Carola Frege
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199208067
- eISBN:
- 9780191709159
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199208067.001.0001
- Subject:
- Business and Management, HRM / IR
Contemporary employment research tackles an increasingly globalized subject, much of it using empiricist and a-theoretical methods increasingly embedded in a market-economic paradigm. However, this ...
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Contemporary employment research tackles an increasingly globalized subject, much of it using empiricist and a-theoretical methods increasingly embedded in a market-economic paradigm. However, this stands in stark contrast to employment research's historical roots. Exploring these roots, this book traces how employment research was born out of the industrial and also democratic transformations of the 19th century and shows that the variations of employment research can be traced back to nation-specific state traditions. In particular, it shows how countries conceptualized their relationship between political and industrial democracy, to what extent their labour movements were more state-oriented, and what influence the state had on the organization of higher education and scientific research, and shaped research topics, methods, theories, and paradigms. The book argues that these different research cultures are still with us today, despite increasing globalization of the subject matter and growing internationalization of the academic world. Based on a comparative historical analysis of research characteristics in Britain, Germany, and the US, this book investigates how employment research developed in different ways in different countries. A longitudinal cross-country comparison of publications in the main journals of the field reveals that employment research is still deeply embedded in longstanding country-specific institutional and ideational traditions. The book makes the case for embracing this diversity, and rejuvenating the subject of employment research through a rediscovery of its policy-oriented research traditions, and a reinstatement of its relevance for society.Less
Contemporary employment research tackles an increasingly globalized subject, much of it using empiricist and a-theoretical methods increasingly embedded in a market-economic paradigm. However, this stands in stark contrast to employment research's historical roots. Exploring these roots, this book traces how employment research was born out of the industrial and also democratic transformations of the 19th century and shows that the variations of employment research can be traced back to nation-specific state traditions. In particular, it shows how countries conceptualized their relationship between political and industrial democracy, to what extent their labour movements were more state-oriented, and what influence the state had on the organization of higher education and scientific research, and shaped research topics, methods, theories, and paradigms. The book argues that these different research cultures are still with us today, despite increasing globalization of the subject matter and growing internationalization of the academic world. Based on a comparative historical analysis of research characteristics in Britain, Germany, and the US, this book investigates how employment research developed in different ways in different countries. A longitudinal cross-country comparison of publications in the main journals of the field reveals that employment research is still deeply embedded in longstanding country-specific institutional and ideational traditions. The book makes the case for embracing this diversity, and rejuvenating the subject of employment research through a rediscovery of its policy-oriented research traditions, and a reinstatement of its relevance for society.
Christopher Candland
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199241149
- eISBN:
- 9780191598920
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199241147.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
In India, an impressive labour movement based on political unionism developed and exercised some influence over economic policy. In Pakistan, an assertive and often militant workers’ movement ...
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In India, an impressive labour movement based on political unionism developed and exercised some influence over economic policy. In Pakistan, an assertive and often militant workers’ movement emerged, was severely repressed, and exercised little influence over economic policy. The paper assesses the ability of trade unions in each country to oppose recent economic reforms, specifically the privatization efforts of each government. The capacity to oppose industrial restructuring is traced to the differing structure of labour institutions, specifically trade union relationships with political parties and workers’ representation in trade unions. In conclusion, the paper draws from a debate within the Indian trade union movement concerning the limitations of political unionism and the need for new union strategies. It suggests that a new unionism, with wider networks among other social organizations and deeper roots in local communities, must also include a new political dimension.Less
In India, an impressive labour movement based on political unionism developed and exercised some influence over economic policy. In Pakistan, an assertive and often militant workers’ movement emerged, was severely repressed, and exercised little influence over economic policy. The paper assesses the ability of trade unions in each country to oppose recent economic reforms, specifically the privatization efforts of each government. The capacity to oppose industrial restructuring is traced to the differing structure of labour institutions, specifically trade union relationships with political parties and workers’ representation in trade unions. In conclusion, the paper draws from a debate within the Indian trade union movement concerning the limitations of political unionism and the need for new union strategies. It suggests that a new unionism, with wider networks among other social organizations and deeper roots in local communities, must also include a new political dimension.
