Jeremy Krikler
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198203803
- eISBN:
- 9780191675997
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203803.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
This is a study of rural society and struggle in the Transvaal during the watershed period of the early 20th century. Though much has been written about the South African War and the ‘Reconstruction’ ...
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This is a study of rural society and struggle in the Transvaal during the watershed period of the early 20th century. Though much has been written about the South African War and the ‘Reconstruction’ period, this is the first analysis of their impact on the agrarian Transvaal. The book analyses the ‘Revolution from Above’ unleashed by British imperialism as it wrought changes of immense significance for the countryside. It explores the relationships between landowners and peasants, traces the struggle between them, and examines the agrarian changes attempted by the British after the war. The book aims to contribute to our understanding of the South African War and its aftermath. It also offers insights into peasant struggles, and into the nature of private property and the colonial state in the Transvaal.Less
This is a study of rural society and struggle in the Transvaal during the watershed period of the early 20th century. Though much has been written about the South African War and the ‘Reconstruction’ period, this is the first analysis of their impact on the agrarian Transvaal. The book analyses the ‘Revolution from Above’ unleashed by British imperialism as it wrought changes of immense significance for the countryside. It explores the relationships between landowners and peasants, traces the struggle between them, and examines the agrarian changes attempted by the British after the war. The book aims to contribute to our understanding of the South African War and its aftermath. It also offers insights into peasant struggles, and into the nature of private property and the colonial state in the Transvaal.
Roy Hora
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198208846
- eISBN:
- 9780191678158
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198208846.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
This is a social and political history of the Argentine landowners, for many decades Latin America's most affluent propertied class. The book develops a historically based view of how socio-economic ...
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This is a social and political history of the Argentine landowners, for many decades Latin America's most affluent propertied class. The book develops a historically based view of how socio-economic and political change affected the landowners and was in turn affected by them between the 1860s and 1940s. It questions the excessively static picture of the landowners of the pampas, which unquestioningly accepts the image of power, lineage, and permanence given by both panegyrists and critics of the estancieros. It challenges the view of a powerful, reactionary landed class, dominating the country's history from colonial times to the rise of Peronism in the 1940s. But it also challenges revisionist interpretations that seek to de-emphasize the central role played by the landowning class in the evolution of modern Argentina.Less
This is a social and political history of the Argentine landowners, for many decades Latin America's most affluent propertied class. The book develops a historically based view of how socio-economic and political change affected the landowners and was in turn affected by them between the 1860s and 1940s. It questions the excessively static picture of the landowners of the pampas, which unquestioningly accepts the image of power, lineage, and permanence given by both panegyrists and critics of the estancieros. It challenges the view of a powerful, reactionary landed class, dominating the country's history from colonial times to the rise of Peronism in the 1940s. But it also challenges revisionist interpretations that seek to de-emphasize the central role played by the landowning class in the evolution of modern Argentina.
Graeme Gill
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199544684
- eISBN:
- 9780191719912
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199544684.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory, Democratization
The industrial bourgeoisie was a new social class that came into existence with the onset of industrialization. The new class did not spring from thin air, but was rooted in the existing class ...
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The industrial bourgeoisie was a new social class that came into existence with the onset of industrialization. The new class did not spring from thin air, but was rooted in the existing class structure in each society. This chapter examines the social origins of the new classes in Britain, France, Germany, and the US to show that the most important source of this class in each country was those class groups already engaged in economic production in the towns. While the exact pattern of social origin is different in each case, the primacy of involvement in production is evident in all. An important question is the relationship between this new group and the traditionally dominant landowners, and this relationship also differs in each country. This is analysed principally in terms of the degree to which the new class became socially integrated into the existing social structure.Less
The industrial bourgeoisie was a new social class that came into existence with the onset of industrialization. The new class did not spring from thin air, but was rooted in the existing class structure in each society. This chapter examines the social origins of the new classes in Britain, France, Germany, and the US to show that the most important source of this class in each country was those class groups already engaged in economic production in the towns. While the exact pattern of social origin is different in each case, the primacy of involvement in production is evident in all. An important question is the relationship between this new group and the traditionally dominant landowners, and this relationship also differs in each country. This is analysed principally in terms of the degree to which the new class became socially integrated into the existing social structure.
