicts of interest or by divergent cognitive orientations in multi‐actor institutional settings. Of equal importance are sequences of lateral spillovers, where the solutions to problems in one policy area generate new problems that subsequently must be dealt with in adjacent policy areas. In the 1970s and 1980s, these spillovers were most important in countries where the rise of open unemployment was mitigated by resort to early retirement and disability pensions. In analysing these sequences of policy failure, learning, and problem displacement, the chapter also compares and assesses the greater or lesser effectiveness of the policy responses actually adopted and identifies successful countries that were able to adjust to the challenges of the open economy without abandoning their welfare‐state goals.Less
The chapter examines the dynamics of policy responses and their ultimate effectiveness. It identifies typical sequences of policy failures, caused by the misfit between new problems and existing policy legacies, which may generate processes of policy learning that ultimately produce effective solutions; but it also points to instances in which policy learning is blocked by conflicts of interest or by divergent cognitive orientations in multi‐actor institutional settings. Of equal importance are sequences of lateral spillovers, where the solutions to problems in one policy area generate new problems that subsequently must be dealt with in adjacent policy areas. In the 1970s and 1980s, these spillovers were most important in countries where the rise of open unemployment was mitigated by resort to early retirement and disability pensions. In analysing these sequences of policy failure, learning, and problem displacement, the chapter also compares and assesses the greater or lesser effectiveness of the policy responses actually adopted and identifies successful countries that were able to adjust to the challenges of the open economy without abandoning their welfare‐state goals.
Fritz W. Scharpf and Vivien A. Schmidt
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240883
- eISBN:
- 9780191600173
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240884.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The conclusion emphasizes more general patterns that were identified in the comparative analyses. If due account is taken of the specifics of economic changes and national policy legacies, the ...
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The conclusion emphasizes more general patterns that were identified in the comparative analyses. If due account is taken of the specifics of economic changes and national policy legacies, the variation among the responses of individual countries is far from random. In each of the periods covered by the study, there were distinct groups of countries facing similar policy challenges that would have called for similar responses. And even though the increasing internationalization of the economic environment has narrowed the range of economically viable national policy choices, we are able to show that in each of these groups, one or more countries did in fact have the institutional capabilities and the policy discourses that allowed them to move “from vulnerability to competitiveness” without abandoning their normative aspirations or jeopardizing the democratic legitimacy of their governments.Less
The conclusion emphasizes more general patterns that were identified in the comparative analyses. If due account is taken of the specifics of economic changes and national policy legacies, the variation among the responses of individual countries is far from random. In each of the periods covered by the study, there were distinct groups of countries facing similar policy challenges that would have called for similar responses. And even though the increasing internationalization of the economic environment has narrowed the range of economically viable national policy choices, we are able to show that in each of these groups, one or more countries did in fact have the institutional capabilities and the policy discourses that allowed them to move “from vulnerability to competitiveness” without abandoning their normative aspirations or jeopardizing the democratic legitimacy of their governments.
Adolf Sprudzs
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244089
- eISBN:
- 9780191600364
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244081.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Emphasizes the difficult process of constitutional engineering in Latvia. The author argues that these difficulties stem from two historical legacies: the inter‐war independence period and the Soviet ...
