Peter A. Swenson
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195142976
- eISBN:
- 9780199872190
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195142977.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Challenges the conventional wisdom that welfare state builders take their cues solely from labor and other progressive interests. It argues instead that pragmatic social reformers in the U.S. and ...
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Challenges the conventional wisdom that welfare state builders take their cues solely from labor and other progressive interests. It argues instead that pragmatic social reformers in the U.S. and Sweden looked for support from above as well as below, taking into account capitalists’ interests and preferences in the political process. Legislation associated with the American New Deal and Swedish social democracy was built, consequently, on cross‐class alliances of interest. Capitalists in both countries appreciated the regulatory impact of reformist social and labor legislation. Their interests in such legislation derived from their distinct systems of labor market governance. Thus, new theory and historical evidence in this book illuminate the political conditions for greater equality and security in capitalist societies.Less
Challenges the conventional wisdom that welfare state builders take their cues solely from labor and other progressive interests. It argues instead that pragmatic social reformers in the U.S. and Sweden looked for support from above as well as below, taking into account capitalists’ interests and preferences in the political process. Legislation associated with the American New Deal and Swedish social democracy was built, consequently, on cross‐class alliances of interest. Capitalists in both countries appreciated the regulatory impact of reformist social and labor legislation. Their interests in such legislation derived from their distinct systems of labor market governance. Thus, new theory and historical evidence in this book illuminate the political conditions for greater equality and security in capitalist societies.
Peter A. Swenson
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195142976
- eISBN:
- 9780199872190
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195142977.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter returns to the analysis of twentieth century U.S. to explain the dual nature of its system of labor market governance in which cartelism, a centralized system of multiemployer collective ...
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This chapter returns to the analysis of twentieth century U.S. to explain the dual nature of its system of labor market governance in which cartelism, a centralized system of multiemployer collective bargaining, thrived alongside segmentalism in important sectors like bituminous coal mining, clothing, and building and construction. In these sectors, employers and unions joined in cross‐class alliance to prop up wages to stem destabilizing low‐standard competition. The regulatory alliance, distinct from Sweden's solidarism, which imposed ceilings instead of floors on wages, helped give rise to economic and political phenomena of an equally distinct nature, e.g., early ties between the Republican Party and the powerful miners’ union; corruption in building and construction (which was absent in Sweden); and ultimately, employer interests in the New Deal's labor and social legislation of the 1930s.Less
This chapter returns to the analysis of twentieth century U.S. to explain the dual nature of its system of labor market governance in which cartelism, a centralized system of multiemployer collective bargaining, thrived alongside segmentalism in important sectors like bituminous coal mining, clothing, and building and construction. In these sectors, employers and unions joined in cross‐class alliance to prop up wages to stem destabilizing low‐standard competition. The regulatory alliance, distinct from Sweden's solidarism, which imposed ceilings instead of floors on wages, helped give rise to economic and political phenomena of an equally distinct nature, e.g., early ties between the Republican Party and the powerful miners’ union; corruption in building and construction (which was absent in Sweden); and ultimately, employer interests in the New Deal's labor and social legislation of the 1930s.
Peter A. Swenson
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195142976
- eISBN:
- 9780199872190
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195142977.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Wraps up the analysis of labor market developments in the U.S. through the 1940s showing how and why employers abdicated their segmentalist autonomy and submitted temporarily to state‐imposed ...
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Wraps up the analysis of labor market developments in the U.S. through the 1940s showing how and why employers abdicated their segmentalist autonomy and submitted temporarily to state‐imposed solidarism, including intersectoral wage compression similar to what Sweden's normal peace time system brought about. During the prewar and interwar periods, the same employers actively sought another kind of intersectoral control, especially over wages in the building and construction trades, because high wages in this sector disrupted major manufacturers’ otherwise workable system of labor market governance just as they did in Sweden. Unlike in Sweden, however, major American manufacturers were unable to find allies for a cross‐class alliance against the building trade unions, and thus political relations between capital and labor remained far more hostile than in Sweden despite the Swedish labor movement's explicitly anticapitalist ideology.Less
Wraps up the analysis of labor market developments in the U.S. through the 1940s showing how and why employers abdicated their segmentalist autonomy and submitted temporarily to state‐imposed solidarism, including intersectoral wage compression similar to what Sweden's normal peace time system brought about. During the prewar and interwar periods, the same employers actively sought another kind of intersectoral control, especially over wages in the building and construction trades, because high wages in this sector disrupted major manufacturers’ otherwise workable system of labor market governance just as they did in Sweden. Unlike in Sweden, however, major American manufacturers were unable to find allies for a cross‐class alliance against the building trade unions, and thus political relations between capital and labor remained far more hostile than in Sweden despite the Swedish labor movement's explicitly anticapitalist ideology.
