David Brady
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195385878
- eISBN:
- 9780199870066
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195385878.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter revisits the long‐standing debate about Leftist politics and poverty. It begins by outlining the contributions and limitations of power resources theory, a key starting point for the ...
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This chapter revisits the long‐standing debate about Leftist politics and poverty. It begins by outlining the contributions and limitations of power resources theory, a key starting point for the study of politics and poverty. Next, the chapter articulates how institutionalized power relations theory moves beyond power resources theory. This chapter then provides an empirical evaluation of the causal hypotheses derived from institutionalized power relations theory with six different measures of Leftist politics. Ultimately, the aim is to both theoretically and empirically advance the understanding of the economic consequences of politics and the political causes of poverty. This chapter builds on Chapter 4 in developing the institutionalized power relations theory. Broadly, the analyses demonstrate that Leftist politics do influence poverty. Proportional representation electoral systems appear to be the most consequential measure of Leftist politics. The effects are mostly channeled through the welfare state and only partly combine with the welfare state. Leftist politics fundamentally influence a society's amount of poverty, but the welfare state remains the proximate and direct influence on poverty.Less
This chapter revisits the long‐standing debate about Leftist politics and poverty. It begins by outlining the contributions and limitations of power resources theory, a key starting point for the study of politics and poverty. Next, the chapter articulates how institutionalized power relations theory moves beyond power resources theory. This chapter then provides an empirical evaluation of the causal hypotheses derived from institutionalized power relations theory with six different measures of Leftist politics. Ultimately, the aim is to both theoretically and empirically advance the understanding of the economic consequences of politics and the political causes of poverty. This chapter builds on Chapter 4 in developing the institutionalized power relations theory. Broadly, the analyses demonstrate that Leftist politics do influence poverty. Proportional representation electoral systems appear to be the most consequential measure of Leftist politics. The effects are mostly channeled through the welfare state and only partly combine with the welfare state. Leftist politics fundamentally influence a society's amount of poverty, but the welfare state remains the proximate and direct influence on poverty.
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804781510
- eISBN:
- 9780804784573
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804781510.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
This chapter outlines the spectrum of leftist politics, from moderate students to radical urban guerrillas, and examines how leftists struggled to come to terms with their middle-class status. It ...
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This chapter outlines the spectrum of leftist politics, from moderate students to radical urban guerrillas, and examines how leftists struggled to come to terms with their middle-class status. It also analyzes the Institutional Revolutionary Party's (Partido Revolucionario Institucional, PRI) attempts to reach out to the discontented students.Less
This chapter outlines the spectrum of leftist politics, from moderate students to radical urban guerrillas, and examines how leftists struggled to come to terms with their middle-class status. It also analyzes the Institutional Revolutionary Party's (Partido Revolucionario Institucional, PRI) attempts to reach out to the discontented students.
Kirwin R. Shaffer
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252037641
- eISBN:
- 9780252094903
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252037641.003.0003
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
This chapter illustrates that during the first decade of U.S. rule, anarchists cautiously joined the AFL-linked Federación Libre de Trabajadores (FLT), assuming leadership roles in local unions, ...
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This chapter illustrates that during the first decade of U.S. rule, anarchists cautiously joined the AFL-linked Federación Libre de Trabajadores (FLT), assuming leadership roles in local unions, publishing in union newspapers, and printing anarchist newspapers through the union presses. From within the union, anarchists criticized the FLT's pro-Americanization project, the rise of republican political institutions and electoral politics on the island, and the union's occasional attempts to engage in elections. These critiques, sometimes published at home and sometimes published in the international anarchist press in Cuba that was then mailed back to Puerto Rico, often found anarchists on the margins of union politics. Moreover, they worked as best as they could with the reformers while continuing to put forth a more radical agenda achieved by direct action, not parliamentary politics.Less
This chapter illustrates that during the first decade of U.S. rule, anarchists cautiously joined the AFL-linked Federación Libre de Trabajadores (FLT), assuming leadership roles in local unions, publishing in union newspapers, and printing anarchist newspapers through the union presses. From within the union, anarchists criticized the FLT's pro-Americanization project, the rise of republican political institutions and electoral politics on the island, and the union's occasional attempts to engage in elections. These critiques, sometimes published at home and sometimes published in the international anarchist press in Cuba that was then mailed back to Puerto Rico, often found anarchists on the margins of union politics. Moreover, they worked as best as they could with the reformers while continuing to put forth a more radical agenda achieved by direct action, not parliamentary politics.
Simone de Beauvoir
Margaret A. Simons and Marybeth Timmermann (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252036941
- eISBN:
- 9780252097201
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252036941.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Feminist Philosophy
This book offers an abundance of newly translated essays by the author that demonstrate a heretofore unknown side of her political philosophy. The book documents and contextualizes the author’s ...