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Emphasizes the difficult process of constitutional engineering in Latvia. The author argues that these difficulties stem from two historical legacies: the inter‐war independence period and the Soviet occupation. The quick re‐adoption of the 1922 Latvian constitution after the country's leaders declared independence from the USSR, paradoxically exacerbated the process of institutional engineering and ultimately slowed the pace of democratic consolidation. The chapter indicates several important gaps in the inter‐war constitution, e.g. the absence of basic rights or the provisions for local government administration. Despite the difficulties presented by the 1922 Constitution, the author argues that the high legitimacy achieved through its re‐adoption kept Latvia on the democracy‐building track. Finally, several positive and negative lessons learned from the Latvian transition period are presented.Less
Emphasizes the difficult process of constitutional engineering in Latvia. The author argues that these difficulties stem from two historical legacies: the inter‐war independence period and the Soviet occupation. The quick re‐adoption of the 1922 Latvian constitution after the country's leaders declared independence from the USSR, paradoxically exacerbated the process of institutional engineering and ultimately slowed the pace of democratic consolidation. The chapter indicates several important gaps in the inter‐war constitution, e.g. the absence of basic rights or the provisions for local government administration. Despite the difficulties presented by the 1922 Constitution, the author argues that the high legitimacy achieved through its re‐adoption kept Latvia on the democracy‐building track. Finally, several positive and negative lessons learned from the Latvian transition period are presented.
Venelin I. Ganev
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244089
- eISBN:
- 9780191600364
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244081.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Argues that institutional engineering in Bulgaria reflects the enduring legacies of communism, such as inability to solve social problems or to improve the level of economic prosperity. Using ...
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Argues that institutional engineering in Bulgaria reflects the enduring legacies of communism, such as inability to solve social problems or to improve the level of economic prosperity. Using Bulgaria as an example, the author delineates the limits of constitutionalism as a tool in the process of democratic consolidation. The chapter views institutional engineering in Bulgaria as a multifaceted social project and suggests a more subtle analysis of the peculiar ways in which a post‐communist context tolerates both elite constraints and elite irresponsibility, the institutionalization of governance, and the endurance of corruption.Less
Argues that institutional engineering in Bulgaria reflects the enduring legacies of communism, such as inability to solve social problems or to improve the level of economic prosperity. Using Bulgaria as an example, the author delineates the limits of constitutionalism as a tool in the process of democratic consolidation. The chapter views institutional engineering in Bulgaria as a multifaceted social project and suggests a more subtle analysis of the peculiar ways in which a post‐communist context tolerates both elite constraints and elite irresponsibility, the institutionalization of governance, and the endurance of corruption.
Pippa Norris
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296614
- eISBN:
- 9780191600227
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296614.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter is the third of four on the question of legitimacy in the EU, and deals with the political institutions of the EU and its policy processes. The first section elaborates on these aspects ...
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This chapter is the third of four on the question of legitimacy in the EU, and deals with the political institutions of the EU and its policy processes. The first section elaborates on these aspects of legitimacy or regime support, and presents a conceptual framework. The second examines cross‐national variations and variations over time in regime support, including public satisfaction with the basic principles, decision‐making processes, and institutional arrangements of the EU. The third section analyses alternative explanations for these variations in regime support, including the role of (political) cultural legacies, social background, and policy performance‐ and leadership‐based factors. The conclusion considers the implications of this analysis for understanding the future of the EU.Less
This chapter is the third of four on the question of legitimacy in the EU, and deals with the political institutions of the EU and its policy processes. The first section elaborates on these aspects of legitimacy or regime support, and presents a conceptual framework. The second examines cross‐national variations and variations over time in regime support, including public satisfaction with the basic principles, decision‐making processes, and institutional arrangements of the EU. The third section analyses alternative explanations for these variations in regime support, including the role of (political) cultural legacies, social background, and policy performance‐ and leadership‐based factors. The conclusion considers the implications of this analysis for understanding the future of the EU.
Rudra Sil and Christopher Candland
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199241149
- eISBN:
- 9780191598920
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199241147.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This concluding chapter considers what is gained by juxtaposing the varied analyses within a common framework intended to analyse the effects of distinctive institutional legacies on the responses to ...