Xiaobo Lu
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199241149
- eISBN:
- 9780191598920
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199241147.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
For nearly three decades, industrial relations in the People's Republic of China were characterized by what were common in state socialist systems—an economy dominated by state‐owned enterprises, ...
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For nearly three decades, industrial relations in the People's Republic of China were characterized by what were common in state socialist systems—an economy dominated by state‐owned enterprises, employee dependence on the enterprise, state‐controlled union organizations, and relative labour peace. Despite sporadic working class protests in PRC history since 1949, there were no organized labour movements. Labour disputes were usually described as ‘contradictions between different parts of the same organization’ by the communist authorities. With the economic reforms launched in 1979, Chinese industrial relations entered a period of change. This chapter proceeds on the premise that political choices as well as institutional legacies of the past, in state socialist countries such as China, affect the sequence and methods of transformation of industrial relations. It aims at laying out some basic features of industrial relations under state socialist regimes and in transition economies with a focus on China. It argues that although the internationalization of the Chinese economy has had a major impact over the past decade, the character and direction of change in Chinese industrial relations is best understood within the framework of the general transition from state socialism to market socialism. Neither the changing international political economy nor the transition from state socialism has diminished the significant role of the state in redefining and managing industrial relations. The pace, scope, and sequence of changes in industrial relations are thus determined not only by choices by key factors responding to a global economy but also significantly by structural constraints derived from the entrenched danwei (work‐unit) system that stood at the core of the pre‐reform Chinese industry.Less
For nearly three decades, industrial relations in the People's Republic of China were characterized by what were common in state socialist systems—an economy dominated by state‐owned enterprises, employee dependence on the enterprise, state‐controlled union organizations, and relative labour peace. Despite sporadic working class protests in PRC history since 1949, there were no organized labour movements. Labour disputes were usually described as ‘contradictions between different parts of the same organization’ by the communist authorities. With the economic reforms launched in 1979, Chinese industrial relations entered a period of change. This chapter proceeds on the premise that political choices as well as institutional legacies of the past, in state socialist countries such as China, affect the sequence and methods of transformation of industrial relations. It aims at laying out some basic features of industrial relations under state socialist regimes and in transition economies with a focus on China. It argues that although the internationalization of the Chinese economy has had a major impact over the past decade, the character and direction of change in Chinese industrial relations is best understood within the framework of the general transition from state socialism to market socialism. Neither the changing international political economy nor the transition from state socialism has diminished the significant role of the state in redefining and managing industrial relations. The pace, scope, and sequence of changes in industrial relations are thus determined not only by choices by key factors responding to a global economy but also significantly by structural constraints derived from the entrenched danwei (work‐unit) system that stood at the core of the pre‐reform Chinese industry.
Mark Bevir
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691150833
- eISBN:
- 9781400840281
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691150833.003.0014
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter looks more closely at the main organizational expression of the religion of socialism, namely, the Labor Church movement. Previous historians have usually explained the rise of the Labor ...
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This chapter looks more closely at the main organizational expression of the religion of socialism, namely, the Labor Church movement. Previous historians have usually explained the rise of the Labor Church as part of a transfer of religious energy to the political sphere and then explained its demise by reference to the continuing process of secularization. In contrast, it focuses on the religious self-understanding of the Labor Church. It begins by explaining the rise of the movement by reference to the immanentist theology with which so many Victorians and Edwardians responded to the crisis of faith. Thereafter, it appeals to the ideas of the movement in order to explain its appeal, structure, and activities and to suggest that the decline of the movement reflected the weaknesses of its theology as a political theory.Less
This chapter looks more closely at the main organizational expression of the religion of socialism, namely, the Labor Church movement. Previous historians have usually explained the rise of the Labor Church as part of a transfer of religious energy to the political sphere and then explained its demise by reference to the continuing process of secularization. In contrast, it focuses on the religious self-understanding of the Labor Church. It begins by explaining the rise of the movement by reference to the immanentist theology with which so many Victorians and Edwardians responded to the crisis of faith. Thereafter, it appeals to the ideas of the movement in order to explain its appeal, structure, and activities and to suggest that the decline of the movement reflected the weaknesses of its theology as a political theory.
