Jack Hayward (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198280354
- eISBN:
- 9780191599422
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280351.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Are European elites losing touch with their peoples? The populist challenge to representative democracy is as old as democracy itself but its impact has differed between European countries. Should ...
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Are European elites losing touch with their peoples? The populist challenge to representative democracy is as old as democracy itself but its impact has differed between European countries. Should elected representatives respond to people's demands or to their needs? Is the press a reliable source of public information and a critical check on governments and powerful interests? Are political parties effectively mediating between leaders and mass publics or do they face a legitimacy crisis? Are parliaments able to enforce government accountability? Can the European Union and national governments persuade their peoples to accept the necessity of economic constraints upon their demands? The challenge to political leaders in liberal democracies is to deal realistically with problems without provoking public alienation from the political process, a challenge that they are finding increasingly difficult to face successfully.Less
Are European elites losing touch with their peoples? The populist challenge to representative democracy is as old as democracy itself but its impact has differed between European countries. Should elected representatives respond to people's demands or to their needs? Is the press a reliable source of public information and a critical check on governments and powerful interests? Are political parties effectively mediating between leaders and mass publics or do they face a legitimacy crisis? Are parliaments able to enforce government accountability? Can the European Union and national governments persuade their peoples to accept the necessity of economic constraints upon their demands? The challenge to political leaders in liberal democracies is to deal realistically with problems without provoking public alienation from the political process, a challenge that they are finding increasingly difficult to face successfully.
Douglas Kriner and Francis Shen
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195390964
- eISBN:
- 9780199776788
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195390964.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Many have long suspected that when America takes up arms it is a rich man's war, but a poor man's fight. Despite these concerns about social inequality in military sacrifice, the hard data to ...
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Many have long suspected that when America takes up arms it is a rich man's war, but a poor man's fight. Despite these concerns about social inequality in military sacrifice, the hard data to validate such claims has been kept out of public view. The Casualty Gap renews the debate over unequal sacrifice by bringing to light new evidence on the inequality dimensions of American wartime casualties. It demonstrates unequivocally that since the conclusion of World War II, communities at the lower end of the socioeconomic ladder have borne a disproportionate share of the human costs of war. Moreover, they show for the first time that when Americans are explicitly confronted with evidence of this inequality, they become markedly less supportive of the nation's war efforts. The Casualty Gap also uncovers how wartime deaths affect entire communities. Citizens who see the high price war exacts on friends and neighbors become more likely to oppose war and to vote against the political leaders waging it than residents of low-casualty communities. Moreover, extensive empirical evidence connects higher community casualty rates in Korea and Vietnam to lower levels of trust in government, interest in politics, and electoral and non-electoral participation. In this way, the casualty gap threatens the very vibrancy of American democracy by depressing civic engagement in high-casualty communities for years after the last gun falls silent.Less
Many have long suspected that when America takes up arms it is a rich man's war, but a poor man's fight. Despite these concerns about social inequality in military sacrifice, the hard data to validate such claims has been kept out of public view. The Casualty Gap renews the debate over unequal sacrifice by bringing to light new evidence on the inequality dimensions of American wartime casualties. It demonstrates unequivocally that since the conclusion of World War II, communities at the lower end of the socioeconomic ladder have borne a disproportionate share of the human costs of war. Moreover, they show for the first time that when Americans are explicitly confronted with evidence of this inequality, they become markedly less supportive of the nation's war efforts. The Casualty Gap also uncovers how wartime deaths affect entire communities. Citizens who see the high price war exacts on friends and neighbors become more likely to oppose war and to vote against the political leaders waging it than residents of low-casualty communities. Moreover, extensive empirical evidence connects higher community casualty rates in Korea and Vietnam to lower levels of trust in government, interest in politics, and electoral and non-electoral participation. In this way, the casualty gap threatens the very vibrancy of American democracy by depressing civic engagement in high-casualty communities for years after the last gun falls silent.
Kimberly Eaton Hoagwood, Peter S. Jensen, Mary McKay, and Serene Olin (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195307825
- eISBN:
- 9780199863402
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195307825.001.0001
- Subject:
- Social Work, Research and Evaluation, Children and Families
Research in children's mental health lags behind research for adults, in part because it is intrinsically context-bound. Children are embedded in families, in schools, and in communities who have ...