Peter A. Swenson
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195142976
- eISBN:
- 9780199872190
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195142977.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter begins the historical analysis of welfare state development by tracing the origins of American segmentalism, a pattern of labor market control marked by decentralized industrial ...
More
This chapter begins the historical analysis of welfare state development by tracing the origins of American segmentalism, a pattern of labor market control marked by decentralized industrial relations, relatively high and downwardly rigid wages paid by many large employers (efficiency wages), and extensive use of company benefits (welfare capitalism). Leading employers in America embarked on their segmentalist strategy early in the 20th century by breaking with existing and emerging centralized regulation of labor markets (multiemployer collective bargaining), desiring in part to assert absolute management rights against the militant claims of labor unions. For reasons analyzed in Ch. 2, success of the employers gave rise to heightened interests in regulatory social reform in response to the deflationary macroeconomic shock of the Great Depression.Less
This chapter begins the historical analysis of welfare state development by tracing the origins of American segmentalism, a pattern of labor market control marked by decentralized industrial relations, relatively high and downwardly rigid wages paid by many large employers (efficiency wages), and extensive use of company benefits (welfare capitalism). Leading employers in America embarked on their segmentalist strategy early in the 20th century by breaking with existing and emerging centralized regulation of labor markets (multiemployer collective bargaining), desiring in part to assert absolute management rights against the militant claims of labor unions. For reasons analyzed in Ch. 2, success of the employers gave rise to heightened interests in regulatory social reform in response to the deflationary macroeconomic shock of the Great Depression.
Peter A. Swenson
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195142976
- eISBN:
- 9780199872190
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195142977.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter turns to the dramatically different turn of events in early 20th century. Sweden, where highly centralized collective bargaining took hold, largely at the behest of employers, ...
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This chapter turns to the dramatically different turn of events in early 20th century. Sweden, where highly centralized collective bargaining took hold, largely at the behest of employers, accomplished with their effective use of sweeping multifirm and multiindustry lockouts. Securing absolute management rights despite union input in collective bargaining, employers achieved a solidaristic system of labor market regulation in which wages were held below market equilibrium for most firms and wages were standardized or compressed within many industries. The employer confederation was not successful, however, in achieving a desired compression of wages across industries, a goal that was to require labor union help and political intervention, discussed in the following chapter.Less
This chapter turns to the dramatically different turn of events in early 20th century. Sweden, where highly centralized collective bargaining took hold, largely at the behest of employers, accomplished with their effective use of sweeping multifirm and multiindustry lockouts. Securing absolute management rights despite union input in collective bargaining, employers achieved a solidaristic system of labor market regulation in which wages were held below market equilibrium for most firms and wages were standardized or compressed within many industries. The employer confederation was not successful, however, in achieving a desired compression of wages across industries, a goal that was to require labor union help and political intervention, discussed in the following chapter.
M. Victoria Murillo
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198781837
- eISBN:
- 9780191598968
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198781830.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Market‐oriented reforms and the withdrawal of the Argentine state from important economic reforms under the government of President Carlos Menem posed major challenges for the Argentine union ...
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Market‐oriented reforms and the withdrawal of the Argentine state from important economic reforms under the government of President Carlos Menem posed major challenges for the Argentine union movement, traditionally allied to the Peronist party of Menem. The author identifies three distinct strategies pursued by segments of the union movement in response to market reforms—‘opposition’, ‘loyalty’, and ‘organizational autonomy’. The latter constituted the strongest departure from union traditions in Argentina, and entailed the development of new organizational resources adapted to the new environment of economic competition. Unions pursuing organizational autonomy moved from corporatist dependence on state regulation towards ownership and administration of productive and consumption activities. The author argues that organizational autonomy as a strategic response to market reform was shaped by the re‐distribution of union power resources (industrial, political, and organizational) as well as by organizational legacies.Less
Market‐oriented reforms and the withdrawal of the Argentine state from important economic reforms under the government of President Carlos Menem posed major challenges for the Argentine union movement, traditionally allied to the Peronist party of Menem. The author identifies three distinct strategies pursued by segments of the union movement in response to market reforms—‘opposition’, ‘loyalty’, and ‘organizational autonomy’. The latter constituted the strongest departure from union traditions in Argentina, and entailed the development of new organizational resources adapted to the new environment of economic competition. Unions pursuing organizational autonomy moved from corporatist dependence on state regulation towards ownership and administration of productive and consumption activities. The author argues that organizational autonomy as a strategic response to market reform was shaped by the re‐distribution of union power resources (industrial, political, and organizational) as well as by organizational legacies.
