Tanya Cheadle
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781526125255
- eISBN:
- 9781526152060
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7765/9781526125262.00007
- Subject:
- History, Social History
This chapter examines the sexual progressivism of Bella and Charles Pearce, important figures within the Independent Labour Party (ILP) in 1890s Glasgow. Bella wrote as ‘Lily Bell’ for the Labour ...
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This chapter examines the sexual progressivism of Bella and Charles Pearce, important figures within the Independent Labour Party (ILP) in 1890s Glasgow. Bella wrote as ‘Lily Bell’ for the Labour Leader, her column ‘Matrons and Maidens’ providing a weekly feminist critique of contemporary sexual relations, addressing topics including the sexual double standard, prostitution and ‘free love’. Charles Pearce was equally committed to women’s rights, described as one of the era’s ‘new men’. Their route to radical politics was via Chartism and the Ruskin Society, and they initially believed ‘new life’ or ethical socialism held the potential to transform intimate relations. However, during this decade, the relationship between those campaigning for socialism and women’s suffrage was fraught, the chapter providing evidence of the sexualisation of female activists by male socialist writers and of James Keir Hardie’s elision of gender exploitation in his reading of an 1896 brothel scandal. Bella’s eventual denunciation of the ILP as a ‘man’s party’ in 1907, it is argued here, is reflective of the difficulties faced by those putting forward a feminist sexual politics within the masculinist rhetoric and practice of late Victorian socialism.Less
This chapter examines the sexual progressivism of Bella and Charles Pearce, important figures within the Independent Labour Party (ILP) in 1890s Glasgow. Bella wrote as ‘Lily Bell’ for the Labour Leader, her column ‘Matrons and Maidens’ providing a weekly feminist critique of contemporary sexual relations, addressing topics including the sexual double standard, prostitution and ‘free love’. Charles Pearce was equally committed to women’s rights, described as one of the era’s ‘new men’. Their route to radical politics was via Chartism and the Ruskin Society, and they initially believed ‘new life’ or ethical socialism held the potential to transform intimate relations. However, during this decade, the relationship between those campaigning for socialism and women’s suffrage was fraught, the chapter providing evidence of the sexualisation of female activists by male socialist writers and of James Keir Hardie’s elision of gender exploitation in his reading of an 1896 brothel scandal. Bella’s eventual denunciation of the ILP as a ‘man’s party’ in 1907, it is argued here, is reflective of the difficulties faced by those putting forward a feminist sexual politics within the masculinist rhetoric and practice of late Victorian socialism.
John N. Horne
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201809
- eISBN:
- 9780191675027
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201809.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Social History
This chapter discusses the so-called ‘choice of 1914’, a choice which underlay labour participation in the war efforts down to November 1918. It examines how labour leaders in France and Britain ...
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This chapter discusses the so-called ‘choice of 1914’, a choice which underlay labour participation in the war efforts down to November 1918. It examines how labour leaders in France and Britain could, without being propaganda victims, identify with the national cause in essentially ideological terms.Less
This chapter discusses the so-called ‘choice of 1914’, a choice which underlay labour participation in the war efforts down to November 1918. It examines how labour leaders in France and Britain could, without being propaganda victims, identify with the national cause in essentially ideological terms.
John N. Horne
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201809
- eISBN:
- 9780191675027
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201809.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Social History
Although wartime reformism was engendered above all by the domestic impact of the conflict, international questions were vital to majority labour leaders throughout. This chapter examines the ...
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Although wartime reformism was engendered above all by the domestic impact of the conflict, international questions were vital to majority labour leaders throughout. This chapter examines the relationship between international issues and the theme of the war as an agent of reform. There is a common assumption that in the international and domestic spheres, the war itself was a dynamic force which made any return to the pre-war world impossible. Moreover, the nature of and change in both spheres is perceived as intimately linked. International peace and an international attempt to regulate the economic problems generated by the war are the preconditions of plans for domestic reform.Less
Although wartime reformism was engendered above all by the domestic impact of the conflict, international questions were vital to majority labour leaders throughout. This chapter examines the relationship between international issues and the theme of the war as an agent of reform. There is a common assumption that in the international and domestic spheres, the war itself was a dynamic force which made any return to the pre-war world impossible. Moreover, the nature of and change in both spheres is perceived as intimately linked. International peace and an international attempt to regulate the economic problems generated by the war are the preconditions of plans for domestic reform.
