Ian Clark
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199297009
- eISBN:
- 9780191711428
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199297009.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Perhaps the least discussed aspect of the 1919 settlement is its provisions on social justice, and yet an entire section of the Versailles Treaty and an article of the League Covenant were devoted to ...
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Perhaps the least discussed aspect of the 1919 settlement is its provisions on social justice, and yet an entire section of the Versailles Treaty and an article of the League Covenant were devoted to the international regulation of labour, which resulted in establishment of the International Labour Organization. These developments reflected the activities of the trade union movement, and particularly its Congresses during the war, as well as heightened sensitivity to labour in the context of both the war and the outbreak of the Russian revolution. It is clear that inclusion of a section on labour was sponsored by all of the Big Three powers for various political and instrumental reasons. What was radically new about the structure of the ILO was that it allowed membership from state representatives, but also from business and labour, thereby recognizing world society membership in an otherwise international society forum. The decisive argument was that social justice was properly the business of international society because it was fundamental to achieving international peace.Less
Perhaps the least discussed aspect of the 1919 settlement is its provisions on social justice, and yet an entire section of the Versailles Treaty and an article of the League Covenant were devoted to the international regulation of labour, which resulted in establishment of the International Labour Organization. These developments reflected the activities of the trade union movement, and particularly its Congresses during the war, as well as heightened sensitivity to labour in the context of both the war and the outbreak of the Russian revolution. It is clear that inclusion of a section on labour was sponsored by all of the Big Three powers for various political and instrumental reasons. What was radically new about the structure of the ILO was that it allowed membership from state representatives, but also from business and labour, thereby recognizing world society membership in an otherwise international society forum. The decisive argument was that social justice was properly the business of international society because it was fundamental to achieving international peace.
Robert J. Flanagan
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780195306002
- eISBN:
- 9780199783564
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195306007.003.0007
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, International
This chapter evaluates the effect of globalization on the extent of a country’s labor regulation and the influence of national and international labor regulations on labor conditions. There is no ...
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This chapter evaluates the effect of globalization on the extent of a country’s labor regulation and the influence of national and international labor regulations on labor conditions. There is no evidence of an international race to the bottom in labor regulation. Other things considered equally, neither the size of a country's trade sector nor its trade policy appears to influence the extent of labor protection afforded by national labor legislation. The evidence also indicates that the system of international labor standards regulation administered by the International Labor Organization has not significantly improved labor conditions. Countries tend to ratify ILO labor standards that their domestic regulations already satisfy, rather than incurring the political costs of introducing or altering national legislation to meet higher standards. National labor regulations rarely benefit workers generally; instead some groups of workers gain at the expense of other workers.Less
This chapter evaluates the effect of globalization on the extent of a country’s labor regulation and the influence of national and international labor regulations on labor conditions. There is no evidence of an international race to the bottom in labor regulation. Other things considered equally, neither the size of a country's trade sector nor its trade policy appears to influence the extent of labor protection afforded by national labor legislation. The evidence also indicates that the system of international labor standards regulation administered by the International Labor Organization has not significantly improved labor conditions. Countries tend to ratify ILO labor standards that their domestic regulations already satisfy, rather than incurring the political costs of introducing or altering national legislation to meet higher standards. National labor regulations rarely benefit workers generally; instead some groups of workers gain at the expense of other workers.
Leah F. Vosko
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199574810
- eISBN:
- 9780191722080
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199574810.001.0001
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Political Economy, HRM / IR
This book seeks to understand the precarious margins of late‐capitalist labour markets. Its point of departure is the prevailing view that the full‐time continuous job or the standard employment ...