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This book offers an abundance of newly translated essays by the author that demonstrate a heretofore unknown side of her political philosophy. The book documents and contextualizes the author’s thinking, writing, public statements, and activities in the services of causes like French divorce law reform and the rights of women in the Iranian Revolution. It traces nearly three decades of her leftist political engagement, from exposés of conditions in fascist Spain and Portugal in 1945 and hard-hitting attacks on right-wing French intellectuals in the 1950s, to the 1962 defense of an Algerian freedom fighter, Djamila Boupacha, and a 1975 article arguing for what is now called the “two-state solution” in Israel. Together these texts prefigure the author’s later feminist activism and provide a new interpretive context for reading her multi-volume autobiography, while also shedding new light on French intellectual history during the turbulent era of decolonization. The book provides new insights into the author’s complex thinking and illuminates her historic role in linking the movements for sexual freedom, sexual equality, homosexual rights, and women’s rights in France.Less
This book offers an abundance of newly translated essays by the author that demonstrate a heretofore unknown side of her political philosophy. The book documents and contextualizes the author’s thinking, writing, public statements, and activities in the services of causes like French divorce law reform and the rights of women in the Iranian Revolution. It traces nearly three decades of her leftist political engagement, from exposés of conditions in fascist Spain and Portugal in 1945 and hard-hitting attacks on right-wing French intellectuals in the 1950s, to the 1962 defense of an Algerian freedom fighter, Djamila Boupacha, and a 1975 article arguing for what is now called the “two-state solution” in Israel. Together these texts prefigure the author’s later feminist activism and provide a new interpretive context for reading her multi-volume autobiography, while also shedding new light on French intellectual history during the turbulent era of decolonization. The book provides new insights into the author’s complex thinking and illuminates her historic role in linking the movements for sexual freedom, sexual equality, homosexual rights, and women’s rights in France.
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804781510
- eISBN:
- 9780804784573
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804781510.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
This chapter considers a wave of destabilizing rumors, as the conservative middle classes worried about peso devaluations, rising inflation, and a possible leftward turn in Mexican politics. It then ...
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This chapter considers a wave of destabilizing rumors, as the conservative middle classes worried about peso devaluations, rising inflation, and a possible leftward turn in Mexican politics. It then examines the Institutional Revolutionary Party's (Partido Revolucionario Institucional, PRI) reaction to conservative protest and traces the escalation of these rumors to whispers of a coup d'état in 1976.Less
This chapter considers a wave of destabilizing rumors, as the conservative middle classes worried about peso devaluations, rising inflation, and a possible leftward turn in Mexican politics. It then examines the Institutional Revolutionary Party's (Partido Revolucionario Institucional, PRI) reaction to conservative protest and traces the escalation of these rumors to whispers of a coup d'état in 1976.
Kirwin R. Shaffer
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252037641
- eISBN:
- 9780252094903
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252037641.003.0002
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
This chapter illustrates the status of organized labor and the Left in Puerto Rico in the final decades of Spanish rule. It focuses on the tradition of artisanal autonomy and resistance, the rise of ...
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This chapter illustrates the status of organized labor and the Left in Puerto Rico in the final decades of Spanish rule. It focuses on the tradition of artisanal autonomy and resistance, the rise of artisan and worker-based centers to develop class consciousness, and the emergence of the island's first important labor organizations in the 1890s. Central to the story is the arrival of Santiago Iglesias Pantín, a carpenter from Spain who had worked with anarchist groups in Spain and Cuba before fleeing from the latter in late 1896 and joining forces with libertarian socialists to form the first two labor unions and the first two important left-wing newspapers from 1897 to 1899. Iglesias soon rose to lead these organizations, and after the U.S. occupation began in 1898, he traveled to the U.S. mainland to join forces first with Socialists and then the AFL.Less
This chapter illustrates the status of organized labor and the Left in Puerto Rico in the final decades of Spanish rule. It focuses on the tradition of artisanal autonomy and resistance, the rise of artisan and worker-based centers to develop class consciousness, and the emergence of the island's first important labor organizations in the 1890s. Central to the story is the arrival of Santiago Iglesias Pantín, a carpenter from Spain who had worked with anarchist groups in Spain and Cuba before fleeing from the latter in late 1896 and joining forces with libertarian socialists to form the first two labor unions and the first two important left-wing newspapers from 1897 to 1899. Iglesias soon rose to lead these organizations, and after the U.S. occupation began in 1898, he traveled to the U.S. mainland to join forces first with Socialists and then the AFL.
Veronika Fuechtner
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780520293373
- eISBN:
- 9780520966673
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520293373.003.0018
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
This chapter examines how the global circulation of sexology intertwined with communism and national independence by focusing on the writings of American journalist Agnes Smedley as well as the ...