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Research in children's mental health lags behind research for adults, in part because it is intrinsically context-bound. Children are embedded in families, in schools, and in communities who have responsibility for their care. Making research findings useful and ensuring that they are applied to improve the lives of children and families require attention to these contexts. This entails a process of collaboration with many partners: teachers, nurses, healthcare providers, church leaders, neighborhood group directors, and other community leaders. The process of collaboration in children's mental health is complicated, but the products that it yields have the potential to benefit both children and families. This volume, with the toolkit and casebook that it contains, distills the process of collaboration into manageable steps, and provides concrete examples of how researchers have addressed specific challenges. The premise of this book is that collaborative research, in contrast to traditional research paradigms, will yield findings that are more ethical, valid, and useful. Highlighting the transformation of science from ivory tower theories to action-oriented practices, this book offers practical advice for researchers and practitioners interested in using data to inform and transform children's mental health. Concrete examples of projects that have involved community leaders and researchers provide an insider's guide to conducting successful collaborations that can yield better results than traditional top-down research paradigms.Less
Research in children's mental health lags behind research for adults, in part because it is intrinsically context-bound. Children are embedded in families, in schools, and in communities who have responsibility for their care. Making research findings useful and ensuring that they are applied to improve the lives of children and families require attention to these contexts. This entails a process of collaboration with many partners: teachers, nurses, healthcare providers, church leaders, neighborhood group directors, and other community leaders. The process of collaboration in children's mental health is complicated, but the products that it yields have the potential to benefit both children and families. This volume, with the toolkit and casebook that it contains, distills the process of collaboration into manageable steps, and provides concrete examples of how researchers have addressed specific challenges. The premise of this book is that collaborative research, in contrast to traditional research paradigms, will yield findings that are more ethical, valid, and useful. Highlighting the transformation of science from ivory tower theories to action-oriented practices, this book offers practical advice for researchers and practitioners interested in using data to inform and transform children's mental health. Concrete examples of projects that have involved community leaders and researchers provide an insider's guide to conducting successful collaborations that can yield better results than traditional top-down research paradigms.
Andrew Bell
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199242344
- eISBN:
- 9780191714092
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199242344.001.0001
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, European History: BCE to 500CE
This book's analysis of the power of prestige in civic communities of the ancient world demonstrates the importance of crowds' aesthetic and emotional judgement upon leaders and their ambitious ...
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This book's analysis of the power of prestige in civic communities of the ancient world demonstrates the importance of crowds' aesthetic and emotional judgement upon leaders and their ambitious claims for immediate and lasting significance; and also finds consideration of this dynamic still to be valuable for modern citizens. An initial discussion of the fall of Ceauşescu in 1989 prompts theoretical considerations about the inseparability of authority and its manifestation; and scrutiny of Julius Caesar's gestures towards self-definition introduces the complexity of ancient political relations. The simultaneous presence of both popular affection for wondrous and kingly individuals, and also egalitarian suspicion of it, is detected in classical Athens, where an Alcibiades needed to manoeuvre craftily to achieve obvious and ritual pre-eminence in associating himself with age-old and Homeric models of distinction. Accordingly, the arrival of Hellenistic kingliness, such as that of Demetrios Poliorcetes, upon the political stage was neither wholly innovative nor unattractive. Yet such kings quite clearly articulated a new and grandiose majesty, as can be seen in parades in Egypt and Syria. With the growth of Roman imperialism, these stylings of personal power needed to be adapted to new realities and models, just as Romans of the later Republic increasingly found much to admire and emulate in others' spectacles. Thus, the book comes back to the end of the Republic and to Cicero's struggles to maintain traditional, republican dignities in civic ceremony while a new Roman kingliness, thoroughly attentive to spectacular politics, was dawning.Less
This book's analysis of the power of prestige in civic communities of the ancient world demonstrates the importance of crowds' aesthetic and emotional judgement upon leaders and their ambitious claims for immediate and lasting significance; and also finds consideration of this dynamic still to be valuable for modern citizens. An initial discussion of the fall of Ceauşescu in 1989 prompts theoretical considerations about the inseparability of authority and its manifestation; and scrutiny of Julius Caesar's gestures towards self-definition introduces the complexity of ancient political relations. The simultaneous presence of both popular affection for wondrous and kingly individuals, and also egalitarian suspicion of it, is detected in classical Athens, where an Alcibiades needed to manoeuvre craftily to achieve obvious and ritual pre-eminence in associating himself with age-old and Homeric models of distinction. Accordingly, the arrival of Hellenistic kingliness, such as that of Demetrios Poliorcetes, upon the political stage was neither wholly innovative nor unattractive. Yet such kings quite clearly articulated a new and grandiose majesty, as can be seen in parades in Egypt and Syria. With the growth of Roman imperialism, these stylings of personal power needed to be adapted to new realities and models, just as Romans of the later Republic increasingly found much to admire and emulate in others' spectacles. Thus, the book comes back to the end of the Republic and to Cicero's struggles to maintain traditional, republican dignities in civic ceremony while a new Roman kingliness, thoroughly attentive to spectacular politics, was dawning.