Helen O'Connell
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199286461
- eISBN:
- 9780191713361
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199286461.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, 19th-century Literature and Romanticism, European Literature
This book studies Irish improvement fiction, a neglected genre of 19th-century literary, social, and political history. The book shows how the fiction of Mary Leadbeater, Charles Bardin, Martin ...
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This book studies Irish improvement fiction, a neglected genre of 19th-century literary, social, and political history. The book shows how the fiction of Mary Leadbeater, Charles Bardin, Martin Doyle, and William Carleton attempted to lure Irish peasants and landowners away from popular genres such as fantasy, romance, and ‘radical’ political tracts as well as ‘high’ literary and philosophical forms of enquiry. These writers attempted to cultivate a taste for the didactic tract, an assertively realist mode of representation. Accordingly, improvement fiction laboured to demonstrate the value of hard work, frugality, and sobriety in a rigorously realistic idiom, representing the contentment that inheres in a plain social order free of excess and embellishment. Improvement discourse defined itself in opposition to the perceived extremism of revolutionary politics and literary writing, seeking (but failing) to exemplify how both political discontent and unhappiness could be offset by a strict practicality and prosaic realism. This book demonstrates how improvement reveals itself to be a literary discourse, enmeshed in the very rhetorical abyss it sought to escape. In addition, the proudly liberal rhetoric of improvement is shown to be at one with the imperial discourse it worked to displace. The book argues that improvement discourse is embedded in the literary and cultural mainstream of modern Ireland and has hindered the development of intellectual and political debate throughout this period. These issues are examined in chapters exploring the career of William Carleton; peasant ‘orality’; educational provision in the post-Union period; the Irish language; secret society violence; Young Ireland nationalism; and the Irish Revival.Less
This book studies Irish improvement fiction, a neglected genre of 19th-century literary, social, and political history. The book shows how the fiction of Mary Leadbeater, Charles Bardin, Martin Doyle, and William Carleton attempted to lure Irish peasants and landowners away from popular genres such as fantasy, romance, and ‘radical’ political tracts as well as ‘high’ literary and philosophical forms of enquiry. These writers attempted to cultivate a taste for the didactic tract, an assertively realist mode of representation. Accordingly, improvement fiction laboured to demonstrate the value of hard work, frugality, and sobriety in a rigorously realistic idiom, representing the contentment that inheres in a plain social order free of excess and embellishment. Improvement discourse defined itself in opposition to the perceived extremism of revolutionary politics and literary writing, seeking (but failing) to exemplify how both political discontent and unhappiness could be offset by a strict practicality and prosaic realism. This book demonstrates how improvement reveals itself to be a literary discourse, enmeshed in the very rhetorical abyss it sought to escape. In addition, the proudly liberal rhetoric of improvement is shown to be at one with the imperial discourse it worked to displace. The book argues that improvement discourse is embedded in the literary and cultural mainstream of modern Ireland and has hindered the development of intellectual and political debate throughout this period. These issues are examined in chapters exploring the career of William Carleton; peasant ‘orality’; educational provision in the post-Union period; the Irish language; secret society violence; Young Ireland nationalism; and the Irish Revival.
Leonardo Morlino
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198280828
- eISBN:
- 9780191599965
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280823.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
A whole picture of interest associations and their relationships with party and state is provided for the four Southern European countries. Unions, associations of industrial entrepreneurs, and ...
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A whole picture of interest associations and their relationships with party and state is provided for the four Southern European countries. Unions, associations of industrial entrepreneurs, and associations of landowners receive special attention. The ‘top–down’ direction of consolidation process is presented with its main dimensions.Less
A whole picture of interest associations and their relationships with party and state is provided for the four Southern European countries. Unions, associations of industrial entrepreneurs, and associations of landowners receive special attention. The ‘top–down’ direction of consolidation process is presented with its main dimensions.
Hanoch Dagan
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199737864
- eISBN:
- 9780199894994
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199737864.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
Property law and property theory have become a thriving industry in the legal academy rendering some exciting conceptual and normative challenges. This book covers numerous property issues to provide ...