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This chapter examines how the global circulation of sexology intertwined with communism and national independence by focusing on the writings of American journalist Agnes Smedley as well as the letters written to her by the Indian revolutionary Bakar Ali Mirza. More specifically, it considers sexual science's connections to leftist psychoanalysis and to the Indian independence movement during the 1920s. It discusses Smedley's self-conscious mobilization of the language of sexual science as a path toward revolution and modern selfhood, doing so by shuttling between India, Germany, China, and the United States. The Berlin–India nexus and Mirza's correspondence with Smedley highlight the intrinsic interrelationships among the liberational rhetoric of leftist politics, feminism, sexual rights, national independence, and psychoanalytic introspection. The chapter also considers how Smedley and her Indian revolutionary interlocutors negotiated new definitions of femininity, masculinity, and sexuality emerging from the global movements of sexual science, radical politics, and psychoanalysis.Less
This chapter examines how the global circulation of sexology intertwined with communism and national independence by focusing on the writings of American journalist Agnes Smedley as well as the letters written to her by the Indian revolutionary Bakar Ali Mirza. More specifically, it considers sexual science's connections to leftist psychoanalysis and to the Indian independence movement during the 1920s. It discusses Smedley's self-conscious mobilization of the language of sexual science as a path toward revolution and modern selfhood, doing so by shuttling between India, Germany, China, and the United States. The Berlin–India nexus and Mirza's correspondence with Smedley highlight the intrinsic interrelationships among the liberational rhetoric of leftist politics, feminism, sexual rights, national independence, and psychoanalytic introspection. The chapter also considers how Smedley and her Indian revolutionary interlocutors negotiated new definitions of femininity, masculinity, and sexuality emerging from the global movements of sexual science, radical politics, and psychoanalysis.
Paul O. Jenkins
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- March 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781604733600
- eISBN:
- 9781604733617
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781604733600.003.0005
- Subject:
- Music, Popular
This chapter focuses on the blacklisting of Richard Dyer-Bennet in the United States. It explains that American folk music has long been associated with leftist politics, and that Dyer-Bennet took ...
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This chapter focuses on the blacklisting of Richard Dyer-Bennet in the United States. It explains that American folk music has long been associated with leftist politics, and that Dyer-Bennet took part in a number of activities for all the right reasons but in support of causes and organizations that attracted the attention of members of the government. The chapter also highlights the fact that Dyer-Bennet was implicated in the testimony of his old friend Burl Ives.Less
This chapter focuses on the blacklisting of Richard Dyer-Bennet in the United States. It explains that American folk music has long been associated with leftist politics, and that Dyer-Bennet took part in a number of activities for all the right reasons but in support of causes and organizations that attracted the attention of members of the government. The chapter also highlights the fact that Dyer-Bennet was implicated in the testimony of his old friend Burl Ives.
Richard I. Cohen (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- August 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780190912628
- eISBN:
- 9780190912659
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190912628.003.0027
- Subject:
- Religion, Judaism, Religion and Society
This chapter reviews the book Ben Shahn’s New Deal Murals: Jewish Identity in the American Scene (2015), by Diana L. Linden. Ben Shahn’s New Deal Murals is about Ben Shahn, whom Linden considers an ...
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This chapter reviews the book Ben Shahn’s New Deal Murals: Jewish Identity in the American Scene (2015), by Diana L. Linden. Ben Shahn’s New Deal Murals is about Ben Shahn, whom Linden considers an American Jew rather than a Jewish American. Linden studies a few of Shahn’s murals and a related easel painting, all conceived or completed between 1933 and 1943. She focuses on four large projects (one unrealized) from the vantage point of Shahn’s Jewish identity and leftist politics, contextualizing the art alongside the history of the American Jewish experience. Working first and foremost as an art historian, she explores Shahn’s iconography and the desires of his patrons. According to Linden, Shahn’s art is “neither solely American nor solely Jewish but rather an alchemic combination of the two.”Less
This chapter reviews the book Ben Shahn’s New Deal Murals: Jewish Identity in the American Scene (2015), by Diana L. Linden. Ben Shahn’s New Deal Murals is about Ben Shahn, whom Linden considers an American Jew rather than a Jewish American. Linden studies a few of Shahn’s murals and a related easel painting, all conceived or completed between 1933 and 1943. She focuses on four large projects (one unrealized) from the vantage point of Shahn’s Jewish identity and leftist politics, contextualizing the art alongside the history of the American Jewish experience. Working first and foremost as an art historian, she explores Shahn’s iconography and the desires of his patrons. According to Linden, Shahn’s art is “neither solely American nor solely Jewish but rather an alchemic combination of the two.”