Amanda Bittner
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199595365
- eISBN:
- 9780191725593
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199595365.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Campaign organizers and the media appear to agree that voters' perceptions of party leaders have an important impact in elections: considerable effort is made to ensure that leaders look good, speak ...
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Campaign organizers and the media appear to agree that voters' perceptions of party leaders have an important impact in elections: considerable effort is made to ensure that leaders look good, speak well, and that they are up in the polls. In contrast, the academic literature is much more divided. Some suggest that leaders play an important role in the vote calculus, while others argue that in comparison to other factors, perceptions of leaders have only a minimal impact. This study incorporates data from thirty-five election studies across seven countries with varying institutional environments, and takes both a broad and in-depth look at the role of leaders. A few noteworthy conclusions emerge. First, voters evaluate leaders' traits in terms of two main dimensions: character and competence. Second, voters perceive leaders within the framework of a partisan stereotype in which the party label of the leader imbues meaning; more specifically, leaders of Conservative parties are seen to be more competent while Left leaders are seen to have more character. Third, and most importantly, leaders matter: they affect voters' decisions and have a discernible effect on the distribution of votes in an election. Fourth, there are consistent differences in the perception of party leaders according to voters' level of political sophistication. While all voters evaluate party leaders and consider leaders in their vote calculus, the more sophisticated do so the most. This book argues that personality plays an important role in elections, and that in a healthy democracy, so it should.Less
Campaign organizers and the media appear to agree that voters' perceptions of party leaders have an important impact in elections: considerable effort is made to ensure that leaders look good, speak well, and that they are up in the polls. In contrast, the academic literature is much more divided. Some suggest that leaders play an important role in the vote calculus, while others argue that in comparison to other factors, perceptions of leaders have only a minimal impact. This study incorporates data from thirty-five election studies across seven countries with varying institutional environments, and takes both a broad and in-depth look at the role of leaders. A few noteworthy conclusions emerge. First, voters evaluate leaders' traits in terms of two main dimensions: character and competence. Second, voters perceive leaders within the framework of a partisan stereotype in which the party label of the leader imbues meaning; more specifically, leaders of Conservative parties are seen to be more competent while Left leaders are seen to have more character. Third, and most importantly, leaders matter: they affect voters' decisions and have a discernible effect on the distribution of votes in an election. Fourth, there are consistent differences in the perception of party leaders according to voters' level of political sophistication. While all voters evaluate party leaders and consider leaders in their vote calculus, the more sophisticated do so the most. This book argues that personality plays an important role in elections, and that in a healthy democracy, so it should.
Richard Johnston
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199253135
- eISBN:
- 9780191599675
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199253137.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
For the case of elections since 1988, this chapter looks at the suggestion made by Andre Siegfried in 1907 that Canadian elections are peculiarly vulnerable to leader effects. It begins by outlining ...
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For the case of elections since 1988, this chapter looks at the suggestion made by Andre Siegfried in 1907 that Canadian elections are peculiarly vulnerable to leader effects. It begins by outlining the specifically Canadian arguments for taking leadership seriously and the evidence said to back them; the arguments are found to refer mainly to ‘indirect’ effects in the sense used by King in Chapter 1 (so that leaders are treated as embodied preferences), with the actual evidence largely silent on the content – personality or otherwise – of Canadian judgments on leaders, at least in so far as those judgments are linked to the vote. Likewise, most accounts control for competing explanations weakly, if at all, and none considers personality for its net, election–day effect. Working through each argument also reveals that each is highly contingent, generally applying more to certain parties or party sizes than others, and more to periods of flux and to new parties than to stable periods and old parties. Filling the gaps requires an account of the personality factors worth taking seriously (the analysis looks at competence and character), a basic estimation strategy setting these attributes into proper context (which is given), and based on this estimation strategy, an accounting for net aggregate effects (also given). The last two sections of the chapter discuss whether perceptions of personality can be modified over the course of a campaign, and give an account of a special sort of ‘indirect’ effect: the case where perceptions of a leader’s personality can be cashed in on perceptions of a policy option (here the proposal for a commercial union between Canada and the United States in 1988).Less
For the case of elections since 1988, this chapter looks at the suggestion made by Andre Siegfried in 1907 that Canadian elections are peculiarly vulnerable to leader effects. It begins by outlining the specifically Canadian arguments for taking leadership seriously and the evidence said to back them; the arguments are found to refer mainly to ‘indirect’ effects in the sense used by King in Chapter 1 (so that leaders are treated as embodied preferences), with the actual evidence largely silent on the content – personality or otherwise – of Canadian judgments on leaders, at least in so far as those judgments are linked to the vote. Likewise, most accounts control for competing explanations weakly, if at all, and none considers personality for its net, election–day effect. Working through each argument also reveals that each is highly contingent, generally applying more to certain parties or party sizes than others, and more to periods of flux and to new parties than to stable periods and old parties. Filling the gaps requires an account of the personality factors worth taking seriously (the analysis looks at competence and character), a basic estimation strategy setting these attributes into proper context (which is given), and based on this estimation strategy, an accounting for net aggregate effects (also given). The last two sections of the chapter discuss whether perceptions of personality can be modified over the course of a campaign, and give an account of a special sort of ‘indirect’ effect: the case where perceptions of a leader’s personality can be cashed in on perceptions of a policy option (here the proposal for a commercial union between Canada and the United States in 1988).