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Property law and property theory have become a thriving industry in the legal academy rendering some exciting conceptual and normative challenges. This book covers numerous property issues to provide a liberal theory of property. It analyzes the interactions between landowners and governments (both eminent domain and regulatory takings) and those regulating the governance of property owned by multiple individuals (such as co-ownership, marital property, and the law of common interest communities). This book puts emphasis on groups and it also attempts to look at property law from a broad institutional perspective to show that property law serves as the foundation for the organization of various types of groups and communities. The three parts analyzed in this book, property, state, and community are inter-connected. The book views property as an important legal regime intended to protect important individualistic values such as autonomy, personhood, and desert, and a shield for private individuals against the power of both the state and the community. It also views property as a major instrument in the pursuit of other worthy goals of the liberal state, such as aggregate welfare, social responsibility, and distributive justice.Less
Property law and property theory have become a thriving industry in the legal academy rendering some exciting conceptual and normative challenges. This book covers numerous property issues to provide a liberal theory of property. It analyzes the interactions between landowners and governments (both eminent domain and regulatory takings) and those regulating the governance of property owned by multiple individuals (such as co-ownership, marital property, and the law of common interest communities). This book puts emphasis on groups and it also attempts to look at property law from a broad institutional perspective to show that property law serves as the foundation for the organization of various types of groups and communities. The three parts analyzed in this book, property, state, and community are inter-connected. The book views property as an important legal regime intended to protect important individualistic values such as autonomy, personhood, and desert, and a shield for private individuals against the power of both the state and the community. It also views property as a major instrument in the pursuit of other worthy goals of the liberal state, such as aggregate welfare, social responsibility, and distributive justice.
André Béteille
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198077435
- eISBN:
- 9780199081080
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198077435.003.0004
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Stratification, Inequality, and Mobility
This chapter explains the organization of production in Sripuram. It investigates the relations which are entered into by the members of the village, among themselves and with outsiders, for the ...
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This chapter explains the organization of production in Sripuram. It investigates the relations which are entered into by the members of the village, among themselves and with outsiders, for the purpose of production. Some brief observations are then reported on the mechanisms of distribution and exchange. Most of the cultivable land in the village is irrigated and used for cultivating paddy. Additionally, most of the land continues to be held by the old landowning class. It is noted that ownership of land is vested in people with different social backgrounds and that landowners do not constitute a homogeneous class. Land has come into the market; the old landowners are now scattered; new laws have been passed which seek to reorganise agrarian relations. Village handicrafts have undergone a process of disintegration. The village has become, in a multitude of ways, part of a much wider economic system.Less
This chapter explains the organization of production in Sripuram. It investigates the relations which are entered into by the members of the village, among themselves and with outsiders, for the purpose of production. Some brief observations are then reported on the mechanisms of distribution and exchange. Most of the cultivable land in the village is irrigated and used for cultivating paddy. Additionally, most of the land continues to be held by the old landowning class. It is noted that ownership of land is vested in people with different social backgrounds and that landowners do not constitute a homogeneous class. Land has come into the market; the old landowners are now scattered; new laws have been passed which seek to reorganise agrarian relations. Village handicrafts have undergone a process of disintegration. The village has become, in a multitude of ways, part of a much wider economic system.
Matthew Rendle
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199236251
- eISBN:
- 9780191717154
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199236251.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter describes the emergence of a ‘landed movement’ during 1917. The agrarian policies of the Provisional Government were broadly acceptable, but landowners reacted to the steady increase in ...
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This chapter describes the emergence of a ‘landed movement’ during 1917. The agrarian policies of the Provisional Government were broadly acceptable, but landowners reacted to the steady increase in the peasant movement by forming their own local unions to defend the right to own land. In May, the nationwide Union of Landowners, which had existed since 1916, was revived to unite the numerous local bodies. The union's new, liberally‐inclined leadership targeted peasant landowners to broaden their support, and these landowners quickly formed the vast majority of members. However, as rural unrest gathered pace, the union faced several problems. The sheer scale of the unrest overwhelmed its own size, whilst it struggled to prevent the government from introducing policies that undermined landownership. It also faced growing opposition from socialist parties, and its peasant members proved susceptible to socialist propaganda. All of this led to increasing disillusionment by August 1917.Less
This chapter describes the emergence of a ‘landed movement’ during 1917. The agrarian policies of the Provisional Government were broadly acceptable, but landowners reacted to the steady increase in the peasant movement by forming their own local unions to defend the right to own land. In May, the nationwide Union of Landowners, which had existed since 1916, was revived to unite the numerous local bodies. The union's new, liberally‐inclined leadership targeted peasant landowners to broaden their support, and these landowners quickly formed the vast majority of members. However, as rural unrest gathered pace, the union faced several problems. The sheer scale of the unrest overwhelmed its own size, whilst it struggled to prevent the government from introducing policies that undermined landownership. It also faced growing opposition from socialist parties, and its peasant members proved susceptible to socialist propaganda. All of this led to increasing disillusionment by August 1917.