Peter A. Swenson
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195142976
- eISBN:
- 9780199872190
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195142977.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Concludes the book with a survey of trends in the areas of collective bargaining and social policy from the 1950s through the 1990s, and examines them in light of earlier analysis, in the U.S. and ...
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Concludes the book with a survey of trends in the areas of collective bargaining and social policy from the 1950s through the 1990s, and examines them in light of earlier analysis, in the U.S. and Sweden. It finds, for example, that dramatic changes starting in the 1970s and 1980s in labor‐management relations (the decline in unionism and collective bargaining in the U.S. and the decentralization of bargaining in Sweden) were more influenced by international market processes in the U.S. than in Sweden. It also finds that analysis of the ongoing realignment of capitalist and labor interests helps explain the late 20th century welfare state trends.Less
Concludes the book with a survey of trends in the areas of collective bargaining and social policy from the 1950s through the 1990s, and examines them in light of earlier analysis, in the U.S. and Sweden. It finds, for example, that dramatic changes starting in the 1970s and 1980s in labor‐management relations (the decline in unionism and collective bargaining in the U.S. and the decentralization of bargaining in Sweden) were more influenced by international market processes in the U.S. than in Sweden. It also finds that analysis of the ongoing realignment of capitalist and labor interests helps explain the late 20th century welfare state trends.
María Lorena Cook
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198781837
- eISBN:
- 9780191598968
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198781830.003.0021
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Explores a novel and unexpected by‐product of the process of negotiating the North American Free Trade Agreement—a network of North American labour, environmental, human rights, and other citizens’ ...
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Explores a novel and unexpected by‐product of the process of negotiating the North American Free Trade Agreement—a network of North American labour, environmental, human rights, and other citizens’ organizations using international alliances to modify the agreement and to contest what was widely viewed as an anti‐popular and exclusionary process. While economic integration between the US and Mexico had been taking place for some time, the author argues that it was the formal recognition of this process through the NAFTA agreement that facilitated transnational political action by non‐state actors. Even though economic globalization and neo‐liberalism may be considered by some to undermine popular organizations, formal recognition of North American economic integration paradoxically produced a ‘transnational political arena’ linking the US, Mexico, and Canada. Well beyond the period and issues of the formal debate about the treaty itself, this transnational arena has expanded the resources available to non‐governmental groups, increased their leverage in domestic political arena, and broadened their strategic options.Less
Explores a novel and unexpected by‐product of the process of negotiating the North American Free Trade Agreement—a network of North American labour, environmental, human rights, and other citizens’ organizations using international alliances to modify the agreement and to contest what was widely viewed as an anti‐popular and exclusionary process. While economic integration between the US and Mexico had been taking place for some time, the author argues that it was the formal recognition of this process through the NAFTA agreement that facilitated transnational political action by non‐state actors. Even though economic globalization and neo‐liberalism may be considered by some to undermine popular organizations, formal recognition of North American economic integration paradoxically produced a ‘transnational political arena’ linking the US, Mexico, and Canada. Well beyond the period and issues of the formal debate about the treaty itself, this transnational arena has expanded the resources available to non‐governmental groups, increased their leverage in domestic political arena, and broadened their strategic options.
Mari Sako
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199268160
- eISBN:
- 9780191708534
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199268160.001.0001
- Subject:
- Business and Management, International Business
All firms wrestle with restructuring that involves consolidation through mergers and acquisitions on the one hand, and fragmentation through outsourcing and spin-offs on the other. Corporate ...