Stefaan Fiers and André Krouwel
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199252015
- eISBN:
- 9780191602375
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199252017.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Historically, both Belgium and the Netherlands are archetypes of ‘consociational democracies’. These are characterized by broad multi-party coalitions, numerous power-sharing devices, and fragile ...
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Historically, both Belgium and the Netherlands are archetypes of ‘consociational democracies’. These are characterized by broad multi-party coalitions, numerous power-sharing devices, and fragile checks and balances in order to ensure due influence for all relevant parties and minority groups. Hence, the overarching logic of these consensus democracies seems to represent an obstacle to a process of presidentialization.However, we argue that the need for strong leadership resulted in more prominent and powerful positions for the (parliamentary) party leaders and Prime Ministers. We present evidence of a process of presidentialization that gained momentum a decade earlier in the Netherlands (from the 1970s onwards) than it did in Belgium (from the 1980s).It is interesting to note that the increased autonomy of Prime Ministers is not due to constitutional amendments, but tends to be linked to the increased decision-making role for the inner cabinet, the professionalization of the Prime Minister’s Office, and the growing attention the audiovisual media give to the Prime Minister.Similarly, parliamentary party leaders in The Netherlands and extra-parliamentary party leaders in Belgium grew stronger through an accumulation of power and resources at the leader’s office, personalized campaigning and a centralization of control over inner party selection procedures, and party leadership selection.Less
Historically, both Belgium and the Netherlands are archetypes of ‘consociational democracies’. These are characterized by broad multi-party coalitions, numerous power-sharing devices, and fragile checks and balances in order to ensure due influence for all relevant parties and minority groups. Hence, the overarching logic of these consensus democracies seems to represent an obstacle to a process of presidentialization.
However, we argue that the need for strong leadership resulted in more prominent and powerful positions for the (parliamentary) party leaders and Prime Ministers. We present evidence of a process of presidentialization that gained momentum a decade earlier in the Netherlands (from the 1970s onwards) than it did in Belgium (from the 1980s).
It is interesting to note that the increased autonomy of Prime Ministers is not due to constitutional amendments, but tends to be linked to the increased decision-making role for the inner cabinet, the professionalization of the Prime Minister’s Office, and the growing attention the audiovisual media give to the Prime Minister.
Similarly, parliamentary party leaders in The Netherlands and extra-parliamentary party leaders in Belgium grew stronger through an accumulation of power and resources at the leader’s office, personalized campaigning and a centralization of control over inner party selection procedures, and party leadership selection.
John Curtice and Sören Holmberg
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- October 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199273218
- eISBN:
- 9780191602962
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199273219.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Elections are widely believed to have become beauty contests in which voters decide who to vote for on the basis of which party leader they like most, rather than which party they think has the best ...
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Elections are widely believed to have become beauty contests in which voters decide who to vote for on the basis of which party leader they like most, rather than which party they think has the best policies or will best represent their interests. Scant evidence was found in support of this proposition. Voters’ evaluations of party leaders appear to be as important or unimportant now as they were when they were first measured. Part of the reason for this appears to be the fact that the importance of leaders is constrained by the political structure in which elections take place. There is strong evidence that leaders matter when a parliamentary election comes closest to mimicking a presidential contest. That is, when the next head of government is likely to be the leader of whichever of two large parties can win the most votes without the need to engage in significant post-election coalition bargaining.Less
Elections are widely believed to have become beauty contests in which voters decide who to vote for on the basis of which party leader they like most, rather than which party they think has the best policies or will best represent their interests. Scant evidence was found in support of this proposition. Voters’ evaluations of party leaders appear to be as important or unimportant now as they were when they were first measured. Part of the reason for this appears to be the fact that the importance of leaders is constrained by the political structure in which elections take place. There is strong evidence that leaders matter when a parliamentary election comes closest to mimicking a presidential contest. That is, when the next head of government is likely to be the leader of whichever of two large parties can win the most votes without the need to engage in significant post-election coalition bargaining.