Hans Van Wees
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691143019
- eISBN:
- 9781400846306
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691143019.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, Ancient History / Archaeology
This chapter critiques the grand narrative of Hanson's The Other Greeks and argues that it is wrong in important respects. The chapter presents the social and economic changes in the eighth century ...
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This chapter critiques the grand narrative of Hanson's The Other Greeks and argues that it is wrong in important respects. The chapter presents the social and economic changes in the eighth century that took place with the rise of the independent yeoman farmer and his culture of agrarianism as the driving force behind the political and military history of Greece. From the middle of the eighth century there was a class of elite leisured landowners that did not work the land themselves but supervised the toil of a large lower class of hired laborers and slaves. This era of gentlemen farmers who comprised the top 15–20 percent of society and competed with each other for status lasted for about two centuries. When the yeomen farmers emerged after the mid-sixth century, they joined the leisure class in the hoplite militia.Less
This chapter critiques the grand narrative of Hanson's The Other Greeks and argues that it is wrong in important respects. The chapter presents the social and economic changes in the eighth century that took place with the rise of the independent yeoman farmer and his culture of agrarianism as the driving force behind the political and military history of Greece. From the middle of the eighth century there was a class of elite leisured landowners that did not work the land themselves but supervised the toil of a large lower class of hired laborers and slaves. This era of gentlemen farmers who comprised the top 15–20 percent of society and competed with each other for status lasted for about two centuries. When the yeomen farmers emerged after the mid-sixth century, they joined the leisure class in the hoplite militia.
BENJAMIN ARNOLD
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199272211
- eISBN:
- 9780191709999
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199272211.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, European Medieval History
The social, legal, and economic arrangements that most directly affected the daily lives of the great majority of the population in medieval Germany were those set up and enforced between the ...
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The social, legal, and economic arrangements that most directly affected the daily lives of the great majority of the population in medieval Germany were those set up and enforced between the peasants and the landowners who were their lords. In the great variety of its forms and in its evolution, the organisation of the manor provided the landowners with the type of controls that they desired. But peasants were not rightless either, and the demands of lords were to some extent curtailed by what could realistically be demanded in a relatively backward agrarian structure. The reaction of peasant society to what was undoubtedly an exploitative system ranged from the intelligently cooperative over to armed resistance. Such controls are evident in the structure of the medieval manor.Less
The social, legal, and economic arrangements that most directly affected the daily lives of the great majority of the population in medieval Germany were those set up and enforced between the peasants and the landowners who were their lords. In the great variety of its forms and in its evolution, the organisation of the manor provided the landowners with the type of controls that they desired. But peasants were not rightless either, and the demands of lords were to some extent curtailed by what could realistically be demanded in a relatively backward agrarian structure. The reaction of peasant society to what was undoubtedly an exploitative system ranged from the intelligently cooperative over to armed resistance. Such controls are evident in the structure of the medieval manor.
Matthew Cragoe
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198207542
- eISBN:
- 9780191716737
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207542.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter reconsiders the issue of landed influence in Wales to investigate the ways in which the idea of landlord coercion operated within radical politics, and thus shaped modern perceptions of ...