Charles Weathers
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199241149
- eISBN:
- 9780191598920
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199241147.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Contemporary Japan is perhaps the ultimate product of ‘globalization’ in many respects. Forcibly opened to the world by the Western powers in the 1850s, the country has since focused its energies on ...
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Contemporary Japan is perhaps the ultimate product of ‘globalization’ in many respects. Forcibly opened to the world by the Western powers in the 1850s, the country has since focused its energies on achieving the greatest possible level of economic development. As a result, the union movement historically has been divided between a right wing, which advocates full cooperation with management and a left wing demanding more resources for social needs and programs. While unions on the right have long dominated organized labour's agenda, even these unions agreed by the 1980s that the labour movement had done too little to improve working conditions and living standards. However, the early 1990s saw the onset of a severe recession and ‘globalization’ (alternatively, a new ‘era of super‐competition’), prompting both businesses and the right‐wing unions to seek comprehensive deregulation of employment systems, against the faltering opposition of the left. As Japan shifts from its ‘paradigm’ of an industrial relations rooted in mass production and ‘lifetime employment’ to a more flexible, high tech–based economy, unions are emphasizing new strategies for protecting jobs in their own industries, and the labour movement's influence over general working conditions has been further eroded. Post‐war Japan's second ‘paradigm shift’ suggests that there are important limits to convergence, as unions spurn the social provisions of the EC, and cooperate with business to nurture Asia as an allied production base for Japan. In addition, those who regarded the Japanese employment system during the 1970s and 1980s as a ‘model’ for organizing cooperative industrial relations in industrializing societies have to confront the fact that the model itself is now in flux.Less
Contemporary Japan is perhaps the ultimate product of ‘globalization’ in many respects. Forcibly opened to the world by the Western powers in the 1850s, the country has since focused its energies on achieving the greatest possible level of economic development. As a result, the union movement historically has been divided between a right wing, which advocates full cooperation with management and a left wing demanding more resources for social needs and programs. While unions on the right have long dominated organized labour's agenda, even these unions agreed by the 1980s that the labour movement had done too little to improve working conditions and living standards. However, the early 1990s saw the onset of a severe recession and ‘globalization’ (alternatively, a new ‘era of super‐competition’), prompting both businesses and the right‐wing unions to seek comprehensive deregulation of employment systems, against the faltering opposition of the left. As Japan shifts from its ‘paradigm’ of an industrial relations rooted in mass production and ‘lifetime employment’ to a more flexible, high tech–based economy, unions are emphasizing new strategies for protecting jobs in their own industries, and the labour movement's influence over general working conditions has been further eroded. Post‐war Japan's second ‘paradigm shift’ suggests that there are important limits to convergence, as unions spurn the social provisions of the EC, and cooperate with business to nurture Asia as an allied production base for Japan. In addition, those who regarded the Japanese employment system during the 1970s and 1980s as a ‘model’ for organizing cooperative industrial relations in industrializing societies have to confront the fact that the model itself is now in flux.
Lowell Turner
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199270149
- eISBN:
- 9780191710353
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199270149.003.0001
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Political Economy
This chapter outlines the aims of the research programme and explains the choice of the five countries that feature in the book. It sets the research programme in the context of broader developments ...
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This chapter outlines the aims of the research programme and explains the choice of the five countries that feature in the book. It sets the research programme in the context of broader developments in industrial relations and political economy in the advanced capitalist world. In particular, reference is made to the debates around the impact of globalization on labour movements and the prospects for labour movement revitalization.Less
This chapter outlines the aims of the research programme and explains the choice of the five countries that feature in the book. It sets the research programme in the context of broader developments in industrial relations and political economy in the advanced capitalist world. In particular, reference is made to the debates around the impact of globalization on labour movements and the prospects for labour movement revitalization.
