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This chapter presents policy packages that draw together various recommendations included in the previous theme chapters. These packages include a variety of practical approaches, as well as situation specific plans. For each type of university, two scenarios are considered: one in which minimum standards for Catholic identity are achieved; and a second scenario in which these standards are far from being met. Catholic universities can adopt and adapt these plans in developing their own coordinated strategies to strengthen their institutional Catholic culture. The recommendations and approaches outlined in this chapter address the components of culture, the leadership style of the president and, where appropriate, are articulated according to each of the four models of being a Catholic university. The chapter concludes with the estimated cost of training an adequate number of faculty in the Catholic intellectual tradition.

The strategic development and successful implementation of palliative care education requires effective leadership and management. This chapter focuses on leadership and aims to address what makes a good leader; the tasks and styles of leadership; and building a culture of learning in palliative care. It draws together the current understanding of what leadership means, selected publications on leadership development where this is relevant to leadership in palliative care education and the personal experience in this area. Most of this chapter is about educational leadership. It also provides a brief discussion about the distinction between leaders and managers.

This chapter builds on the perspective of the previous one and incorporates a discussion of how individual and group dynamics interact with organizational dynamics in the development of the social process of mobbing. Individual and group dynamics that influence and reinforce abusive organizational behavior are described. Personality of both victims and perpetrators of workplace mobbing is discussed, as is the work orientation of victims of workplace mobbing. Additionally, the individual characteristics of child and adolescent victims and offenders/perpetrators of mobbing are reviewed. The influential role of leadership style, a set of characteristics applying to individual leaders, is also analyzed in the development of mobbing-proneness. Group dynamics, in terms of group cohesiveness and formal versus informal group formation, is then reviewed and taken into account as a factor in the development of mobbing. Finally, research evidence helpful in distinguishing mobbing-prone organizations from those that are not is analyzed.

Chief officers were asked about their leadership ‘style’ and how they perceived the nature of police leadership, as well as how they ‘sell’ their proposals for change and development. In this chapter, the experiential emphasis on police leadership is explored, as are the expected competences of chief officers, both on appointment and in appraisal of performance.

This chapter examines the records of five female prime ministers: Margaret Thatcher (United Kingdom), Kim Campbell (Canada), Jenny Shipley (New Zealand), Helen Clark (New Zealand) and Julia Gillard (Australia). These case studies illuminate what the study of male leaders alone conceals—namely, how gender shapes prime-ministerial power by affecting the institutions, ideology, and development of Anglo systems. Gender-based norms become embedded in institutions and ideas, and gender provides a lens that filters leadership traits and determines their value. The more adversarial the system, the more masculinist its norms and expectations of executive leadership tend to be. Female leaders in adversarial, Anglo systems often need to develop styles and strategies that show they are capable of being tough enough for the job. If they introduce a different approach to leadership, they might well appear too weak to lead.

This chapter develops a conceptual framework for systematic description and analysis of prime-ministerial leadership. It focuses particularly on the issue of the power of prime ministers. The author proposes that to understand that power and its successful deployment demands far more than an institutional analysis of prime ministers’ authority resources, it also requires an understanding of the personality (motives, world views, skills) and styles of individual office-holders, as well as a systematic analysis of how the (political, economic, cultural) context in which they operate shapes and constrains their power chances. The argument is illustrated by a comparative examination of the prime-ministerial leadership of Gordon Brown (United Kingdom), Stephen Harper (Canada), Kevin Rudd (Australia) and John Key (New Zealand) during the Global Financial Crisis of the late 2000s.

This chapter considers coping issues relating to women in leadership roles. Leadership requires a certain degree of self-confidence and aggressiveness. Women who do not display confidence and a certain degree of aggressiveness are less likely to be chosen as leaders because leaders need to be confident and aggressive. If, however, they do show a high level of self-confidence and aggressiveness, they are also not likely to be chosen because that is not how women are expected to act. Gender differences appear to play a crucial mediating role in shaping the judgments of particular male and female leaders. Women must be stronger copers to overcome bias based on gender stereotypes. This chapter discusses the results of a study that equate effective leadership in women with high self-esteem and high self-confidence as well as the communal style of leadership. In short, women must be stronger copers in order to transcend the constraints placed on their leadership style.