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This chapter reconsiders the issue of landed influence in Wales to investigate the ways in which the idea of landlord coercion operated within radical politics, and thus shaped modern perceptions of the Welsh past. To this end, the final part of the chapter offers a detailed study of the most significant political evictions said to have taken place in 19th-century Wales — those following the general election of 1868. To set in context the positions taken by both landowners and radical politicians in this debate, the chapter begins with two sections outlining their respective perceptions of the problem. The first tackles coercion from the perspective of the landowners and demonstrates how difficult it is to pin down specific cases of wrongdoing; the second section charts the developing belief among radical politicians in Wales that the problem of electoral coercion was more profound in the principality than elsewhere, and explores the relationship of this belief to the developing ideology of the Welsh nation. This is followed by an examination of the evictions following the 1868 eviction, and the chapter ends by exploring the extent to which the advent of secret voting in 1872 put paid to the practical ability of landlords to coerce their tenants.Less
This chapter reconsiders the issue of landed influence in Wales to investigate the ways in which the idea of landlord coercion operated within radical politics, and thus shaped modern perceptions of the Welsh past. To this end, the final part of the chapter offers a detailed study of the most significant political evictions said to have taken place in 19th-century Wales — those following the general election of 1868. To set in context the positions taken by both landowners and radical politicians in this debate, the chapter begins with two sections outlining their respective perceptions of the problem. The first tackles coercion from the perspective of the landowners and demonstrates how difficult it is to pin down specific cases of wrongdoing; the second section charts the developing belief among radical politicians in Wales that the problem of electoral coercion was more profound in the principality than elsewhere, and explores the relationship of this belief to the developing ideology of the Welsh nation. This is followed by an examination of the evictions following the 1868 eviction, and the chapter ends by exploring the extent to which the advent of secret voting in 1872 put paid to the practical ability of landlords to coerce their tenants.
Alan F. Wilt
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198208716
- eISBN:
- 9780191717024
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198208716.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter discusses the influence of the agricultural lobbies on the government's preparations in food and agriculture. Agriculture lobbies, rather than food associations, are emphasized, ...
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This chapter discusses the influence of the agricultural lobbies on the government's preparations in food and agriculture. Agriculture lobbies, rather than food associations, are emphasized, primarily because of the different relationship each sector had with the government. Although both had direct access to governmental departments, the tie between Food Defence Plans and the food industry seems to have been based on cooperation, while that between the Agriculture ministry and the farming community was much more fragile and at times antagonistic. The focus is on four agricultural lobby groups: the National Farmers' Union, Central Landowners' Association, National Union of Agricultural Workers, and Women's Institutes. Other groups are also discussed, such as the Council for the Preservation of Rural England, the Royal Agricultural Society of England, the Agricultural Economics Society, and the loosely organized Farmers' Club and their concerns about defence matters.Less
This chapter discusses the influence of the agricultural lobbies on the government's preparations in food and agriculture. Agriculture lobbies, rather than food associations, are emphasized, primarily because of the different relationship each sector had with the government. Although both had direct access to governmental departments, the tie between Food Defence Plans and the food industry seems to have been based on cooperation, while that between the Agriculture ministry and the farming community was much more fragile and at times antagonistic. The focus is on four agricultural lobby groups: the National Farmers' Union, Central Landowners' Association, National Union of Agricultural Workers, and Women's Institutes. Other groups are also discussed, such as the Council for the Preservation of Rural England, the Royal Agricultural Society of England, the Agricultural Economics Society, and the loosely organized Farmers' Club and their concerns about defence matters.
GREGORY O’MALLEY
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199253791
- eISBN:
- 9780191719820
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199253791.003.04
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Medieval History
This chapter discusses the significance of crusading in later medieval and 16th century English and Welsh society, concluding that there was still enthusiasm for holy war, but little opportunity to ...
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This chapter discusses the significance of crusading in later medieval and 16th century English and Welsh society, concluding that there was still enthusiasm for holy war, but little opportunity to pursue it. The Hospital provided an outlet for such enthusiasm through its confraternity, which was proclaimed with reference to the defence of the faith, but it is not clear from the sources that all commentators identified the order with crusading. The order's further significance as a provider of the sacraments outside the parish network, its consequent disputes with the secular clergy, and the particular features of its liturgical and devotional practises are also examined. The order's social position as a landowner and employer is explored, with particular reference to its reliance on the relatives of brethren, members of the gentry, and a small body of expert servants to run its estates, so that its members became somewhat divorced from direct contact with society at large.Less
This chapter discusses the significance of crusading in later medieval and 16th century English and Welsh society, concluding that there was still enthusiasm for holy war, but little opportunity to pursue it. The Hospital provided an outlet for such enthusiasm through its confraternity, which was proclaimed with reference to the defence of the faith, but it is not clear from the sources that all commentators identified the order with crusading. The order's further significance as a provider of the sacraments outside the parish network, its consequent disputes with the secular clergy, and the particular features of its liturgical and devotional practises are also examined. The order's social position as a landowner and employer is explored, with particular reference to its reliance on the relatives of brethren, members of the gentry, and a small body of expert servants to run its estates, so that its members became somewhat divorced from direct contact with society at large.