Roman Cholij
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199566976
- eISBN:
- 9780191701993
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199566976.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Early Christian Studies
This is the first modern study in English of the life and thought of the ninth-century Byzantine theologian and monastic reformer, Theodore the Stoudite. The book provides a guide to and a complete ...
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This is the first modern study in English of the life and thought of the ninth-century Byzantine theologian and monastic reformer, Theodore the Stoudite. The book provides a guide to and a complete analysis of all the primary source material attributed to Theodore. If the monastic leader is considered in the context of the tradition to which he belonged, it is clear that his religious formation occurred within a widely established school of Basilian and Palestinian Christian thought. This encourages a fresh engagement with the subtleties in Theodore's behaviour towards the Byzantine religious and secular leaders of his time and provokes new conclusions concerning the religious and secular issues which involved Theodore in controversy. The book refutes the established view of Theodore as a breaker of the traditional Byzantine church and state relationship, and provides new insights into Theodore's true understanding of the involvement of the Emperor in church affairs. In this analysis of the rites of holiness that belonged to Theodore's church, the book identifies a false tradition of sacramental mysteries in a misreading of Pseudo-Dionysios the Areopagite and so offers a new definition of the origins of the Orthodox sacramental tradition.Less
This is the first modern study in English of the life and thought of the ninth-century Byzantine theologian and monastic reformer, Theodore the Stoudite. The book provides a guide to and a complete analysis of all the primary source material attributed to Theodore. If the monastic leader is considered in the context of the tradition to which he belonged, it is clear that his religious formation occurred within a widely established school of Basilian and Palestinian Christian thought. This encourages a fresh engagement with the subtleties in Theodore's behaviour towards the Byzantine religious and secular leaders of his time and provokes new conclusions concerning the religious and secular issues which involved Theodore in controversy. The book refutes the established view of Theodore as a breaker of the traditional Byzantine church and state relationship, and provides new insights into Theodore's true understanding of the involvement of the Emperor in church affairs. In this analysis of the rites of holiness that belonged to Theodore's church, the book identifies a false tradition of sacramental mysteries in a misreading of Pseudo-Dionysios the Areopagite and so offers a new definition of the origins of the Orthodox sacramental tradition.
Roger Undy
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199544943
- eISBN:
- 9780191719936
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199544943.001.0001
- Subject:
- Business and Management, HRM / IR
This empirical study of British trade union mergers examines the causes of mergers; the search for merger partners; merger negotiations; and merger outcomes. These developments are set within the ...
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This empirical study of British trade union mergers examines the causes of mergers; the search for merger partners; merger negotiations; and merger outcomes. These developments are set within the context of declining union membership and an associated loss of unions' political and economic influence. The contribution that union mergers can make to union performance and union revitalization is assessed by reference to changes in merged unions' job territories, political objectives and means, democratic ethos and government, administration, and union leaders' imperatives. The choice of merger process, either a transfer or an amalgamation, is found to be an important factor influencing the reforms which merged unions can subsequently implement. Transfers, which are far more numerous than amalgamations, tend to provide the minor transferring union with significant gains, but offer little opportunity to transform the performance of the major partner. Amalgamations have a greater transforming potential for all partner unions. However, this transforming potential is difficult to achieve in practice. Many amalgamated unions experience financial and political difficulties post-merger, which can take several years to resolve. As for the wider trade union movement, the contribution of union mergers to its revitalization is both incidental and problematic.Less
This empirical study of British trade union mergers examines the causes of mergers; the search for merger partners; merger negotiations; and merger outcomes. These developments are set within the context of declining union membership and an associated loss of unions' political and economic influence. The contribution that union mergers can make to union performance and union revitalization is assessed by reference to changes in merged unions' job territories, political objectives and means, democratic ethos and government, administration, and union leaders' imperatives. The choice of merger process, either a transfer or an amalgamation, is found to be an important factor influencing the reforms which merged unions can subsequently implement. Transfers, which are far more numerous than amalgamations, tend to provide the minor transferring union with significant gains, but offer little opportunity to transform the performance of the major partner. Amalgamations have a greater transforming potential for all partner unions. However, this transforming potential is difficult to achieve in practice. Many amalgamated unions experience financial and political difficulties post-merger, which can take several years to resolve. As for the wider trade union movement, the contribution of union mergers to its revitalization is both incidental and problematic.
Karen Pechilis
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195145380
- eISBN:
- 9780199849963
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195145380.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Hinduism
A distinctive aspect of Hindu devotion is the veneration of a human guru, who is not only an exemplar and a teacher, but is often worshipped as an embodiment of the divine. In the past these gurus ...