This chapter argues that structure and agency interact in important ways for judging the power of prime ministers. It distinguishes between ‘power to’ and ‘power over’. Some leaders appear powerful because they win despite opposition, others can appear weak even though they get what they want, simply because they allow others who share their preferences to take the lead. Nevertheless, how strong a prime minister appears will also enable that prime minister to be powerful: reputation is an important power resource. The chapter shows that the institutional basis of prime-ministerial power lies in the extent to which they have the ability to autonomously appoint ministers, allocate portfolios to them, and assign tasks and organizational resources to those portfolios. Personal (particularly styles and reputations) and contextual factors then combine to determine to what extent prime ministers are able to fully exploit their institutional possibilities for becoming powerful and effective.

The police can encounter a variety of situations such as sieges, criminal investigations, shootings, public disorder, disasters, civil emergencies and other major incidents. All incidents are a matter of judgement, risk analysis and selecting an appropriate response: and need to be dealt with by officers on the basis of training and experience, which require them to exercise a number of competences. The underlying insight is that officers, at all levels, never know what they might encounter; that in reacting to a spontaneous incident the organizational structure and its leadership style have to alter instantly to ‘command and control’; and that there will always be a demand for internal and external accountability. Incidents are potentially a learning experience: but may also early on–or even a great deal later–become a matter of dispute, recrimination and apportioning blame.

This chapter introduces the background of the book and the motivation to write it. Moreover it describes the book’s contribution to knowledge as being the first book on leadership approaches solely found in project settings. Then it defines the main concepts and terms used throughout this volume. It starts with a definition of leadership approaches, such as vertical, horizontal, team-based, and balanced leadership approaches, then it introduces the popular leadership styles used within these leadership approaches. This includes transactional, transformational, autocratic, democratic, and laissez-faire, as well shared and distributed leadership styles. The chapter ends with a short overview of the book’s chapters.

This chapter addresses horizontal leadership and its scenarios. It starts by looking at what horizontal leadership is, and how horizontal leaders execute their leadership task in the context of balanced leadership. Then, it describes scenarios that occur when horizontal leaders are nominated, identified, selected, and empowered by the project manager, and when they are assigned to lead a project task. The chapter also highlights the specific aspects of leadership distribution between horizontal leaders and project managers to identify the project managers’ leadership style, and the nature of decisions made by both project managers and horizontal leaders to deliver the project. The chapter concludes with some scenarios to illustrate the types of decisions and tasks delegated to horizontal leaders.

The introduction to Women and Leadership in the European Union provides an overview of the volume’s themes, theoretical and analytical approaches, and major findings. It first highlights women’s slow and uneven access to EU leadership positions over time and across the core institutions. It then examines the state of the art at the intersection of EU studies, leadership studies, and gender studies. It presents a new theoretical and analytical framework to consistently capture the multiple dimensions of women’s leadership, distinguishing between two concepts: positional and behavioral leadership. The introduction then summarizes the major findings of the volume’s individual studies, encompassing women’s representation in EU institutions as well as their performance in top-level political, administrative, and expert functions. On this basis, it draws overall conclusions regarding women’s leadership in the EU. Regarding positional leadership, women continue to face manifold structural hurdles in their access to power: they are underrepresented in top-level positions, particularly in the intergovernmental bodies and tend to hold less prestigious portfolios. Regarding behavioral leadership, women acting in powerful EU positions perform excellently in general by exercising a leadership style that combines “masculine” and “feminine” attributes. Such multidimensional leadership performance particularly suits the highly fragmented and contested European polity.

Viviane Reding is one of Europe’s most recognizable female leaders, having served as a Member of the European Parliament (1989–1999, 2014–2018) and member of the European Commission (1999–2014). From a positional leadership perspective, Reding has thus been extremely successful in holding high political offices within the EU institutions. She has also been an effective advocate for women’s leadership, “paying it forward” by actively opening doors to a new generation of women leaders. That said, this chapter primarily focuses on the behavioral leadership of Viviane Reding. In other words, while acknowledging—from a women’s leadership perspective—that the achievement of high office implies a certain degree of success, a more interesting set of insights about women’s leadership is likely to result from evaluating leadership performance and leadership style. Reding’s career is particularly interesting as it involves two very different institutions: the European Parliament and European Commission. What might be learned about women’s leadership from Reding’s experience in these two institutional arenas? How does her leadership performance differ between them? Does a leadership style appropriate for one institution carry over into the other, or are different skills needed in these different roles? To address these questions, this chapter reviews Reding’s career background and her achievements (and performance) in both the Commission and the Parliament, before drawing conclusions about her leadership style (or styles). The chapter identifies where and how Reding’s leadership was most effective and why.