Kenneth M. Roberts
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198781837
- eISBN:
- 9780191598968
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198781830.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
How have left parties responded to the challenges of neo‐liberalism, the debt crisis, and the decline of socialist models, and how have they adapted their economic projects? In Peru, the left went ...
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How have left parties responded to the challenges of neo‐liberalism, the debt crisis, and the decline of socialist models, and how have they adapted their economic projects? In Peru, the left went from serious national contender in the 1980s to political also‐ran in the 1990s under Fujimori's neo‐liberal reforms, while the Chilean left was able to return to power in the 1990s with a moderate economic programme following Pinochet's authoritarian neo‐liberal transformation of that country. This comparative examination of left parties’ responses in Chile and Peru argues that structural changes in capitalism have helped consolidate social democratic reformism on the left even as two structural constraints undermine the possibilities for redistributive social democratic reforms: namely, (1) the internationalization of economic competition and capital markets, and (2) the structural weakness of labour and social fragmentation of civil society.Less
How have left parties responded to the challenges of neo‐liberalism, the debt crisis, and the decline of socialist models, and how have they adapted their economic projects? In Peru, the left went from serious national contender in the 1980s to political also‐ran in the 1990s under Fujimori's neo‐liberal reforms, while the Chilean left was able to return to power in the 1990s with a moderate economic programme following Pinochet's authoritarian neo‐liberal transformation of that country. This comparative examination of left parties’ responses in Chile and Peru argues that structural changes in capitalism have helped consolidate social democratic reformism on the left even as two structural constraints undermine the possibilities for redistributive social democratic reforms: namely, (1) the internationalization of economic competition and capital markets, and (2) the structural weakness of labour and social fragmentation of civil society.
Michael Shalev
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198285137
- eISBN:
- 9780191684494
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198285137.003.0004
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Public and Welfare
This chapter discusses Mapai, the Hebrew acronym for Palestine Workers' Party. This party is one of the few political parties in the West that successfully attained the status of ‘dominant party’. It ...
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This chapter discusses Mapai, the Hebrew acronym for Palestine Workers' Party. This party is one of the few political parties in the West that successfully attained the status of ‘dominant party’. It was created in January 1930 as a result of the merger of the two leading labour-movement parties of the Yishaw. In 1933, the Mapai won over the Zionist movement in elections and its leader, David Ben-Gurion, became the chairman of the Jewish Agency Executive from the year 1935. Eventually, Ben-Gurion became the Prime Minister of Israel. The chapter discusses the reasons behind the Mapai's supremacy and the history of its success as a party in Israel.Less
This chapter discusses Mapai, the Hebrew acronym for Palestine Workers' Party. This party is one of the few political parties in the West that successfully attained the status of ‘dominant party’. It was created in January 1930 as a result of the merger of the two leading labour-movement parties of the Yishaw. In 1933, the Mapai won over the Zionist movement in elections and its leader, David Ben-Gurion, became the chairman of the Jewish Agency Executive from the year 1935. Eventually, Ben-Gurion became the Prime Minister of Israel. The chapter discusses the reasons behind the Mapai's supremacy and the history of its success as a party in Israel.
Stefan Berger
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205005
- eISBN:
- 9780191676451
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205005.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter examines the importance of notions of solidarity in the British Labour Party and the German Social Democratic Party (SPD). It provides a comparative analysis of the parties' local ...
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This chapter examines the importance of notions of solidarity in the British Labour Party and the German Social Democratic Party (SPD). It provides a comparative analysis of the parties' local organizations and the local ancillary organizations. It also discusses the degree of participation of British and German workers in party affairs, the labour movement culture in the two countries, and the implications of being members of the SPD or the Labour Party.Less
This chapter examines the importance of notions of solidarity in the British Labour Party and the German Social Democratic Party (SPD). It provides a comparative analysis of the parties' local organizations and the local ancillary organizations. It also discusses the degree of participation of British and German workers in party affairs, the labour movement culture in the two countries, and the implications of being members of the SPD or the Labour Party.
