Amy G. Mazur
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199246724
- eISBN:
- 9780191599859
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199246726.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The comparative analysis of the 27 policy cases suggests that feminist policies appear to be quite feminist in action, although successful feminist policies do not always achieve the same level of ...
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The comparative analysis of the 27 policy cases suggests that feminist policies appear to be quite feminist in action, although successful feminist policies do not always achieve the same level of women's substantive and descriptive representation throughout the policy process. Success does not seem to neatly correspond with a given sub‐sector, country, or feminist family of nations. Whereas feminist strategic partnerships and feminist advocacy coalitions emerge around more feminist policies, they do not appear to be a prerequisite for highly successful policies. The presence of left‐wing governments and more woman‐friendly states and societies also may be one part of the feminist policy recipe for success; they are by no means the only ingredients. One of the most important determinants of feminist policy success may very well be the presence of sympathetic non‐feminist allies in key decision‐making positions. Thus, although feminist policy as a sector of government action is an undeniable feature of Western post‐industrial democracy at the beginning of the twenty‐first century, it appears to be quite different from more established areas of government action with more uniform and predictable dynamics and policy styles.Less
The comparative analysis of the 27 policy cases suggests that feminist policies appear to be quite feminist in action, although successful feminist policies do not always achieve the same level of women's substantive and descriptive representation throughout the policy process. Success does not seem to neatly correspond with a given sub‐sector, country, or feminist family of nations. Whereas feminist strategic partnerships and feminist advocacy coalitions emerge around more feminist policies, they do not appear to be a prerequisite for highly successful policies. The presence of left‐wing governments and more woman‐friendly states and societies also may be one part of the feminist policy recipe for success; they are by no means the only ingredients. One of the most important determinants of feminist policy success may very well be the presence of sympathetic non‐feminist allies in key decision‐making positions. Thus, although feminist policy as a sector of government action is an undeniable feature of Western post‐industrial democracy at the beginning of the twenty‐first century, it appears to be quite different from more established areas of government action with more uniform and predictable dynamics and policy styles.
Tanya Harmer
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807834954
- eISBN:
- 9781469602721
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9780807869246_harmer
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
Fidel Castro described Salvador Allende's democratic election as president of Chile in 1970 as the most important revolutionary triumph in Latin America after the Cuban revolution. Yet celebrations ...
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Fidel Castro described Salvador Allende's democratic election as president of Chile in 1970 as the most important revolutionary triumph in Latin America after the Cuban revolution. Yet celebrations were short lived. In Washington, the Nixon administration vowed to destroy Allende's left-wing government while Chilean opposition forces mobilized against him. The result was a battle for Chile that ended in 1973 with a right-wing military coup and a brutal dictatorship lasting nearly twenty years. This book argues that this battle was part of a dynamic inter-American Cold War struggle to determine Latin America's future, shaped more by the contest between Cuba, Chile, the United States, and Brazil than by a conflict between Moscow and Washington. Drawing on firsthand interviews and recently declassified documents from archives in North America, Europe, and South America—including Chile's Foreign Ministry Archive—the author provides a comprehensive account of Cuban involvement in Latin America in the early 1970s, Chilean foreign relations during Allende's presidency, Brazil's support for counterrevolution in the Southern Cone, and the Nixon administration's Latin American policies. The Cold War in the Americas, she reveals, is best understood as a multidimensional struggle, involving peoples and ideas from across the hemisphere.Less
Fidel Castro described Salvador Allende's democratic election as president of Chile in 1970 as the most important revolutionary triumph in Latin America after the Cuban revolution. Yet celebrations were short lived. In Washington, the Nixon administration vowed to destroy Allende's left-wing government while Chilean opposition forces mobilized against him. The result was a battle for Chile that ended in 1973 with a right-wing military coup and a brutal dictatorship lasting nearly twenty years. This book argues that this battle was part of a dynamic inter-American Cold War struggle to determine Latin America's future, shaped more by the contest between Cuba, Chile, the United States, and Brazil than by a conflict between Moscow and Washington. Drawing on firsthand interviews and recently declassified documents from archives in North America, Europe, and South America—including Chile's Foreign Ministry Archive—the author provides a comprehensive account of Cuban involvement in Latin America in the early 1970s, Chilean foreign relations during Allende's presidency, Brazil's support for counterrevolution in the Southern Cone, and the Nixon administration's Latin American policies. The Cold War in the Americas, she reveals, is best understood as a multidimensional struggle, involving peoples and ideas from across the hemisphere.