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This concluding chapter considers what is gained by juxtaposing the varied analyses within a common framework intended to analyse the effects of distinctive institutional legacies on the responses to common pressures frequently associated with ‘globalization.’ The chapter begins by considering some of the shared features of industrial relations that emerged in the course of industrialization in late developing and socialist states, noting some factors that make it difficult to apply models based on the experiences of Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (O.E.C.D.) countries to the analysis of labour regimes elsewhere. The comparisons also reveal important differences that distinguished industrial relations in socialist countries from those in post‐colonial contexts, and the ways in which these differences may contribute to different patterns and outcomes in the transformation of industrial relations in the two contexts. The remainder of the chapter highlights similarities and differences in trends across the cases considered in the contributions to this volume, and goes on to inductively construct a theoretical scheme for tracing how varied historical inheritances in the late‐industrializing and post‐socialist economies create different sets of expectations, pressures, and challenges for economic reformers as well as for workers and organized labour. The role of unique historical factors and institutional structures is also considered, with new questions raised on the basis of specific variations that occur within or cut across the categories of post‐socialist and post‐colonial settings. The chapter concludes by suggesting that the concept of globalization is most useful when it is employed not as a universal model for projecting trajectories of institutional change but as a more restricted framework for capturing the common challenges facing labour and other economic factors in the process of economic adjustment.Less
This concluding chapter considers what is gained by juxtaposing the varied analyses within a common framework intended to analyse the effects of distinctive institutional legacies on the responses to common pressures frequently associated with ‘globalization.’ The chapter begins by considering some of the shared features of industrial relations that emerged in the course of industrialization in late developing and socialist states, noting some factors that make it difficult to apply models based on the experiences of Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (O.E.C.D.) countries to the analysis of labour regimes elsewhere. The comparisons also reveal important differences that distinguished industrial relations in socialist countries from those in post‐colonial contexts, and the ways in which these differences may contribute to different patterns and outcomes in the transformation of industrial relations in the two contexts. The remainder of the chapter highlights similarities and differences in trends across the cases considered in the contributions to this volume, and goes on to inductively construct a theoretical scheme for tracing how varied historical inheritances in the late‐industrializing and post‐socialist economies create different sets of expectations, pressures, and challenges for economic reformers as well as for workers and organized labour. The role of unique historical factors and institutional structures is also considered, with new questions raised on the basis of specific variations that occur within or cut across the categories of post‐socialist and post‐colonial settings. The chapter concludes by suggesting that the concept of globalization is most useful when it is employed not as a universal model for projecting trajectories of institutional change but as a more restricted framework for capturing the common challenges facing labour and other economic factors in the process of economic adjustment.
Diane Sainsbury
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294160
- eISBN:
- 9780191600142
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294166.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Utilizing a framework based on three gender policy regimes, this chapter analyses the inscription of gender relations in the social provision of Denmark, Finland, Norway, and Sweden. In contrast to ...
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Utilizing a framework based on three gender policy regimes, this chapter analyses the inscription of gender relations in the social provision of Denmark, Finland, Norway, and Sweden. In contrast to the mainstream literature that emphasizes the similarities between Swedish and Norwegian social policies and that the two countries are the closest approximation of the social democratic welfare regime, policy differences stand out when gender is considered. The next part of the analysis seeks to explain the differences in terms of variations in women's movement strategies, party constellations, and policy legacies. The concluding sections discuss the features of the social democratic welfare regime that undercut gender inequalities and the emergence of a common gender policy regime.Less
Utilizing a framework based on three gender policy regimes, this chapter analyses the inscription of gender relations in the social provision of Denmark, Finland, Norway, and Sweden. In contrast to the mainstream literature that emphasizes the similarities between Swedish and Norwegian social policies and that the two countries are the closest approximation of the social democratic welfare regime, policy differences stand out when gender is considered. The next part of the analysis seeks to explain the differences in terms of variations in women's movement strategies, party constellations, and policy legacies. The concluding sections discuss the features of the social democratic welfare regime that undercut gender inequalities and the emergence of a common gender policy regime.
Carola M. Frege
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199208067
- eISBN:
- 9780191709159
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199208067.003.0004
- Subject:
- Business and Management, HRM / IR
This chapter provides a theoretical framework to analyse the ‘cultural embeddedness’ of national research patterns and its implications for the future of employment research. The underlying ...