Emily Zackin
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691155777
- eISBN:
- 9781400846276
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691155777.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Public Policy
This chapter examines the campaigns to add labor rights to state constitutions. The quintessential arguments about America's exceptional liberalism and its uniquely negative-rights culture have ...
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This chapter examines the campaigns to add labor rights to state constitutions. The quintessential arguments about America's exceptional liberalism and its uniquely negative-rights culture have focused on the labor movement, which Louis Hartz has argued was a participant in—rather than a rival of—the dominant economic and ideological regime. The chapter first considers the labor provisions of state constitutions before discussing the ways that labor leaders and organizations influenced the drafting of new constitutions and amendments to existing constitutions. It then explains how labor rights were created not only to overturn particular court decisions, but also to preempt possible litigation. It also shows how labor organizations used constitutional rights to dictate state legislatures what they had to do while simultaneously telling courts what they could not do. The chapter demonstrates that, even in the area of labor regulation, Americans have successfully pursued the creation of positive rights.Less
This chapter examines the campaigns to add labor rights to state constitutions. The quintessential arguments about America's exceptional liberalism and its uniquely negative-rights culture have focused on the labor movement, which Louis Hartz has argued was a participant in—rather than a rival of—the dominant economic and ideological regime. The chapter first considers the labor provisions of state constitutions before discussing the ways that labor leaders and organizations influenced the drafting of new constitutions and amendments to existing constitutions. It then explains how labor rights were created not only to overturn particular court decisions, but also to preempt possible litigation. It also shows how labor organizations used constitutional rights to dictate state legislatures what they had to do while simultaneously telling courts what they could not do. The chapter demonstrates that, even in the area of labor regulation, Americans have successfully pursued the creation of positive rights.
Marshall Ganz
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195162011
- eISBN:
- 9780199943401
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195162011.003.0002
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
From 1900 to 1950, three waves of attempts at organizing farm workers failed to win a single multiyear contract, establish a sustainable farm workers union, or reform the rules governing the farm ...
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From 1900 to 1950, three waves of attempts at organizing farm workers failed to win a single multiyear contract, establish a sustainable farm workers union, or reform the rules governing the farm labor market. At each of those moments, ethnic labor associations, radical networks, and the American Federation of Labor (AFL) were involved, but in competition rather than collaboration. Recognizing their limited ability to challenge growers on their turf, labor leaders learned that no matter how well organized they were locally, they often had to win outside support to make even short-term gains.Less
From 1900 to 1950, three waves of attempts at organizing farm workers failed to win a single multiyear contract, establish a sustainable farm workers union, or reform the rules governing the farm labor market. At each of those moments, ethnic labor associations, radical networks, and the American Federation of Labor (AFL) were involved, but in competition rather than collaboration. Recognizing their limited ability to challenge growers on their turf, labor leaders learned that no matter how well organized they were locally, they often had to win outside support to make even short-term gains.
Landon R. Y. Storrs
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691153964
- eISBN:
- 9781400845255
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691153964.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter looks at key figures in the emerging anticommunist network and analyzes two early episodes: the Smith Committee attack on the National Labor Relations Board and its allies, and the Dies ...
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This chapter looks at key figures in the emerging anticommunist network and analyzes two early episodes: the Smith Committee attack on the National Labor Relations Board and its allies, and the Dies Committee attack on the consumer movement, especially the League of Women Shoppers and the Office of Price Administration. The power of the labor movement in stimulating the reaction against the New Deal is well known, but the consumer movement should be recognized as another major trigger. Women were important in the ascendance of both industrial unionism and organized consumerism, and conservatives highlighted women's role in an effort to undermine public confidence in those movements and their allied government agencies.Less
This chapter looks at key figures in the emerging anticommunist network and analyzes two early episodes: the Smith Committee attack on the National Labor Relations Board and its allies, and the Dies Committee attack on the consumer movement, especially the League of Women Shoppers and the Office of Price Administration. The power of the labor movement in stimulating the reaction against the New Deal is well known, but the consumer movement should be recognized as another major trigger. Women were important in the ascendance of both industrial unionism and organized consumerism, and conservatives highlighted women's role in an effort to undermine public confidence in those movements and their allied government agencies.