James Robert Allison
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780300206692
- eISBN:
- 9780300216219
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300206692.003.0004
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Native American Studies
This chapter describes the grassroots movement that erupted on the Northern Cheyenne Reservation to resist non-Indian mining and change forever the trajectory of Indian energy development. As news of ...
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This chapter describes the grassroots movement that erupted on the Northern Cheyenne Reservation to resist non-Indian mining and change forever the trajectory of Indian energy development. As news of Consolidation Coal’s massive proposal spread, tribal members connected this project to regional plans being made for the Northern Plains and began to see coal mining as a final attack on the homeland. Opponents thus launched a passionate resistance movement, fueled partly by concerns over the physical destruction of sacred landscapes, but mostly driven by fears that mining would bring outsiders to disrupt existing customs and values. Becoming minorities in their own land, the Northern Cheyenne believed the tribe would cease to exist as a unique indigenous community.But to mobilize an effective fight for survival, tribal members needed help. This chapter thus describes the confluence of interests among Indians, ranchers, and environmentalists, who cooperated to foment resistance to coal mining in Southeast Montana. This odd partnership helped galvanize Northern Cheyenne against their leaders’ development plans, but importantly, most tribal members did not oppose all mining. The majority favored development as long as their tribal government could regulate its pace and scale so that customs and norms remained undisturbed.Less
This chapter describes the grassroots movement that erupted on the Northern Cheyenne Reservation to resist non-Indian mining and change forever the trajectory of Indian energy development. As news of Consolidation Coal’s massive proposal spread, tribal members connected this project to regional plans being made for the Northern Plains and began to see coal mining as a final attack on the homeland. Opponents thus launched a passionate resistance movement, fueled partly by concerns over the physical destruction of sacred landscapes, but mostly driven by fears that mining would bring outsiders to disrupt existing customs and values. Becoming minorities in their own land, the Northern Cheyenne believed the tribe would cease to exist as a unique indigenous community.But to mobilize an effective fight for survival, tribal members needed help. This chapter thus describes the confluence of interests among Indians, ranchers, and environmentalists, who cooperated to foment resistance to coal mining in Southeast Montana. This odd partnership helped galvanize Northern Cheyenne against their leaders’ development plans, but importantly, most tribal members did not oppose all mining. The majority favored development as long as their tribal government could regulate its pace and scale so that customs and norms remained undisturbed.
Matthew Rendle
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199236251
- eISBN:
- 9780191717154
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199236251.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
The Russian Revolution of 1917 has long been seen in terms of the political manoeuvrings of revolutionary politicians and the actions of lower social groups. This book argues that elite groups, ...
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The Russian Revolution of 1917 has long been seen in terms of the political manoeuvrings of revolutionary politicians and the actions of lower social groups. This book argues that elite groups, especially nobles, landowners, and officers, also played an important role. The alienation of tsarist elites from the Tsar during the First World War and their support for the new Provisional Government in February 1917 secured the initial success of the revolution. The book describes how elites engaged with revolutionary politics, serving in the government, and forming unions to promote their interests and gather wider support. These activities fostered fears of counter‐revolution among a population who saw 1917 as being for the lower social classes. These fears helped radicalize the popular mood, paving the way for Bolshevism. The book argues that, although increasingly disillusioned with events, elites were not solely counter‐revolutionary and far from united. The divisions among them that are visible prior to 1917 were exacerbated by the revolution. A poorly‐supported military revolt in August 1917 demonstrated different aspirations for the future, whilst as many served the Bolshevik regime after October 1917 as opposed it. This undermined the Whites armies' opposition to Bolshevism during Russia's civil war. Nevertheless, Bolshevik fears of ‘class enemies' were endemic, and their actions to remove them laid the foundations of the repressive soviet regime. By focusing on elites, this book helps provide a more comprehensive picture of the Russian Revolution.Less
The Russian Revolution of 1917 has long been seen in terms of the political manoeuvrings of revolutionary politicians and the actions of lower social groups. This book argues that elite groups, especially nobles, landowners, and officers, also played an important role. The alienation of tsarist elites from the Tsar during the First World War and their support for the new Provisional Government in February 1917 secured the initial success of the revolution. The book describes how elites engaged with revolutionary politics, serving in the government, and forming unions to promote their interests and gather wider support. These activities fostered fears of counter‐revolution among a population who saw 1917 as being for the lower social classes. These fears helped radicalize the popular mood, paving the way for Bolshevism. The book argues that, although increasingly disillusioned with events, elites were not solely counter‐revolutionary and far from united. The divisions among them that are visible prior to 1917 were exacerbated by the revolution. A poorly‐supported military revolt in August 1917 demonstrated different aspirations for the future, whilst as many served the Bolshevik regime after October 1917 as opposed it. This undermined the Whites armies' opposition to Bolshevism during Russia's civil war. Nevertheless, Bolshevik fears of ‘class enemies' were endemic, and their actions to remove them laid the foundations of the repressive soviet regime. By focusing on elites, this book helps provide a more comprehensive picture of the Russian Revolution.