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This chapter provides a theoretical framework to analyse the ‘cultural embeddedness’ of national research patterns and its implications for the future of employment research. The underlying theoretical assumption is that employment research, as any other social science, is not just determined by its subject matter (e.g., employment institutions and practices) but is socially constructed. The book emphasizes that social science disciplines or fields of study are not universal or determined by an invisible scientific law but shaped by specific socio-historical contexts. Thus, this book perceives social sciences as being continuously re-invented by strategic (academic) actors and structural conditions which are influenced by cultural legacies. In particular, the longitudinal perspective of this book allows us to analyse how preexisting social, political, and intellectual conditions of the 19th century shaped the emergent national traditions of employment research and its academic organization. The trajectories or path dependencies of employment research, which arguably still have an impact on research today, will be discussed on the basis of three different dimensions, substantive, institutional, and ideational: the subject field of academic inquiry (labour movement histories); scientific knowledge institutions (social science traditions); and the underlying intellectual traditions (industrial democracy discourse).Less
This chapter provides a theoretical framework to analyse the ‘cultural embeddedness’ of national research patterns and its implications for the future of employment research. The underlying theoretical assumption is that employment research, as any other social science, is not just determined by its subject matter (e.g., employment institutions and practices) but is socially constructed. The book emphasizes that social science disciplines or fields of study are not universal or determined by an invisible scientific law but shaped by specific socio-historical contexts. Thus, this book perceives social sciences as being continuously re-invented by strategic (academic) actors and structural conditions which are influenced by cultural legacies. In particular, the longitudinal perspective of this book allows us to analyse how preexisting social, political, and intellectual conditions of the 19th century shaped the emergent national traditions of employment research and its academic organization. The trajectories or path dependencies of employment research, which arguably still have an impact on research today, will be discussed on the basis of three different dimensions, substantive, institutional, and ideational: the subject field of academic inquiry (labour movement histories); scientific knowledge institutions (social science traditions); and the underlying intellectual traditions (industrial democracy discourse).
Michael Roper
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780197266663
- eISBN:
- 9780191905384
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197266663.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
‘Little Ruby’ was the daughter of the head gardener at St Dunstan’s, the voluntary organisation set up in 1915 to support blinded servicemen, whose role as a guide was widely represented in pictures ...
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‘Little Ruby’ was the daughter of the head gardener at St Dunstan’s, the voluntary organisation set up in 1915 to support blinded servicemen, whose role as a guide was widely represented in pictures and sculptures during the war and who became an iconic symbol of the charity. This chapter draws on the story of Ruby to explore the role played by children—and young girls in particular—in the care of disabled soldiers after the war. Based on interviews with descendants born in the 1920s and 1930s, and now in their eighties and nineties, it explores the domestic history of caregiving through the eyes of daughters. Their experience of growing up was often at odds with the historical narratives surrounding young women between the wars, who are assumed to have enjoyed more freedom and leisure than their mothers. Many daughters of disabled servicemen experienced strong pressures to remain living at home and help their mothers through domestic and paid work. Their ambitions for education, career and service during the Second World War were often constrained. Looking back now, in an age where the domestic obligations of young women are fewer and their career aspirations are taken more seriously, the women expressed contrary feelings. On the one hand, they continued to regard familial duty as a valued aspect of their identities as daughters. On the other hand, they talked about the emotional pressures of care and their regrets at opportunities lost. Focusing on the life course from girlhood to old age, the chapter reveals the impact of the First World War across the 20th century and through the lives of those born after the conflict’s end.Less
‘Little Ruby’ was the daughter of the head gardener at St Dunstan’s, the voluntary organisation set up in 1915 to support blinded servicemen, whose role as a guide was widely represented in pictures and sculptures during the war and who became an iconic symbol of the charity. This chapter draws on the story of Ruby to explore the role played by children—and young girls in particular—in the care of disabled soldiers after the war. Based on interviews with descendants born in the 1920s and 1930s, and now in their eighties and nineties, it explores the domestic history of caregiving through the eyes of daughters. Their experience of growing up was often at odds with the historical narratives surrounding young women between the wars, who are assumed to have enjoyed more freedom and leisure than their mothers. Many daughters of disabled servicemen experienced strong pressures to remain living at home and help their mothers through domestic and paid work. Their ambitions for education, career and service during the Second World War were often constrained. Looking back now, in an age where the domestic obligations of young women are fewer and their career aspirations are taken more seriously, the women expressed contrary feelings. On the one hand, they continued to regard familial duty as a valued aspect of their identities as daughters. On the other hand, they talked about the emotional pressures of care and their regrets at opportunities lost. Focusing on the life course from girlhood to old age, the chapter reveals the impact of the First World War across the 20th century and through the lives of those born after the conflict’s end.