John N. Horne
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201809
- eISBN:
- 9780191675027
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201809.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Social History
This chapter focuses on the response of the French labour movement to the declaration of war in 1914. It describes the social problems brought about by military mobilization and how these problems ...
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This chapter focuses on the response of the French labour movement to the declaration of war in 1914. It describes the social problems brought about by military mobilization and how these problems forced labour leaders to respond to the crisis as a social emergency. The social impact of the war on labour became a major preoccupation of the labour leaderships who abided by the ‘choice of 1914’.Less
This chapter focuses on the response of the French labour movement to the declaration of war in 1914. It describes the social problems brought about by military mobilization and how these problems forced labour leaders to respond to the crisis as a social emergency. The social impact of the war on labour became a major preoccupation of the labour leaderships who abided by the ‘choice of 1914’.
John N. Horne
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201809
- eISBN:
- 9780191675027
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201809.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Social History
When the French labour leaders considered that the social problems spawned by the war had a post-war relevance, they developed a tendency to consider the war's wider significance for the future of ...
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When the French labour leaders considered that the social problems spawned by the war had a post-war relevance, they developed a tendency to consider the war's wider significance for the future of society. In so doing, they tried to relate the major features of the war from their perspective — the political self-mobilization of organized labour, the munitions effort, the possibilities for peace — to past doctrines and to more permanent preoccupations of organized labour. This chapter examines the efforts of the labour leaders and the central institutions of the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT), the Parti Socialiste (PS), and the co-operative movement in developing a programme of post-war reforms.Less
When the French labour leaders considered that the social problems spawned by the war had a post-war relevance, they developed a tendency to consider the war's wider significance for the future of society. In so doing, they tried to relate the major features of the war from their perspective — the political self-mobilization of organized labour, the munitions effort, the possibilities for peace — to past doctrines and to more permanent preoccupations of organized labour. This chapter examines the efforts of the labour leaders and the central institutions of the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT), the Parti Socialiste (PS), and the co-operative movement in developing a programme of post-war reforms.
David Howell
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198203049
- eISBN:
- 9780191719530
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203049.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Although backbenchers might have their disagreements with specific policies of the Prime Minister, criticisms and reservations were often presented discreetly and set within a framework of loyalty to ...
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Although backbenchers might have their disagreements with specific policies of the Prime Minister, criticisms and reservations were often presented discreetly and set within a framework of loyalty to the Government. In contrast, those cast as perennial and unreasonable critics were marginalized and during the 1929 parliament increasingly subject to recrimination and disciplinary sanctions. Some bases for parliamentary loyalism were characteristic of any political party, in part because Labour leaders could benefit from a sympathy that acquired much of its power from the authorized version of party history. The Labour leadership down to 1931 comprised essentially those pioneers who had built up the party when there seemed no credible expectations of office. Their achievements both in the construction of the party and as studies in individual social mobility commanded respect.Less
Although backbenchers might have their disagreements with specific policies of the Prime Minister, criticisms and reservations were often presented discreetly and set within a framework of loyalty to the Government. In contrast, those cast as perennial and unreasonable critics were marginalized and during the 1929 parliament increasingly subject to recrimination and disciplinary sanctions. Some bases for parliamentary loyalism were characteristic of any political party, in part because Labour leaders could benefit from a sympathy that acquired much of its power from the authorized version of party history. The Labour leadership down to 1931 comprised essentially those pioneers who had built up the party when there seemed no credible expectations of office. Their achievements both in the construction of the party and as studies in individual social mobility commanded respect.
June Hannam
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781474412537
- eISBN:
- 9781474445054
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474412537.003.0029
- Subject:
- Literature, Women's Literature
This chapter examines the complex and ambiguous relationship of the Labour Party to gender and feminism in the interwar years through a study of the Labour Leader/ New Leader, the official organ of ...