John N. Horne
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201809
- eISBN:
- 9780191675027
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201809.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Social History
This is a comparative study of national labour movements in France and Britain during the First World War. Historians of labour in this period have concentrated on pacifism, and on the post-war ...
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This is a comparative study of national labour movements in France and Britain during the First World War. Historians of labour in this period have concentrated on pacifism, and on the post-war radicalism and emergent communism to which that contributed. The book focuses instead on the majorities in both the French and the British labour movements which continued to support the war to its end. It examines the terms of their support, and the broader working-class experience which this reflected, showing how a critical programme of socialist reforms was gradually developed. The book is a comparative analysis, based on primary research in both countries.Less
This is a comparative study of national labour movements in France and Britain during the First World War. Historians of labour in this period have concentrated on pacifism, and on the post-war radicalism and emergent communism to which that contributed. The book focuses instead on the majorities in both the French and the British labour movements which continued to support the war to its end. It examines the terms of their support, and the broader working-class experience which this reflected, showing how a critical programme of socialist reforms was gradually developed. The book is a comparative analysis, based on primary research in both countries.
Stefan Berger
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205005
- eISBN:
- 9780191676451
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205005.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter compares the integration of the British and the German labour movements into their respective societies. It aims to provide support to the argument that British and German societies were ...
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This chapter compares the integration of the British and the German labour movements into their respective societies. It aims to provide support to the argument that British and German societies were not so different in their response to the labour movement. It discusses the ambiguity of state reactions to Labour, including outright repression, the ambiguous attitude of working class parties towards parliamentary democracy, and the attitudes of both working class parties to the middle classes and the bourgeois culture.Less
This chapter compares the integration of the British and the German labour movements into their respective societies. It aims to provide support to the argument that British and German societies were not so different in their response to the labour movement. It discusses the ambiguity of state reactions to Labour, including outright repression, the ambiguous attitude of working class parties towards parliamentary democracy, and the attitudes of both working class parties to the middle classes and the bourgeois culture.
John N. Horne
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201809
- eISBN:
- 9780191675027
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201809.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Social History
This chapter describes a variety of factors in the British labour movement which worked against the emergence of a specific war reformism comparable to that in France in the first eighteen months of ...
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This chapter describes a variety of factors in the British labour movement which worked against the emergence of a specific war reformism comparable to that in France in the first eighteen months of the war. It also discusses the Labour and the New Social Order, the Labour Party's official post-war ‘reconstruction’ programme. This programme is a summation of the process by which the increasingly critical participation of labour leaders in the national effort found expression in a vision of reforms, arising from the war itself, but projected in an idealized programmatic form to the post-war world.Less
This chapter describes a variety of factors in the British labour movement which worked against the emergence of a specific war reformism comparable to that in France in the first eighteen months of the war. It also discusses the Labour and the New Social Order, the Labour Party's official post-war ‘reconstruction’ programme. This programme is a summation of the process by which the increasingly critical participation of labour leaders in the national effort found expression in a vision of reforms, arising from the war itself, but projected in an idealized programmatic form to the post-war world.
Carol A. Horton
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195143485
- eISBN:
- 9780199850402
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195143485.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Anti-caste and Darwinian liberalism were not the only important civic discourses in late 19th-century America. Another important alternative was producer republicanism, which argued that the new form ...