Jack Zipes
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691160580
- eISBN:
- 9781400852581
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691160580.003.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, Folk Literature
This introductory chapter describes the corpus of folk and fairy tales that the Brothers Grimm had passed on to the German people. It then asks what legacy means in this context, more specifically in ...
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This introductory chapter describes the corpus of folk and fairy tales that the Brothers Grimm had passed on to the German people. It then asks what legacy means in this context, more specifically in how the Brothers Grimm had attempted to pass on a wealth of cultural legacy and memory which have, in the process, become so universally international. The Brothers were aware from the very beginning that they were bequeathing their collected tales to a growing literate Germanic public; they endeavored to make these people more aware of popular culture in the German principalities. By doing this—bequeathing a legacy that was not really theirs to bequeath—they helped to create a new tradition of folklore that had a nationalist tinge to it.Less
This introductory chapter describes the corpus of folk and fairy tales that the Brothers Grimm had passed on to the German people. It then asks what legacy means in this context, more specifically in how the Brothers Grimm had attempted to pass on a wealth of cultural legacy and memory which have, in the process, become so universally international. The Brothers were aware from the very beginning that they were bequeathing their collected tales to a growing literate Germanic public; they endeavored to make these people more aware of popular culture in the German principalities. By doing this—bequeathing a legacy that was not really theirs to bequeath—they helped to create a new tradition of folklore that had a nationalist tinge to it.
Jack Zipes
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691160580
- eISBN:
- 9781400852581
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691160580.003.0008
- Subject:
- Literature, Folk Literature
This concluding chapter examines the explorations of Ernst Bloch (1885–1977), the great philosopher of hope, and Theodor Adorno (1903–69), the foremost critical thinker of the Frankfurt School, ...
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This concluding chapter examines the explorations of Ernst Bloch (1885–1977), the great philosopher of hope, and Theodor Adorno (1903–69), the foremost critical thinker of the Frankfurt School, concerning the profound ramifications of the fairy tale. In doing so they made a significant contribution to the Grimms' cultural legacy. The chapter reveals that, not long after Bloch escaped the dystopian realm of East Germany in 1961, he held a radio discussion with Adorno about the contradictions of utopian longing. Both displayed an unusual interest in fairy tales and were very familiar with the Grimms' tales, which they considered to be utopian.Less
This concluding chapter examines the explorations of Ernst Bloch (1885–1977), the great philosopher of hope, and Theodor Adorno (1903–69), the foremost critical thinker of the Frankfurt School, concerning the profound ramifications of the fairy tale. In doing so they made a significant contribution to the Grimms' cultural legacy. The chapter reveals that, not long after Bloch escaped the dystopian realm of East Germany in 1961, he held a radio discussion with Adorno about the contradictions of utopian longing. Both displayed an unusual interest in fairy tales and were very familiar with the Grimms' tales, which they considered to be utopian.