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This chapter examines the complex and ambiguous relationship of the Labour Party to gender and feminism in the interwar years through a study of the Labour Leader/ New Leader, the official organ of the socialist group, the Independent Labour Party. The paper was aimed at a mixed-sex audience. The chapter focuses on women as journalists, debates on gender differences and women’s nature, and policy questions relating specifically to women, including organising separately, birth control and family allowances. A consideration of these areas highlights the diversity of women’s voices and concerns. It contends that in the new context of the interwar years socialist women did not just abandon their feminist perspective in favour of the class struggle; instead, they were finding ways to work through the complex relationship between the two. The Labour Leader/ New Leader provided a space where issues relating to gender could be debated openly.Less
This chapter examines the complex and ambiguous relationship of the Labour Party to gender and feminism in the interwar years through a study of the Labour Leader/ New Leader, the official organ of the socialist group, the Independent Labour Party. The paper was aimed at a mixed-sex audience. The chapter focuses on women as journalists, debates on gender differences and women’s nature, and policy questions relating specifically to women, including organising separately, birth control and family allowances. A consideration of these areas highlights the diversity of women’s voices and concerns. It contends that in the new context of the interwar years socialist women did not just abandon their feminist perspective in favour of the class struggle; instead, they were finding ways to work through the complex relationship between the two. The Labour Leader/ New Leader provided a space where issues relating to gender could be debated openly.
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780853239444
- eISBN:
- 9781846313455
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/liverpool/9780853239444.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter examines the career of David Shackleton as a labour leader and Member of Parliament in 1906–1907. It describes two events in 1906 that saw him clearly emerge as a towering figure in the ...
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This chapter examines the career of David Shackleton as a labour leader and Member of Parliament in 1906–1907. It describes two events in 1906 that saw him clearly emerge as a towering figure in the labour movement. These include the election of officers by the Labour Representation Committee (LRC)-endorsed parliamentarians and the passage of the Trade Disputes Act. This chapter also highlights Shackleton's failure to get the party chairmanship and discusses the views the he placed more value on his position as chairman of the Parliamentary Committee of the Trade Union Congress.Less
This chapter examines the career of David Shackleton as a labour leader and Member of Parliament in 1906–1907. It describes two events in 1906 that saw him clearly emerge as a towering figure in the labour movement. These include the election of officers by the Labour Representation Committee (LRC)-endorsed parliamentarians and the passage of the Trade Disputes Act. This chapter also highlights Shackleton's failure to get the party chairmanship and discusses the views the he placed more value on his position as chairman of the Parliamentary Committee of the Trade Union Congress.
Joseph B. Atkins
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781934110805
- eISBN:
- 9781604733259
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781934110805.003.0004
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Media Studies
This chapter discusses the relationship between the civil rights movement and the labor movement in the South. It explains that the civil rights movement was largely influenced by the labor movements ...
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This chapter discusses the relationship between the civil rights movement and the labor movement in the South. It explains that the civil rights movement was largely influenced by the labor movements in the South, which were organized by labor leaders John L. Lewis, Walter Reuther, and A. Phillip Randolph. It notes that the relationship between civil rights and labor is still important in achieving their respective goals, as seen in July 2006 when labor and civil rights advocates gathered to proclaim the importance of one another in advancing the cause of social justice.Less
This chapter discusses the relationship between the civil rights movement and the labor movement in the South. It explains that the civil rights movement was largely influenced by the labor movements in the South, which were organized by labor leaders John L. Lewis, Walter Reuther, and A. Phillip Randolph. It notes that the relationship between civil rights and labor is still important in achieving their respective goals, as seen in July 2006 when labor and civil rights advocates gathered to proclaim the importance of one another in advancing the cause of social justice.
Deborah Mutch
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781474433907
- eISBN:
- 9781474465120
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474433907.003.0023
- Subject:
- Literature, Women's Literature
In this essay, Deborah Mutch considers the women’s columns of two socialist periodicals in the 1890s: the Labour Leader (1894–1922), edited by Keir Hardie, and the Clarion (1891–1935), edited by ...