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All firms wrestle with restructuring that involves consolidation through mergers and acquisitions on the one hand, and fragmentation through outsourcing and spin-offs on the other. Corporate restructuring is a major driver in transforming labour markets, engendering concerns about employment security. The framework introduced in this book analyses shifting organizational boundaries, i.e., structural changes within corporations resulting from a series of strategic interplays between management and labour unions. This framework is used to investigate the symbiotic adjustments in firm and union boundaries in the automobile and electronics industries in Japan. The book draws upon interview and survey evidence to show how the strategic interplay between labour and management led to incremental changes in Japan's national institutions, including lifetime employment, coordinated wage bargaining, and enterprise union networks. The gradual introduction of diversity and flexibility in markets is thus linked directly to the role management and labour played in bringing about institutional change. The book also demonstrates that adding labour to the Chandlerian analysis of corporate strategy and structure leads us to a view that boundary decisions are often contested.Less
All firms wrestle with restructuring that involves consolidation through mergers and acquisitions on the one hand, and fragmentation through outsourcing and spin-offs on the other. Corporate restructuring is a major driver in transforming labour markets, engendering concerns about employment security. The framework introduced in this book analyses shifting organizational boundaries, i.e., structural changes within corporations resulting from a series of strategic interplays between management and labour unions. This framework is used to investigate the symbiotic adjustments in firm and union boundaries in the automobile and electronics industries in Japan. The book draws upon interview and survey evidence to show how the strategic interplay between labour and management led to incremental changes in Japan's national institutions, including lifetime employment, coordinated wage bargaining, and enterprise union networks. The gradual introduction of diversity and flexibility in markets is thus linked directly to the role management and labour played in bringing about institutional change. The book also demonstrates that adding labour to the Chandlerian analysis of corporate strategy and structure leads us to a view that boundary decisions are often contested.
Peter A. Swenson
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195142976
- eISBN:
- 9780199872190
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195142977.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter wraps up the analysis of solidarism's development through the 1950s with historical evidence showing how employers strongly favored continued wage compression, a fact that thoroughly ...
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This chapter wraps up the analysis of solidarism's development through the 1950s with historical evidence showing how employers strongly favored continued wage compression, a fact that thoroughly undermines the mythology that employers reluctantly traded centralized negotiation of an egalitarian structure of wages across firms and industries in exchange for the labor confederation's suppression of wage militancy. Wage solidarism and restraint, consensually pursued in multiindustry collective bargaining, generated endemic labor scarcity, which in turn gave rise to a profusion of welfare capitalist benefits offered by firms to attract and retain labor. The employers’ confederation proved unsuccessful in unilaterally suppressing this resurgent segmentalism, and these difficulties help explain employer support for welfare state politics during the 1940s and 1950s.Less
This chapter wraps up the analysis of solidarism's development through the 1950s with historical evidence showing how employers strongly favored continued wage compression, a fact that thoroughly undermines the mythology that employers reluctantly traded centralized negotiation of an egalitarian structure of wages across firms and industries in exchange for the labor confederation's suppression of wage militancy. Wage solidarism and restraint, consensually pursued in multiindustry collective bargaining, generated endemic labor scarcity, which in turn gave rise to a profusion of welfare capitalist benefits offered by firms to attract and retain labor. The employers’ confederation proved unsuccessful in unilaterally suppressing this resurgent segmentalism, and these difficulties help explain employer support for welfare state politics during the 1940s and 1950s.
Marshall Ganz
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195162011
- eISBN:
- 9780199943401
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195162011.003.0002
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
From 1900 to 1950, three waves of attempts at organizing farm workers failed to win a single multiyear contract, establish a sustainable farm workers union, or reform the rules governing the farm ...
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From 1900 to 1950, three waves of attempts at organizing farm workers failed to win a single multiyear contract, establish a sustainable farm workers union, or reform the rules governing the farm labor market. At each of those moments, ethnic labor associations, radical networks, and the American Federation of Labor (AFL) were involved, but in competition rather than collaboration. Recognizing their limited ability to challenge growers on their turf, labor leaders learned that no matter how well organized they were locally, they often had to win outside support to make even short-term gains.Less
From 1900 to 1950, three waves of attempts at organizing farm workers failed to win a single multiyear contract, establish a sustainable farm workers union, or reform the rules governing the farm labor market. At each of those moments, ethnic labor associations, radical networks, and the American Federation of Labor (AFL) were involved, but in competition rather than collaboration. Recognizing their limited ability to challenge growers on their turf, labor leaders learned that no matter how well organized they were locally, they often had to win outside support to make even short-term gains.
Scott B. Martin
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198781837
- eISBN:
- 9780191598968
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198781830.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Between 1991 and 1993, metalworkers’ unions, automotive firms, and state agencies in Brazil engaged in an institutionalized, comprehensive negotiation of industrial policy issues in auto ...