Annie Tindley, Lowri Ann Rees, and Ciarán Reilly (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781474438865
- eISBN:
- 9781474449809
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474438865.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Scottish Studies
This book brings together leading researchers of British and Irish rural history to consider the role of the land agent, or estate manager, in the modern period. Land agents were an influential and ...
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This book brings together leading researchers of British and Irish rural history to consider the role of the land agent, or estate manager, in the modern period. Land agents were an influential and powerful cadre of men, who managed both the day-to-day running and the overall policy direction of landed estates. As such, they occupy a controversial place in academic historiography as well as popular memory in rural Britain and Ireland. Reviled in social history narratives and fictional accounts, the land agent was one of the most powerful tools in the armoury of the British and Irish landed classes and their territorial, political and social dominance. By unpacking the nature and processes of their power, The Land Agent explores who these men were and what was the wider significance of their roles, thus uncovering a neglected history of British rural society.Less
This book brings together leading researchers of British and Irish rural history to consider the role of the land agent, or estate manager, in the modern period. Land agents were an influential and powerful cadre of men, who managed both the day-to-day running and the overall policy direction of landed estates. As such, they occupy a controversial place in academic historiography as well as popular memory in rural Britain and Ireland. Reviled in social history narratives and fictional accounts, the land agent was one of the most powerful tools in the armoury of the British and Irish landed classes and their territorial, political and social dominance. By unpacking the nature and processes of their power, The Land Agent explores who these men were and what was the wider significance of their roles, thus uncovering a neglected history of British rural society.
Halidé Edib
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195699999
- eISBN:
- 9780199080540
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195699999.003.0028
- Subject:
- Literature, Women's Literature
The British represent the third element in the Indian melting-pot and have a greater say in India's destiny than the Muslims. What did England get in the way of a new spiritual outlook by their ...
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The British represent the third element in the Indian melting-pot and have a greater say in India's destiny than the Muslims. What did England get in the way of a new spiritual outlook by their contact with India's old civilizations? The British colonised India for purposes of economic expansion and have since shown more ability to use Hindu-Muslim differences to their advantage than the Muslims and Hindus themselves. However, the British do not rely solely on ‘divide and rule’. They have used every element which could be an asset, and those elements in their favour have profited from the British rule. These elements include the native rulers, who come first, followed by the upper middle-class and the big landowners. The last are vaguely called the liberals.Less
The British represent the third element in the Indian melting-pot and have a greater say in India's destiny than the Muslims. What did England get in the way of a new spiritual outlook by their contact with India's old civilizations? The British colonised India for purposes of economic expansion and have since shown more ability to use Hindu-Muslim differences to their advantage than the Muslims and Hindus themselves. However, the British do not rely solely on ‘divide and rule’. They have used every element which could be an asset, and those elements in their favour have profited from the British rule. These elements include the native rulers, who come first, followed by the upper middle-class and the big landowners. The last are vaguely called the liberals.
Matthew Rendle
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199236251
- eISBN:
- 9780191717154
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199236251.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
The introduction examines the conditions underpinning the participation of tsarist elites in the Russian Revolution. It outlines the composition of the elite on the eve of the First World War, with a ...