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In this essay, Deborah Mutch considers the women’s columns of two socialist periodicals in the 1890s: the Labour Leader (1894–1922), edited by Keir Hardie, and the Clarion (1891–1935), edited by Robert Blatchford. In spite of the progressive, ethical brand of socialism promoted by the two male editors, Mutch demonstrates that broader anxieties about the place of women within the socialist movement can be mapped spatially in their periodicals. What emerges from a spatial analysis of the women’s columns in both is a clear sense of the relationship between column inches and the gender politics that undergirds each periodical’s editorial agenda. Measuring the space allocated to women in both periodicals yields the conclusion that ‘women’s voices and women’s problems held only a fraction of the importance of men’s,’ which functions to further highlight the ‘marginal position’ that women occupied within British socialism at this time (p. 377).Less
In this essay, Deborah Mutch considers the women’s columns of two socialist periodicals in the 1890s: the Labour Leader (1894–1922), edited by Keir Hardie, and the Clarion (1891–1935), edited by Robert Blatchford. In spite of the progressive, ethical brand of socialism promoted by the two male editors, Mutch demonstrates that broader anxieties about the place of women within the socialist movement can be mapped spatially in their periodicals. What emerges from a spatial analysis of the women’s columns in both is a clear sense of the relationship between column inches and the gender politics that undergirds each periodical’s editorial agenda. Measuring the space allocated to women in both periodicals yields the conclusion that ‘women’s voices and women’s problems held only a fraction of the importance of men’s,’ which functions to further highlight the ‘marginal position’ that women occupied within British socialism at this time (p. 377).
David Lee McMullen
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813034867
- eISBN:
- 9780813038674
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813034867.003.0013
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
One of the last organized events of the textile workers strike occurred when Dawson and other Textile Mill Committee leaders took a group of children to the office of the New Bedford school ...
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One of the last organized events of the textile workers strike occurred when Dawson and other Textile Mill Committee leaders took a group of children to the office of the New Bedford school superintendent to protest the brutal treatment these children had received in school from teachers and classmates, and to ask the school system to provide food and clothing for the children of the strikers. When the superintendent declined, the committee called for a student strike. On October 6 of that year, the mill owners of New Bedford announced that they would open their mills on the following day. After almost six months, the New Bedford textile strike was over. The unskilled workers had been sold out by the skilled workers in a bargain between the Textile Council and the Manufacturers' Association. Most unskilled workers felt they had no choice but to return to work.Less
One of the last organized events of the textile workers strike occurred when Dawson and other Textile Mill Committee leaders took a group of children to the office of the New Bedford school superintendent to protest the brutal treatment these children had received in school from teachers and classmates, and to ask the school system to provide food and clothing for the children of the strikers. When the superintendent declined, the committee called for a student strike. On October 6 of that year, the mill owners of New Bedford announced that they would open their mills on the following day. After almost six months, the New Bedford textile strike was over. The unskilled workers had been sold out by the skilled workers in a bargain between the Textile Council and the Manufacturers' Association. Most unskilled workers felt they had no choice but to return to work.
Gabriel Sheffer
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198279945
- eISBN:
- 9780191684326
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198279945.003.0016
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
THE dream and the ultimate operative goal of Israel's Labour leaders was the ‘normalization’ of the Jewish people through the creation of a ‘normal’ state. For Moshe Sharett, such normalization ...
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THE dream and the ultimate operative goal of Israel's Labour leaders was the ‘normalization’ of the Jewish people through the creation of a ‘normal’ state. For Moshe Sharett, such normalization meant, among other things, that Israel would become a recognized member of the ‘family of nations’, which would involve Israel's membership of the UN, friendly relations with the powers, and especially with its neighbours. By early March 1949 it looked as if Sharett's long-term campaign towards the first end was approaching its successful conclusion. When Israel's renewed request for UN membership was brought before the Security Council, the Israeli delegation as well as the embassy in Washington had waged an immense diplomatic campaign intended to secure the admission.Less
THE dream and the ultimate operative goal of Israel's Labour leaders was the ‘normalization’ of the Jewish people through the creation of a ‘normal’ state. For Moshe Sharett, such normalization meant, among other things, that Israel would become a recognized member of the ‘family of nations’, which would involve Israel's membership of the UN, friendly relations with the powers, and especially with its neighbours. By early March 1949 it looked as if Sharett's long-term campaign towards the first end was approaching its successful conclusion. When Israel's renewed request for UN membership was brought before the Security Council, the Israeli delegation as well as the embassy in Washington had waged an immense diplomatic campaign intended to secure the admission.