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Between 1991 and 1993, metalworkers’ unions, automotive firms, and state agencies in Brazil engaged in an institutionalized, comprehensive negotiation of industrial policy issues in auto manufacturing, in the ‘sectoral chamber’ of the auto industry. The two national accords that were negotiated helped re‐activate slumping demand, assist productive modernization, and protect job security and enhance wages for autoworkers. This chapter finds that, despite superficial similarities, the sectoral chamber experience cannot be explained with reference to the ‘societal corporatist’ framework, most closely associated with post‐war Western Europe. The author finds that key preconditions for successful, sector‐wide negotiations were (1) the prior establishment of representative unions and business associations with legitimate negotiating authority and (2) incipient bonds of labour‐management trust that had emerged through iterative encounters over productive restructuring issues. Social network ties, along the lines elaborated by the co‐editors in the concluding essay in their ‘associative network’ model, were fundamental to the rise, evolution, and ultimate decline of the auto sectoral chamber.Less
Between 1991 and 1993, metalworkers’ unions, automotive firms, and state agencies in Brazil engaged in an institutionalized, comprehensive negotiation of industrial policy issues in auto manufacturing, in the ‘sectoral chamber’ of the auto industry. The two national accords that were negotiated helped re‐activate slumping demand, assist productive modernization, and protect job security and enhance wages for autoworkers. This chapter finds that, despite superficial similarities, the sectoral chamber experience cannot be explained with reference to the ‘societal corporatist’ framework, most closely associated with post‐war Western Europe. The author finds that key preconditions for successful, sector‐wide negotiations were (1) the prior establishment of representative unions and business associations with legitimate negotiating authority and (2) incipient bonds of labour‐management trust that had emerged through iterative encounters over productive restructuring issues. Social network ties, along the lines elaborated by the co‐editors in the concluding essay in their ‘associative network’ model, were fundamental to the rise, evolution, and ultimate decline of the auto sectoral chamber.
Price V. Fishback
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195067255
- eISBN:
- 9780199855025
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195067255.003.0012
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic History
Coal mining offered the opportunity to earn money quickly during booms, but it was a dirty, dangerous job often located in isolated little towns. To protect themselves against exploitation by ...
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Coal mining offered the opportunity to earn money quickly during booms, but it was a dirty, dangerous job often located in isolated little towns. To protect themselves against exploitation by employers, coal miners exercised both voice and exit. The voice came in the form of collective action either through the formation of labor unions or labor strikes. The United Mine Workers of America (UMWA) enhanced the welfare of their members in several ways. Within the coal industry, miners obtained higher wages by joining the union and striking. The union did not necessarily lead to a better situation in all phases of the job, however. Accident rates were no lower in union than in non-union mines, nor was the quality of sanitation better, holding other factors constant. Blacks were welcomed into the union in the mining areas where they had long been located, but a number of union locals in the North treated blacks as pariahs. The UMWA was crushed along with the coal operators by the deterioration of the industry in the late 1920s and early 1930s.Less
Coal mining offered the opportunity to earn money quickly during booms, but it was a dirty, dangerous job often located in isolated little towns. To protect themselves against exploitation by employers, coal miners exercised both voice and exit. The voice came in the form of collective action either through the formation of labor unions or labor strikes. The United Mine Workers of America (UMWA) enhanced the welfare of their members in several ways. Within the coal industry, miners obtained higher wages by joining the union and striking. The union did not necessarily lead to a better situation in all phases of the job, however. Accident rates were no lower in union than in non-union mines, nor was the quality of sanitation better, holding other factors constant. Blacks were welcomed into the union in the mining areas where they had long been located, but a number of union locals in the North treated blacks as pariahs. The UMWA was crushed along with the coal operators by the deterioration of the industry in the late 1920s and early 1930s.
Marshall Ganz
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195162011
- eISBN:
- 9780199943401
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195162011.003.0003
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
In the late 1950s and early 1960s, changes in American political, economic, and social life—and the expectation that the bracero program was in its final days—once again opened a door for organizers ...