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Anti-caste and Darwinian liberalism were not the only important civic discourses in late 19th-century America. Another important alternative was producer republicanism, which argued that the new form of corporate capitalism that had developed in the wake of the Civil War had so undermined the economic bases of citizenship that it threatened to destroy the foundation of the American republic. The rapid growth of corporate capital, republicans asserted, had divided American society into two great classes marked by enormous disparities of wealth and power. Within the labor movement, an organization known as the Knights of Labor represented producer republicanism's most powerful expression, particularly during the Knights' period of greatest strength in the early to mid-1880s. Its most important counterpart in the agrarian sphere was Populism. Although neither the labor nor the agrarian movement was able to attain national political power and implement the majority of the legal and policy reforms that they advocated, their size and prominence nonetheless made them an important part of late 19th-century American politics.Less
Anti-caste and Darwinian liberalism were not the only important civic discourses in late 19th-century America. Another important alternative was producer republicanism, which argued that the new form of corporate capitalism that had developed in the wake of the Civil War had so undermined the economic bases of citizenship that it threatened to destroy the foundation of the American republic. The rapid growth of corporate capital, republicans asserted, had divided American society into two great classes marked by enormous disparities of wealth and power. Within the labor movement, an organization known as the Knights of Labor represented producer republicanism's most powerful expression, particularly during the Knights' period of greatest strength in the early to mid-1880s. Its most important counterpart in the agrarian sphere was Populism. Although neither the labor nor the agrarian movement was able to attain national political power and implement the majority of the legal and policy reforms that they advocated, their size and prominence nonetheless made them an important part of late 19th-century American politics.
Robin Archer
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295389
- eISBN:
- 9780191598722
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295383.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Seeks to clarify the concept of feasibility and distinguish it from concepts of viability and efficiency. It focuses on the question of whether there is a feasible strategy that would enable the ...
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Seeks to clarify the concept of feasibility and distinguish it from concepts of viability and efficiency. It focuses on the question of whether there is a feasible strategy that would enable the labour movement to move step by step towards economic democracy, beginning with circumstances as they exist at present. The chapter suggests that discussion should be limited to advanced capitalist countries with politically significant labour movements.Less
Seeks to clarify the concept of feasibility and distinguish it from concepts of viability and efficiency. It focuses on the question of whether there is a feasible strategy that would enable the labour movement to move step by step towards economic democracy, beginning with circumstances as they exist at present. The chapter suggests that discussion should be limited to advanced capitalist countries with politically significant labour movements.
Hyun Ok Park
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780231171922
- eISBN:
- 9780231540513
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231171922.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
Chapter 2 examines the co-temporality of political regimes, recognition of which leads to formulating the co-temporality of hitherto fragmented groups of labor including unionized domestic workers, ...
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Chapter 2 examines the co-temporality of political regimes, recognition of which leads to formulating the co-temporality of hitherto fragmented groups of labor including unionized domestic workers, non-unionized irregular workers, foreign migrant workers, and ethnic returnees.Less
Chapter 2 examines the co-temporality of political regimes, recognition of which leads to formulating the co-temporality of hitherto fragmented groups of labor including unionized domestic workers, non-unionized irregular workers, foreign migrant workers, and ethnic returnees.
Hwa-Jen Liu
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780816689514
- eISBN:
- 9781452952420
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816689514.003.0005
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
Chapter 4 elaborates different sets of organizational and cultural legacies that labor and environmental movements as early risers leave, and how latecomer movements both borrowed and reacted to the ...
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Chapter 4 elaborates different sets of organizational and cultural legacies that labor and environmental movements as early risers leave, and how latecomer movements both borrowed and reacted to the “early-riser templates” in their organizational and cultural strategies.Less
Chapter 4 elaborates different sets of organizational and cultural legacies that labor and environmental movements as early risers leave, and how latecomer movements both borrowed and reacted to the “early-riser templates” in their organizational and cultural strategies.
Stefan Berger
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205005
- eISBN:
- 9780191676451
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205005.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter examines the relations between the British Labour Party and the German Social Democratic Party (SPD). It evaluates the scope and quality of existing relations in order to determine how ...
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This chapter examines the relations between the British Labour Party and the German Social Democratic Party (SPD). It evaluates the scope and quality of existing relations in order to determine how close or how far apart the two parties were during the period from 1890 to 1930. It concludes that if the two parties were based on a similar form of socialism, then it is pertinent to reopen the debate concerning the existing typologies of the labour movement.Less
This chapter examines the relations between the British Labour Party and the German Social Democratic Party (SPD). It evaluates the scope and quality of existing relations in order to determine how close or how far apart the two parties were during the period from 1890 to 1930. It concludes that if the two parties were based on a similar form of socialism, then it is pertinent to reopen the debate concerning the existing typologies of the labour movement.