Joseph B. Atkins
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781934110805
- eISBN:
- 9781604733259
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781934110805.003.0005
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Media Studies
This chapter explores the struggles of Southern labor leaders against the Mississippi press. It contends that newspapers in Mississippi have taken anti-union stands, even berating union leaders for ...
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This chapter explores the struggles of Southern labor leaders against the Mississippi press. It contends that newspapers in Mississippi have taken anti-union stands, even berating union leaders for promoting racial integration. It notes that newspaper columnists were also blasting labor unions, and even advocating that unions should be kept out of the facilities of Mississippi.Less
This chapter explores the struggles of Southern labor leaders against the Mississippi press. It contends that newspapers in Mississippi have taken anti-union stands, even berating union leaders for promoting racial integration. It notes that newspaper columnists were also blasting labor unions, and even advocating that unions should be kept out of the facilities of Mississippi.
Marcia Walker-McWilliams
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252040528
- eISBN:
- 9780252098963
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252040528.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
Labor leader, civil rights activist, outspoken feminist, African American clergywoman—Reverend Addie Wyatt stood at the confluence of many rivers of change in twentieth-century America. The first ...
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Labor leader, civil rights activist, outspoken feminist, African American clergywoman—Reverend Addie Wyatt stood at the confluence of many rivers of change in twentieth-century America. The first female president of a local chapter of the United Packinghouse Workers of America, Wyatt worked alongside Martin Luther King Jr. and Eleanor Roosevelt and appeared as one of Time magazine's Women of the Year in 1975. This book tells the incredible story of Addie Wyatt and her times. What began for Wyatt as a journey to overcome poverty became a lifetime commitment to social justice and the collective struggle against economic, racial, and gender inequalities. The book illuminates how Wyatt's own experiences with hardship and many forms of discrimination drove her work as an activist and leader. A parallel journey led her to develop an abiding spiritual faith, one that denied defeatism by refusing to accept such circumstances as immutable social forces.Less
Labor leader, civil rights activist, outspoken feminist, African American clergywoman—Reverend Addie Wyatt stood at the confluence of many rivers of change in twentieth-century America. The first female president of a local chapter of the United Packinghouse Workers of America, Wyatt worked alongside Martin Luther King Jr. and Eleanor Roosevelt and appeared as one of Time magazine's Women of the Year in 1975. This book tells the incredible story of Addie Wyatt and her times. What began for Wyatt as a journey to overcome poverty became a lifetime commitment to social justice and the collective struggle against economic, racial, and gender inequalities. The book illuminates how Wyatt's own experiences with hardship and many forms of discrimination drove her work as an activist and leader. A parallel journey led her to develop an abiding spiritual faith, one that denied defeatism by refusing to accept such circumstances as immutable social forces.
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780853239444
- eISBN:
- 9781846313455
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/liverpool/9780853239444.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This introductory chapter discusses the theme of this volume which is the career of David Shackleton of Lancashire, England as a labour leader and civil servant. This volume aims to remedy the ...
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This introductory chapter discusses the theme of this volume which is the career of David Shackleton of Lancashire, England as a labour leader and civil servant. This volume aims to remedy the neglect of Shackleton's role in the establishment of the Labour Party and argues that though he was unfashionable among labour historians he had qualities that make him more representative of the Edwardian labour movement than those of his contemporaries like Tom Mann and Ben Tillett who have attracted much greater literary attention. It explains that Shackleton cast a towering shadow across the Edwardian labour movement and that he scaled the austere heights of the British civil service.Less
This introductory chapter discusses the theme of this volume which is the career of David Shackleton of Lancashire, England as a labour leader and civil servant. This volume aims to remedy the neglect of Shackleton's role in the establishment of the Labour Party and argues that though he was unfashionable among labour historians he had qualities that make him more representative of the Edwardian labour movement than those of his contemporaries like Tom Mann and Ben Tillett who have attracted much greater literary attention. It explains that Shackleton cast a towering shadow across the Edwardian labour movement and that he scaled the austere heights of the British civil service.