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A distinctive aspect of Hindu devotion is the veneration of a human guru, who is not only an exemplar and a teacher, but is often worshipped as an embodiment of the divine. In the past these gurus have almost always been men. Today, however, female gurus are a noticeable presence, especially in the United States. This book containing nine chapter looks at the phenomenon of the female guru both in its original Indian context, where Hindu women leaders have been unusual but not unknown, and as it has evolved on the American scene. Each chapter is devoted to a particular female guru, ranging from the 5th-century Tamil saint Karaikkal Ammaiyar to Gurumayi, who today presides over the worldwide movement of Siddha Yoga, headquartered in the Catskill resort town of South Fallsburg, New York.Less
A distinctive aspect of Hindu devotion is the veneration of a human guru, who is not only an exemplar and a teacher, but is often worshipped as an embodiment of the divine. In the past these gurus have almost always been men. Today, however, female gurus are a noticeable presence, especially in the United States. This book containing nine chapter looks at the phenomenon of the female guru both in its original Indian context, where Hindu women leaders have been unusual but not unknown, and as it has evolved on the American scene. Each chapter is devoted to a particular female guru, ranging from the 5th-century Tamil saint Karaikkal Ammaiyar to Gurumayi, who today presides over the worldwide movement of Siddha Yoga, headquartered in the Catskill resort town of South Fallsburg, New York.
Roger Undy
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199544943
- eISBN:
- 9780191719936
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199544943.003.0005
- Subject:
- Business and Management, HRM / IR
Transferors (minor unions) and transferees (major unions) post‐merger performances are assessed against developments in job territories, political objectives and means, democratic ethos and ...
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Transferors (minor unions) and transferees (major unions) post‐merger performances are assessed against developments in job territories, political objectives and means, democratic ethos and government, administration, and leaders' imperatives. Post‐merger, minor partner unions generally benefit from the transfers. By comparison, the major or transferee unions make more transient gains for which they pay a relatively high price.Less
Transferors (minor unions) and transferees (major unions) post‐merger performances are assessed against developments in job territories, political objectives and means, democratic ethos and government, administration, and leaders' imperatives. Post‐merger, minor partner unions generally benefit from the transfers. By comparison, the major or transferee unions make more transient gains for which they pay a relatively high price.
Roger Undy
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199544943
- eISBN:
- 9780191719936
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199544943.003.0006
- Subject:
- Business and Management, HRM / IR
The potential for amalgamations to transform union organization is discussed before outlining the main characteristics of the ten amalgamated and two aborted amalgamations at the heart of the study. ...
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The potential for amalgamations to transform union organization is discussed before outlining the main characteristics of the ten amalgamated and two aborted amalgamations at the heart of the study. Amalgamations involving primarily private sector unions are considered prior to exploring amalgamations organized by unions concentrated in the public sector. The different factors motivating the partner unions are assessed by reference to their job territories; political objectives and means; democratic ethos and government; administration; and leaders' imperatives. Merger objectives and strategies are found to vary between partner unions in some significant respects.Less
The potential for amalgamations to transform union organization is discussed before outlining the main characteristics of the ten amalgamated and two aborted amalgamations at the heart of the study. Amalgamations involving primarily private sector unions are considered prior to exploring amalgamations organized by unions concentrated in the public sector. The different factors motivating the partner unions are assessed by reference to their job territories; political objectives and means; democratic ethos and government; administration; and leaders' imperatives. Merger objectives and strategies are found to vary between partner unions in some significant respects.
Roger Undy
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199544943
- eISBN:
- 9780191719936
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199544943.003.0007
- Subject:
- Business and Management, HRM / IR
Amalgamating partners' negotiating powers are taken to be a function of their interdependence. On this basis, the amalgamations studied are divided into three groups: dominant partner unions' ...
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Amalgamating partners' negotiating powers are taken to be a function of their interdependence. On this basis, the amalgamations studied are divided into three groups: dominant partner unions' negotiations conducted under competitive conditions; dominant partners unions' negotiations in the absence of competitive bids; and balanced partner unions' negotiations in the absence of competitive bids. Dominant partner amalgamation negotiations are found to be similar to transfer negotiations. In contrast, balanced partner amalgamation negotiations are more complex and generally provide the opportunity to transform the partner unions' internal organization.Less
Amalgamating partners' negotiating powers are taken to be a function of their interdependence. On this basis, the amalgamations studied are divided into three groups: dominant partner unions' negotiations conducted under competitive conditions; dominant partners unions' negotiations in the absence of competitive bids; and balanced partner unions' negotiations in the absence of competitive bids. Dominant partner amalgamation negotiations are found to be similar to transfer negotiations. In contrast, balanced partner amalgamation negotiations are more complex and generally provide the opportunity to transform the partner unions' internal organization.
Mia de Kuijper
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195171631
- eISBN:
- 9780199871353
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195171631.003.0007
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Macro- and Monetary Economics
Chapter 5 takes an in-depth look at how transparency will affect the four essential strategic questions that all corporate leaders and investors need to address to maximizing returns: what to own, or ...