The chapter explores the relationship between David Cameron’s leadership and Conservative Party renewal. It argues that both Cameron’s leadership, and the understanding of the process of renewal have evolved since 2005. It explores the analytic problems associated with the concept of leadership and the importance of the role of followers as well as leaders. It discusses Cameron’s leadership style and the skills and personal characteristics he brought to the role, It discusses the key challenges for Cameron’s leadership and suggests that, despite his spectacular successes, Cameron continues to puzzle observers and that his leadership has encountered an unusual and intense degree of internal opposition. His historical legacy as the architect of Conservative renewal remains contested, not least because his ability to manage intra-party divisions over Europe has yet to be proved.

This chapter draws on the previous considerations about organization and management in open-collaboration movements to analyze the phenomenon of personal leadership, examining the example of Jimmy Wales, cofounder of Wikipedia. It shows the evolution of his role and the reasons why his influence on the movement could only increase when he stepped down from operational, daily activities and stopped his attempts at direct management. It makes some conclusions about modes of leadership in open-collaboration organizations and suggests that both an authoritative, single-handed style of leadership and a subservient, supportive one can work but must be in line with the leader's level of engagement in the community. The chapter also shows that the lack of formal leadership only makes it more difficult for natural leaders to legitimize their role.

Management of the reaction to the way that the Iraq invasion was authorised, coupled with management of deepening party divisions over domestic policy, provide the major focus of this chapter. Blair gave new indications of change in his leadership style whilst the covert practice of managerial control continued and accountability was constrained. Noted here also as an asset for Blair is the lack of appeal of enforced party regime change involving Brown. The methods of party management were the continuing cause of grievance and led, as shown here, to a new internal party organisation of the unions. That contributed towards the Warwick Agreement with the unions and an apparent change of the Leader’s approach towards the union relationship. Accusations of financial pressure are critically examined in this connection and shown, yet again, to be misconceived.

This chapter discusses the leadership style of Dutch prime ministers (PMs) and asks the question what type of leadership skills, relations, and reputations are most effective in modern Dutch politics: a consensual or confrontational style. While Dutch politics traditionally favors leaders who employ a consensus-oriented leadership style, prime ministers Balkenende (2002–2010) and Rutte (2010–present) served at a time when socio-cultural changes and mediatization of politics were challenging this political practice. By applying a modified version of the Leadership Capital Index (LCI), the chapter shows that to ensure re-election, both PMs struck a careful balance between the consensual and confrontational leadership styles. Whereas the study indicates that prime ministers have considerable leeway in how to strike that balance, the results suggest that it is essential that they maintain constructive relations with their peers in government and parliament to be electorally successful in the Dutch political system.

This chapter continues to detail the history of the social justice–focused Cambridge movement and white politicos’ use of laissez-faire gradualism to thwart it. It discusses Richardson’s growing influence in the Cambridge movement, particularly her ideas about who should be involved in the movement, what its goals should be, and what strategies and tactics should be used to achieve them. She rejected the politics of respectability, which stressed adherence to certain dress and personal behavior standards, and presented herself to white leaders, including Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy, as an unflinching advocate for black liberation. This chapter also covers Richardson’s role in the “Treaty of Cambridge,” a formal agreement between city leaders and CNAC that outlined the steps white leaders would take to address the city’s racial issues.

This chapter explains the options to improve management policy in greater Yellowstone by focusing on decision making, adopting active learning, and managing adaptively, all in the interest of identifying and supporting common interest outcomes. Widely recognized standards for good decision making can be used to appraise the existing decision process when leaders understand that improving policy means upgrading how the decision process functions. There are many tools available to help leaders and others learn actively, among them prototyping and case-based learning, or harvesting the lessons of experience. This is a way to examine past experience, find lessons, and diffuse and adapt them to future work. There are many possible programs to convey new leadership styles and problem-solving methods for policy-making in greater Yellowstone, all of which can reinforce one another.

This chapter covers Richardson’s life after she graduated from Howard University in 1942. During the next fifteen years, she made a number of decisions that reflected her family’s and society’s gender socialization, which included getting married, having children, and staying married when she would have preferred not to. Eventually, she rejected these gender expectations and divorced her husband. It was during this time that Richardson began routine race service through her activities in the Second Ward Recreational League, which worked to improve black residents’ quality of life in Cambridge’s segregated society. She also publicly raised concerns about the city’s racially segregated school system. These activities gave Richardson valuable organizing experience and prepared her for civil rights activism. Her community advocacy work telegraphed her leadership style, which captivated the nation a few years later.