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In the late 1950s and early 1960s, changes in American political, economic, and social life—and the expectation that the bracero program was in its final days—once again opened a door for organizers bold enough to try unionizing farm workers. This time, the newly merged AFL-CIO acted first by launching the Agricultural Workers Organizing Committee (AWOC) in 1959. The Teamsters, recently expelled from the AFL-CIO, initiated their attempt in 1961. The fledgling Farm Workers Association (FWA) launched in 1962. The strategies that the leaders of these efforts devised to challenge the power of California growers could hardly have differed more. These strategic differences were not arbitrary. They grew out of real differences among the people who devised the strategy of each organization and how they worked together to do so. In the years 1959 to 1962, these differences in people and processes influenced the launching of three very different organizing attempts, thus shaping their subsequent development.Less
In the late 1950s and early 1960s, changes in American political, economic, and social life—and the expectation that the bracero program was in its final days—once again opened a door for organizers bold enough to try unionizing farm workers. This time, the newly merged AFL-CIO acted first by launching the Agricultural Workers Organizing Committee (AWOC) in 1959. The Teamsters, recently expelled from the AFL-CIO, initiated their attempt in 1961. The fledgling Farm Workers Association (FWA) launched in 1962. The strategies that the leaders of these efforts devised to challenge the power of California growers could hardly have differed more. These strategic differences were not arbitrary. They grew out of real differences among the people who devised the strategy of each organization and how they worked together to do so. In the years 1959 to 1962, these differences in people and processes influenced the launching of three very different organizing attempts, thus shaping their subsequent development.
Marshall Ganz
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195162011
- eISBN:
- 9780199943401
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195162011.003.0007
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
When the National Farm Workers Association (NFWA) affiliated with the AFL-CIO to become the United Farm Workers Organizing Committee (UFWOC), ethnic leaders, radical organizers, and the AFL found ...
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When the National Farm Workers Association (NFWA) affiliated with the AFL-CIO to become the United Farm Workers Organizing Committee (UFWOC), ethnic leaders, radical organizers, and the AFL found themselves on the same team for the first time in California history. Employer reaction to the DiGiorgio victory put the alliance to the test immediately. One consequence of the victory was that it inspired wine grape workers at Perelli–Minetti vineyards near Delano to join the strike. The Teamsters intervened by providing strike breakers, claiming to represent them, and signing a contract behind the UFWOC picket lines. Recognizing that they would become a Teamster “hunting dog,” driving one ranch after another into the Teamsters' sights if they didn't fight back, UFWOC launched a boycott of the company's wines despite the fact that the existence of a Teamster contract could inhibit labor support. By May 1967, it became clear to Perelli–Minetti and the other growers that a Teamster contract could not protect them from a UFWOC boycott. The Teamsters realized that without employer cooperation they could offer UFWOC little competition in the fields. All sides went to mediation, UFWOC suspended the boycott, the Teamsters withdrew from the fight, and Perelli–Minetti transferred the contract to UFWOC. How did affiliation with the AFL-CIO, despite the traditional labor movement's history of failure in the fields, enhance the NFWA's strategic capacity? Why couldn't the Teamsters devise a more effective strategy after their “responsible union” approach failed? When the Teamsters tried to learn from UFWOC by mimicking its tactics, why didn't it work? And how could the new union expand the scope and scale of its operations to be able to consolidate its success, fend off new challenges, and launch new initiatives? The answers can be found again, although at a whole new level, in the capacity to generate effective strategy.Less
When the National Farm Workers Association (NFWA) affiliated with the AFL-CIO to become the United Farm Workers Organizing Committee (UFWOC), ethnic leaders, radical organizers, and the AFL found themselves on the same team for the first time in California history. Employer reaction to the DiGiorgio victory put the alliance to the test immediately. One consequence of the victory was that it inspired wine grape workers at Perelli–Minetti vineyards near Delano to join the strike. The Teamsters intervened by providing strike breakers, claiming to represent them, and signing a contract behind the UFWOC picket lines. Recognizing that they would become a Teamster “hunting dog,” driving one ranch after another into the Teamsters' sights if they didn't fight back, UFWOC launched a boycott of the company's wines despite the fact that the existence of a Teamster contract could inhibit labor support. By May 1967, it became clear to Perelli–Minetti and the other growers that a Teamster contract could not protect them from a UFWOC boycott. The Teamsters realized that without employer cooperation they could offer UFWOC little competition in the fields. All sides went to mediation, UFWOC suspended the boycott, the Teamsters withdrew from the fight, and Perelli–Minetti transferred the contract to UFWOC. How did affiliation with the AFL-CIO, despite the traditional labor movement's history of failure in the fields, enhance the NFWA's strategic capacity? Why couldn't the Teamsters devise a more effective strategy after their “responsible union” approach failed? When the Teamsters tried to learn from UFWOC by mimicking its tactics, why didn't it work? And how could the new union expand the scope and scale of its operations to be able to consolidate its success, fend off new challenges, and launch new initiatives? The answers can be found again, although at a whole new level, in the capacity to generate effective strategy.