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Chapter 5 takes an in-depth look at how transparency will affect the four essential strategic questions that all corporate leaders and investors need to address to maximizing returns: what to own, or where to focus ownership; what business model is best; how to beat new competitive threats—and what these will be like; and what marketplace strategy best utilizes the new dynamics in mass markets.Less
Chapter 5 takes an in-depth look at how transparency will affect the four essential strategic questions that all corporate leaders and investors need to address to maximizing returns: what to own, or where to focus ownership; what business model is best; how to beat new competitive threats—and what these will be like; and what marketplace strategy best utilizes the new dynamics in mass markets.
Mia de Kuijper
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195171631
- eISBN:
- 9780199871353
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195171631.003.0012
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Macro- and Monetary Economics
In Chapter 11, the conclusions of Chapters 6–10 are used to derive the Four Rules for Maximizing Profits in Transparency for investors and for corporate leaders. Each of the four rules revolves ...
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In Chapter 11, the conclusions of Chapters 6–10 are used to derive the Four Rules for Maximizing Profits in Transparency for investors and for corporate leaders. Each of the four rules revolves around the use of a power node.Less
In Chapter 11, the conclusions of Chapters 6–10 are used to derive the Four Rules for Maximizing Profits in Transparency for investors and for corporate leaders. Each of the four rules revolves around the use of a power node.
Mia de Kuijper
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195171631
- eISBN:
- 9780199871353
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195171631.003.0015
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Macro- and Monetary Economics
Chapter 14 introduces the The Four Rules for Maximizing Profits in Transparency Method and presents a series of step-by-step templates for evaluation and action plans that should be implemented by ...
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Chapter 14 introduces the The Four Rules for Maximizing Profits in Transparency Method and presents a series of step-by-step templates for evaluation and action plans that should be implemented by any business leader or investor who is seriously interested in extraordinary returns. Chapter 15 through 18 contain the operating instructions for implementation of the Four Rules and for using power nodes. These guidelines are illustrated with many specific examples that successful companies have used, as well as with lessons from avoidable mistakes.Less
Chapter 14 introduces the The Four Rules for Maximizing Profits in Transparency Method and presents a series of step-by-step templates for evaluation and action plans that should be implemented by any business leader or investor who is seriously interested in extraordinary returns. Chapter 15 through 18 contain the operating instructions for implementation of the Four Rules and for using power nodes. These guidelines are illustrated with many specific examples that successful companies have used, as well as with lessons from avoidable mistakes.
Sydney Finkelstein, Donald C. Hambrick, and Albert A. Cannella
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195162073
- eISBN:
- 9780199867332
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195162073.003.0007
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Strategy
This chapter discusses how CEO and top management team succession can affect a number of important organizational outcomes. The first section is organized around the broad kinds of changes that a ...
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This chapter discusses how CEO and top management team succession can affect a number of important organizational outcomes. The first section is organized around the broad kinds of changes that a succession might engender, how the process of succession can impact the new leader's early survival prospects, and the going-in mandate of new leaders. The second section focuses on the overall performance implications of leader succession, a topic that has garnered a great deal of research over the years. The notions of scapegoating and insider versus outsider succession are examined. The chapter then discusses contextual factors such as the stage of organizational life cycle, organization-level changes that accompany the succession event, and institutional factors (such as discontinuous change). It then reviews the literature on shareholder reactions to succession. In the next section, the discussion expands beyond the CEO level to consider both the TMT and some specific positions below the CEO level (e.g., the CFO). In the final section, a variety of issues related to succession are discussed, including temporary succession, SBU leader changes, and post-succession “settling up” among organizational leaders.Less
This chapter discusses how CEO and top management team succession can affect a number of important organizational outcomes. The first section is organized around the broad kinds of changes that a succession might engender, how the process of succession can impact the new leader's early survival prospects, and the going-in mandate of new leaders. The second section focuses on the overall performance implications of leader succession, a topic that has garnered a great deal of research over the years. The notions of scapegoating and insider versus outsider succession are examined. The chapter then discusses contextual factors such as the stage of organizational life cycle, organization-level changes that accompany the succession event, and institutional factors (such as discontinuous change). It then reviews the literature on shareholder reactions to succession. In the next section, the discussion expands beyond the CEO level to consider both the TMT and some specific positions below the CEO level (e.g., the CFO). In the final section, a variety of issues related to succession are discussed, including temporary succession, SBU leader changes, and post-succession “settling up” among organizational leaders.
Nicholas Aylott
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199252015
- eISBN:
- 9780191602375
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199252017.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Sweden is undoubtedly a parliamentary democracy. Indeed, many felt that the legislature had become too strong, and the executive too weak. But recently, this argument has been turned round. The ...