Robert E. Lerner
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691183022
- eISBN:
- 9781400882922
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691183022.003.0027
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter details Ernst Kantorowicz's final years. Kantorowicz died of a ruptured aneurysm in September 1963. Before this, he worked on a succession of recondite articles, attended the annual ...
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This chapter details Ernst Kantorowicz's final years. Kantorowicz died of a ruptured aneurysm in September 1963. Before this, he worked on a succession of recondite articles, attended the annual meetings of the Medieval Academy and the Byzantine Institute at “Oakbarton Dumps,” vacationed on the West Coast and the Virgin Islands, and carried on earnestly with his dining and imbibing. His politics also became more leftward from the postwar years until the time of his death. For a decade and a half he was deeply worried about the possibility of nuclear war, and he held the United States responsible. During the 1950s, he was bitterly hostile to Dwight Eisenhower and Richard Nixon. On the day after Kennedy's inauguration, Kantorowicz wrote the he “couldn't be worse than Eisenhower, ” although he did change his mind.Less
This chapter details Ernst Kantorowicz's final years. Kantorowicz died of a ruptured aneurysm in September 1963. Before this, he worked on a succession of recondite articles, attended the annual meetings of the Medieval Academy and the Byzantine Institute at “Oakbarton Dumps,” vacationed on the West Coast and the Virgin Islands, and carried on earnestly with his dining and imbibing. His politics also became more leftward from the postwar years until the time of his death. For a decade and a half he was deeply worried about the possibility of nuclear war, and he held the United States responsible. During the 1950s, he was bitterly hostile to Dwight Eisenhower and Richard Nixon. On the day after Kennedy's inauguration, Kantorowicz wrote the he “couldn't be worse than Eisenhower, ” although he did change his mind.
Kenton Clymer
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801454486
- eISBN:
- 9781501701023
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801454486.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
This chapter looks at the period after World War II until Burma's independence in January 1948. In Burma, as elsewhere in Southeast Asia, the United States had to respond to the pressures of ...
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This chapter looks at the period after World War II until Burma's independence in January 1948. In Burma, as elsewhere in Southeast Asia, the United States had to respond to the pressures of nationalists who were pressing for early independence—which the United States favored for Burma, albeit with ambivalence. The Americans were nervous about Aung San, Burma's emerging leader, who fought against the Allies and had leftist political leadings. However, they also had a sympathetic understanding of the minority people, many of whom were Christians, and were suspicious of a united country dominated by the Burman majority. But as the Grand Alliance disintegrated and the United States focused on the communist threat, it became even more committed to independence under Aung San's leadership.Less
This chapter looks at the period after World War II until Burma's independence in January 1948. In Burma, as elsewhere in Southeast Asia, the United States had to respond to the pressures of nationalists who were pressing for early independence—which the United States favored for Burma, albeit with ambivalence. The Americans were nervous about Aung San, Burma's emerging leader, who fought against the Allies and had leftist political leadings. However, they also had a sympathetic understanding of the minority people, many of whom were Christians, and were suspicious of a united country dominated by the Burman majority. But as the Grand Alliance disintegrated and the United States focused on the communist threat, it became even more committed to independence under Aung San's leadership.
Pablo Gilabert
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- December 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780198827221
- eISBN:
- 9780191866104
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198827221.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter explores the implications of the dignitarian approach for the ongoing debate in the philosophy of human rights about how minimalist or expansive human rights should be taken to be. After ...
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This chapter explores the implications of the dignitarian approach for the ongoing debate in the philosophy of human rights about how minimalist or expansive human rights should be taken to be. After a critical survey of eleven arguments for minimalist accounts of human rights, the chapter endorses a moderate form of expansivism casting human rights as basic claims that cover the most urgent requirements of human dignity. It presents a two-tiered, dynamic humanism that enables us to arbitrate the debate between minimalist and expansive views of human rights. Elements of egalitarianism (in particular regarding political rights) are part of this picture. However, a wider and more ambitious set of egalitarian demands of humanist justice that go beyond human rights (such as democratic socialism) is also seen as flowing from the dignitarian perspective, and its significance for the contemporary political context is explored.Less
This chapter explores the implications of the dignitarian approach for the ongoing debate in the philosophy of human rights about how minimalist or expansive human rights should be taken to be. After a critical survey of eleven arguments for minimalist accounts of human rights, the chapter endorses a moderate form of expansivism casting human rights as basic claims that cover the most urgent requirements of human dignity. It presents a two-tiered, dynamic humanism that enables us to arbitrate the debate between minimalist and expansive views of human rights. Elements of egalitarianism (in particular regarding political rights) are part of this picture. However, a wider and more ambitious set of egalitarian demands of humanist justice that go beyond human rights (such as democratic socialism) is also seen as flowing from the dignitarian perspective, and its significance for the contemporary political context is explored.