Douglas A. Chalmers, Carlos M. Vilas, Katherine Hite, Scott B. Martin, Kerianne Piester, and Monique Segarra (eds)
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198781837
- eISBN:
- 9780191598968
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198781830.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Almost all agree that political systems in Latin America underwent a transformation in the 1980s. The usual quick description of this change was ‘democratization’. But whether one takes an optimistic ...
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Almost all agree that political systems in Latin America underwent a transformation in the 1980s. The usual quick description of this change was ‘democratization’. But whether one takes an optimistic or a pessimistic view of the level of democracy that was achieved, one thing was sure—the traditional forms of participation by, and representation of, the poor, the working population, and others structurally disadvantaged had changed. The chapters examine the labour organizations, political parties, indigenous and environmental groups that have emerged, sometimes amidst new forms of violence. Others recount efforts to rebuild social–democratic projects and to create new models of participatory politics in municipalities and around social programmes. There is no consensus on whether these new forms will produce more democracy. Rather, the chapters present a variety of conceptual tools to identify trends and assess their impact.Less
Almost all agree that political systems in Latin America underwent a transformation in the 1980s. The usual quick description of this change was ‘democratization’. But whether one takes an optimistic or a pessimistic view of the level of democracy that was achieved, one thing was sure—the traditional forms of participation by, and representation of, the poor, the working population, and others structurally disadvantaged had changed. The chapters examine the labour organizations, political parties, indigenous and environmental groups that have emerged, sometimes amidst new forms of violence. Others recount efforts to rebuild social–democratic projects and to create new models of participatory politics in municipalities and around social programmes. There is no consensus on whether these new forms will produce more democracy. Rather, the chapters present a variety of conceptual tools to identify trends and assess their impact.
Peer Hull Kristensen and Jonathan Zeitlin
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199275625
- eISBN:
- 9780191705809
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199275625.003.0004
- Subject:
- Business and Management, International Business
The strength of Lake Mills' plant-community identity, its historic vertical integration, and its domestic market orientation all combined to inhibit cooperation with other plants within APV to ...
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The strength of Lake Mills' plant-community identity, its historic vertical integration, and its domestic market orientation all combined to inhibit cooperation with other plants within APV to improve the effectiveness of the parent company as a multinational association. There was, in short, no American equivalent to the Danish Mafia, nor could such a network be easily imagined from the perspective of Lake Mills. Without the institutional resources and external allies to support a more expansive vision of the plant's future, local unionists and managers understandably fell back on a slew of defensive carrot-and-stick strategies for maintaining its position within APV. On the positive side, they sought to reinforce Lake Mills' indispensability to the multinational by providing a quick turnaround service to the company's large US customer base, and by developing new products tailored to US technical standards.Less
The strength of Lake Mills' plant-community identity, its historic vertical integration, and its domestic market orientation all combined to inhibit cooperation with other plants within APV to improve the effectiveness of the parent company as a multinational association. There was, in short, no American equivalent to the Danish Mafia, nor could such a network be easily imagined from the perspective of Lake Mills. Without the institutional resources and external allies to support a more expansive vision of the plant's future, local unionists and managers understandably fell back on a slew of defensive carrot-and-stick strategies for maintaining its position within APV. On the positive side, they sought to reinforce Lake Mills' indispensability to the multinational by providing a quick turnaround service to the company's large US customer base, and by developing new products tailored to US technical standards.
Marcus Rebick
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- July 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199247240
- eISBN:
- 9780191602566
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199247242.001.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, South and East Asia
This book examines the current state of the Japanese employment system from an economic perspective. It also looks at how the changing economy and demography, including the prolonged recession and ...
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This book examines the current state of the Japanese employment system from an economic perspective. It also looks at how the changing economy and demography, including the prolonged recession and the rapid ageing of the population, has affected the labour market and its institutions. The main focus of the book is on the increased use of non-standard forms of labour, especially in the labour market for youth. This is seen to be partly a by-product of the long recession, but also a longer-run change in the human resource management strategy of firms. The book also examines the implications these developments will have on the income distribution in the future as many young men in this male-breadwinner society no longer have access to stable long-term jobs. Other topics examined in the book include the impact of increased educational attainment and anti-discrimination legislation on the labour market for women, the declining importance of labour unions, the low rate of immigration into Japan, and the success Japan has had in keeping older workers employed. The final conclusion of the book is that many of the aspects of the employment system for regular, full-time workers remain in place, although the system has become more flexible.Less
This book examines the current state of the Japanese employment system from an economic perspective. It also looks at how the changing economy and demography, including the prolonged recession and the rapid ageing of the population, has affected the labour market and its institutions. The main focus of the book is on the increased use of non-standard forms of labour, especially in the labour market for youth. This is seen to be partly a by-product of the long recession, but also a longer-run change in the human resource management strategy of firms. The book also examines the implications these developments will have on the income distribution in the future as many young men in this male-breadwinner society no longer have access to stable long-term jobs. Other topics examined in the book include the impact of increased educational attainment and anti-discrimination legislation on the labour market for women, the declining importance of labour unions, the low rate of immigration into Japan, and the success Japan has had in keeping older workers employed. The final conclusion of the book is that many of the aspects of the employment system for regular, full-time workers remain in place, although the system has become more flexible.