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Sweden is undoubtedly a parliamentary democracy. Indeed, many felt that the legislature had become too strong, and the executive too weak. But recently, this argument has been turned round. The Social Democratic Prime Minister, Göran Persson, has frequently been described as a ‘presidential’ figure. Has Sweden become presidentialized?Organizational changes, including the empowerment of the Prime Minister's Office and the country's accession to the EU in 1994, have certainly enhanced the chief executive's resources. Just as important, though, has been the interaction of the Swedish style of ‘negative parliamentarism’ and the contemporary party system. While the Left bloc has a parliamentary majority, the practical consequence is to make any alternative to a Social Democratic prime minister highly unlikely. With full control of his party, his position becomes nearly impregnable. Other ministers are increasingly recruited from outside parliament, as in a presidential system. When it comes to the electoral face, the picture is less clear. The media are certainly more party-leader-focused. But persuasive evidence that this also applies to voting behaviour has not (yet) been found. In sum, Sweden has become somewhat ‘presidentialized’. But electoral shifts, especially if they lead to change in the party system, could set the process back.Less
Sweden is undoubtedly a parliamentary democracy. Indeed, many felt that the legislature had become too strong, and the executive too weak. But recently, this argument has been turned round. The Social Democratic Prime Minister, Göran Persson, has frequently been described as a ‘presidential’ figure. Has Sweden become presidentialized?
Organizational changes, including the empowerment of the Prime Minister's Office and the country's accession to the EU in 1994, have certainly enhanced the chief executive's resources. Just as important, though, has been the interaction of the Swedish style of ‘negative parliamentarism’ and the contemporary party system. While the Left bloc has a parliamentary majority, the practical consequence is to make any alternative to a Social Democratic prime minister highly unlikely. With full control of his party, his position becomes nearly impregnable. Other ministers are increasingly recruited from outside parliament, as in a presidential system. When it comes to the electoral face, the picture is less clear. The media are certainly more party-leader-focused. But persuasive evidence that this also applies to voting behaviour has not (yet) been found. In sum, Sweden has become somewhat ‘presidentialized’. But electoral shifts, especially if they lead to change in the party system, could set the process back.
Harold D. Clarke, David Sanders, Marianne C. Stewart, and Paul Whiteley
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- November 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199244881
- eISBN:
- 9780191601521
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924488X.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Political Choice in Britain uses data from the 1964 to 2001 British election studies (BES), 1992 to 2002 monthly Gallup polls, and numerous other national surveys conducted over the past ...
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Political Choice in Britain uses data from the 1964 to 2001 British election studies (BES), 1992 to 2002 monthly Gallup polls, and numerous other national surveys conducted over the past four decades to test the explanatory power of rival sociological and individual rationality models of electoral turnout and party choice. Analyses endorse a valence politics model that challenges the long-dominant social class model. British voters make their choices by evaluating the performance of parties and party leaders in economic and other important policy areas. Although these evaluations may be largely products of events that occur long before an election campaign officially begins, parties’ national and local campaign activities are also influential. Consistent with the valence politics model, partisan attachments display individual- and aggregate-level dynamics that reflect ongoing judgements about the managerial abilities of parties and their leaders. A general incentives model provides the best explanation of turnout. Calculations of the costs and influence-discounted benefits of voting and sense of civic duty are key variables in this model. Significantly, the decline in turnout in recent elections does not reflect more general negative trends in public attitudes about the political system. Voters judge the performance of British democracy in much the same way as they evaluate its parties and politicians. Support at all levels of the political system is a renewable resource, but one that must be renewed.Less
Political Choice in Britain uses data from the 1964 to 2001 British election studies (BES), 1992 to 2002 monthly Gallup polls, and numerous other national surveys conducted over the past four decades to test the explanatory power of rival sociological and individual rationality models of electoral turnout and party choice. Analyses endorse a valence politics model that challenges the long-dominant social class model. British voters make their choices by evaluating the performance of parties and party leaders in economic and other important policy areas. Although these evaluations may be largely products of events that occur long before an election campaign officially begins, parties’ national and local campaign activities are also influential. Consistent with the valence politics model, partisan attachments display individual- and aggregate-level dynamics that reflect ongoing judgements about the managerial abilities of parties and their leaders. A general incentives model provides the best explanation of turnout. Calculations of the costs and influence-discounted benefits of voting and sense of civic duty are key variables in this model. Significantly, the decline in turnout in recent elections does not reflect more general negative trends in public attitudes about the political system. Voters judge the performance of British democracy in much the same way as they evaluate its parties and politicians. Support at all levels of the political system is a renewable resource, but one that must be renewed.