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The introduction examines the conditions underpinning the participation of tsarist elites in the Russian Revolution. It outlines the composition of the elite on the eve of the First World War, with a particular focus on nobles, landowners, and officers. It notes that elites were far from united and that, increasingly, occupational interests played a greater role than class loyalties. This paved the way for their participation in 1917, when the corporate nature of democracy influenced a range of social and professional groups, regardless of their size. Whilst most elites were conservative in their political outlook, very few were reactionaries, but they lacked a widespread desire for change prior to 1914.Less
The introduction examines the conditions underpinning the participation of tsarist elites in the Russian Revolution. It outlines the composition of the elite on the eve of the First World War, with a particular focus on nobles, landowners, and officers. It notes that elites were far from united and that, increasingly, occupational interests played a greater role than class loyalties. This paved the way for their participation in 1917, when the corporate nature of democracy influenced a range of social and professional groups, regardless of their size. Whilst most elites were conservative in their political outlook, very few were reactionaries, but they lacked a widespread desire for change prior to 1914.
Matthew Rendle
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199236251
- eISBN:
- 9780191717154
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199236251.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter examines the impact of the First World War on the tsarist elite, arguing that concerns over Russia's military performance and over Nicholas II fostered a desire for political change. The ...
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This chapter examines the impact of the First World War on the tsarist elite, arguing that concerns over Russia's military performance and over Nicholas II fostered a desire for political change. The roots of this alienation from the monarchy lay in the 1905 revolution, which saw elites adopt new political methods: creating unions, congresses, and publications. After a disastrous start to the war, the formation of the Progressive Bloc, a coalition of conservative and liberal parties in the Duma, prompted huge arguments among elites in arenas such as the United Nobility over whether to support the Bloc's calls for political change. The feeling that only change would result in military victory, alongside a recognition that the war was dramatically affecting landownership and the composition of the officer corps, prompted the majority of elites to favour some degree of political change by early 1917.Less
This chapter examines the impact of the First World War on the tsarist elite, arguing that concerns over Russia's military performance and over Nicholas II fostered a desire for political change. The roots of this alienation from the monarchy lay in the 1905 revolution, which saw elites adopt new political methods: creating unions, congresses, and publications. After a disastrous start to the war, the formation of the Progressive Bloc, a coalition of conservative and liberal parties in the Duma, prompted huge arguments among elites in arenas such as the United Nobility over whether to support the Bloc's calls for political change. The feeling that only change would result in military victory, alongside a recognition that the war was dramatically affecting landownership and the composition of the officer corps, prompted the majority of elites to favour some degree of political change by early 1917.
Matthew Rendle
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199236251
- eISBN:
- 9780191717154
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199236251.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter examines how organizations representing nobles, landowners, and officers were forging greater links by August 1917, uniting with industrialists, politicians, and the clergy to form a ...
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This chapter examines how organizations representing nobles, landowners, and officers were forging greater links by August 1917, uniting with industrialists, politicians, and the clergy to form a recognizable ‘conservative movement’. This movement was united in its calls for a ‘strong government’, which fuelled growing popular fears of imminent counter‐revolution. Yet, this chapter argues, despite having an obvious figurehead in General Kornilov, and elements pressing for a military dictatorship, elites continued to have different visions of Russia's future government. In particular, doubts over the viability and desirability of a military dictatorship made the failure of Kornilov's revolt at the end of August inevitable. Nevertheless, for ordinary Russians, the revolt demonstrated the real threat posed by counter‐revolutionary forces and led to an aggressive reaction against officers and other elites, making it difficult for them to maintain their activities in subsequent months.Less
This chapter examines how organizations representing nobles, landowners, and officers were forging greater links by August 1917, uniting with industrialists, politicians, and the clergy to form a recognizable ‘conservative movement’. This movement was united in its calls for a ‘strong government’, which fuelled growing popular fears of imminent counter‐revolution. Yet, this chapter argues, despite having an obvious figurehead in General Kornilov, and elements pressing for a military dictatorship, elites continued to have different visions of Russia's future government. In particular, doubts over the viability and desirability of a military dictatorship made the failure of Kornilov's revolt at the end of August inevitable. Nevertheless, for ordinary Russians, the revolt demonstrated the real threat posed by counter‐revolutionary forces and led to an aggressive reaction against officers and other elites, making it difficult for them to maintain their activities in subsequent months.