Giorgia Brunello, Pietro Garibaldi, and Etienne Wasmer
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199210978
- eISBN:
- 9780191705786
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199210978.003.0012
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Public and Welfare
Institutional factors affecting the labour and the product market differ significantly in European countries. Product market competition, for instance, is recognized to be stronger in Anglo-Saxon ...
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Institutional factors affecting the labour and the product market differ significantly in European countries. Product market competition, for instance, is recognized to be stronger in Anglo-Saxon countries, and employment protection to be higher in Southern European countries. There is extensive literature which investigates how these institutional differences affect unemployment dynamics. The bottom line of this research is that analysing the interaction between institutions and economic shocks helps explain unemployment differences across OECD countries. This chapter reviews empirical literature regarding the question of whether labour and product market institutions affect training incidence and whether they can account for some of the variation in training outcomes observed across European countries. It is argued that most of the existing evidence is not comparative but country-specific, with a strong emphasis on the US and to a lesser extent on the UK. A European perspective is taken by matching data from the European Community Household Panel — a large dataset covering 15 EU countries — with information on time varying institutions. An empirical investigation of the relationship between training incidence and labour and product market institutions is carried out, focusing on cross-country and time series variations in institutions.Less
Institutional factors affecting the labour and the product market differ significantly in European countries. Product market competition, for instance, is recognized to be stronger in Anglo-Saxon countries, and employment protection to be higher in Southern European countries. There is extensive literature which investigates how these institutional differences affect unemployment dynamics. The bottom line of this research is that analysing the interaction between institutions and economic shocks helps explain unemployment differences across OECD countries. This chapter reviews empirical literature regarding the question of whether labour and product market institutions affect training incidence and whether they can account for some of the variation in training outcomes observed across European countries. It is argued that most of the existing evidence is not comparative but country-specific, with a strong emphasis on the US and to a lesser extent on the UK. A European perspective is taken by matching data from the European Community Household Panel — a large dataset covering 15 EU countries — with information on time varying institutions. An empirical investigation of the relationship between training incidence and labour and product market institutions is carried out, focusing on cross-country and time series variations in institutions.
Eric Hershberg
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198781837
- eISBN:
- 9780191598968
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198781830.003.0014
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Discusses Spain under the Socialist government of Felipe González and post‐Pinochet Chile under the Concertación as potential “social democratic” models, embodying what many view as a successful ...
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Discusses Spain under the Socialist government of Felipe González and post‐Pinochet Chile under the Concertación as potential “social democratic” models, embodying what many view as a successful combination of market reforms with social equity and societal participation worthy of emulation by Latin America as a whole. The author finds significant limitations in the degree of popular‐sector participation in decision‐making (as seen through governments’ distancing and combative postures towards allied unions) and in the extent of re‐distributive social reforms under post‐transition center–left governments in both countries. The predominance of logic of market‐oriented reforms, economic and political stability, and of insulation from pressures from below acted to undercut the reformist ethos of both national governments, leaving them well short of social democratic ideals. At the same time, the González and Concertación governments helped consolidate formal electoral democracies in their countries that continue to be marred by a major weakness on the participation and equity fronts.Less
Discusses Spain under the Socialist government of Felipe González and post‐Pinochet Chile under the Concertación as potential “social democratic” models, embodying what many view as a successful combination of market reforms with social equity and societal participation worthy of emulation by Latin America as a whole. The author finds significant limitations in the degree of popular‐sector participation in decision‐making (as seen through governments’ distancing and combative postures towards allied unions) and in the extent of re‐distributive social reforms under post‐transition center–left governments in both countries. The predominance of logic of market‐oriented reforms, economic and political stability, and of insulation from pressures from below acted to undercut the reformist ethos of both national governments, leaving them well short of social democratic ideals. At the same time, the González and Concertación governments helped consolidate formal electoral democracies in their countries that continue to be marred by a major weakness on the participation and equity fronts.