Michael Goldfield
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- March 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780190079321
- eISBN:
- 9780190079352
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190079321.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Political History, American History: 20th Century
Chapter 1 presents a framework for examining the large-scale historical questions posed by The Southern Key, discussing both issues of philosophy of social science and the main theoretical constructs ...
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Chapter 1 presents a framework for examining the large-scale historical questions posed by The Southern Key, discussing both issues of philosophy of social science and the main theoretical constructs that underpin the work. It argues for the centrality of the economy, in contrast to the currently popular cultural analysis. It also examines what allows workers to have power in capitalist societies, and why some groups of workers have more leverage than others. And it highlights the central role of leadership in determining the successes and failures of labor struggles.Less
Chapter 1 presents a framework for examining the large-scale historical questions posed by The Southern Key, discussing both issues of philosophy of social science and the main theoretical constructs that underpin the work. It argues for the centrality of the economy, in contrast to the currently popular cultural analysis. It also examines what allows workers to have power in capitalist societies, and why some groups of workers have more leverage than others. And it highlights the central role of leadership in determining the successes and failures of labor struggles.
Gerald Horne
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- November 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780824835026
- eISBN:
- 9780824870294
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Hawai'i Press
- DOI:
- 10.21313/hawaii/9780824835026.003.0004
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Pacific Studies
This chapter considers the impact of war on the labor movement. After the bombing of Pearl Harbor, conservative whites became furiously suspicious that the saloons, taverns, and bars run by those of ...
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This chapter considers the impact of war on the labor movement. After the bombing of Pearl Harbor, conservative whites became furiously suspicious that the saloons, taverns, and bars run by those of Japanese origin “knew in advance of the sneak attack” and joined in. Some whites believed that “Japanese plantation workers had defected and fired on American soldiers.” These concerns reflect a guilty fear that the apartheid that had been visited upon those of Japanese origin in particular had backfired. The Pacific War, which ensnared an archipelago with a plurality of residents of Japanese origin, unleashed in response a bitter fusillade of invective against this very same population, which also happened to be heavily represented in the radical and trade union movements then growing. Though the nternational Longshore and Warehousemen's Union generally stood tall against attempts to exact special penalties at the expense of the besieged population of Japanese origin, it is nevertheless likely that the rise in the union leadership of figures like Jack Hall and Robert McElrath was facilitated by their being of non-Japanese origin, amounting to a perverse form of affirmative action. In other words, since Americans of Japanese ancestry were being besieged, it became easier for whites to surge to the leadership of the labor movement.Less
This chapter considers the impact of war on the labor movement. After the bombing of Pearl Harbor, conservative whites became furiously suspicious that the saloons, taverns, and bars run by those of Japanese origin “knew in advance of the sneak attack” and joined in. Some whites believed that “Japanese plantation workers had defected and fired on American soldiers.” These concerns reflect a guilty fear that the apartheid that had been visited upon those of Japanese origin in particular had backfired. The Pacific War, which ensnared an archipelago with a plurality of residents of Japanese origin, unleashed in response a bitter fusillade of invective against this very same population, which also happened to be heavily represented in the radical and trade union movements then growing. Though the nternational Longshore and Warehousemen's Union generally stood tall against attempts to exact special penalties at the expense of the besieged population of Japanese origin, it is nevertheless likely that the rise in the union leadership of figures like Jack Hall and Robert McElrath was facilitated by their being of non-Japanese origin, amounting to a perverse form of affirmative action. In other words, since Americans of Japanese ancestry were being besieged, it became easier for whites to surge to the leadership of the labor movement.