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This book seeks to understand the precarious margins of late‐capitalist labour markets. Its point of departure is the prevailing view that the full‐time continuous job or the standard employment relationship (SER) is being eclipsed by part‐time and temporary paid employment and self‐employment. To the extent that such a shift is taking place, what are its implications for precarious employment and those struggling against it? Addressing this question, the book examines the construction, consolidation, and contraction of the SER, taking as its focus the contested emergence—within, amongst and across different nation states—of regulations on ‘non‐standard’ forms of employment. These regulations ‘see’ the problem of precarious employment in ‘non‐standard’, which leads them to seek solutions minimizing deviations from the SER. Managing the Margins labels such approaches ‘SER‐centric’ and illustrates how they leave intact the precarious margins of the labour market. The book employs three conceptual lenses—the normative model of employment, the gender contract, and citizenship boundaries. Chapters 1 to 3 sketch the gendered development of regulations forging the SER in parts of Western Europe, Australia, Canada, and the US, and its evolution in the International Labour Code. Chapters 4 to 6 examine post‐1990 international labour regulations responding to precariousness in employment—focusing on the ILO Convention on Part‐Time Work, EU Directives on Fixed‐Term and Temporary Agency Work, and the ILO Recommendation on the Employment Relationship. To assess their logic, these chapters use illustrations of the regulation of part‐time employment in Australia, temporary employment in the EU 15, and self‐employment in OECD countries. The book concludes by assessing alternatives to SER‐centrism.Less
This book seeks to understand the precarious margins of late‐capitalist labour markets. Its point of departure is the prevailing view that the full‐time continuous job or the standard employment relationship (SER) is being eclipsed by part‐time and temporary paid employment and self‐employment. To the extent that such a shift is taking place, what are its implications for precarious employment and those struggling against it? Addressing this question, the book examines the construction, consolidation, and contraction of the SER, taking as its focus the contested emergence—within, amongst and across different nation states—of regulations on ‘non‐standard’ forms of employment. These regulations ‘see’ the problem of precarious employment in ‘non‐standard’, which leads them to seek solutions minimizing deviations from the SER. Managing the Margins labels such approaches ‘SER‐centric’ and illustrates how they leave intact the precarious margins of the labour market. The book employs three conceptual lenses—the normative model of employment, the gender contract, and citizenship boundaries. Chapters 1 to 3 sketch the gendered development of regulations forging the SER in parts of Western Europe, Australia, Canada, and the US, and its evolution in the International Labour Code. Chapters 4 to 6 examine post‐1990 international labour regulations responding to precariousness in employment—focusing on the ILO Convention on Part‐Time Work, EU Directives on Fixed‐Term and Temporary Agency Work, and the ILO Recommendation on the Employment Relationship. To assess their logic, these chapters use illustrations of the regulation of part‐time employment in Australia, temporary employment in the EU 15, and self‐employment in OECD countries. The book concludes by assessing alternatives to SER‐centrism.
David Tajgman
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780197264911
- eISBN:
- 9780191754098
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197264911.003.0012
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
The International Labour Organisation's 1998 Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work prioritised four core labour standards' principles and led to a burst of new ratifications of the ...
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The International Labour Organisation's 1998 Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work prioritised four core labour standards' principles and led to a burst of new ratifications of the international treaties that are the subject of those principles. Ten years on there are important identified gaps in state implementation of the ratified Conventions that are the subject of the four principles. These gaps leave important holes in public policy and legislation. In a number of important substantive areas, these gaps have the effect of leaving it to private actors to figure out what would amount to fulfilling the norms of fundamental labour principle inspired codes of conduct. Inescapably left on their own to figure out approaches, corporate social responsibility (CSR)-respecting enterprises are subject to criticism levelled on the basis of interpretations of these principles given by civil society organisations and labour rights' campaigners. This chapter details this situation. The first part provides the necessary background information. The second part gives concrete examples of how this governance gap raises challenges to implementing CSR initiatives. The third part suggests that, considering the arguable origins of CSR in neo-liberal deregulatory fervour, social dialogue and reform by non-compliant state actors is the only sustainable solution.Less
The International Labour Organisation's 1998 Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work prioritised four core labour standards' principles and led to a burst of new ratifications of the international treaties that are the subject of those principles. Ten years on there are important identified gaps in state implementation of the ratified Conventions that are the subject of the four principles. These gaps leave important holes in public policy and legislation. In a number of important substantive areas, these gaps have the effect of leaving it to private actors to figure out what would amount to fulfilling the norms of fundamental labour principle inspired codes of conduct. Inescapably left on their own to figure out approaches, corporate social responsibility (CSR)-respecting enterprises are subject to criticism levelled on the basis of interpretations of these principles given by civil society organisations and labour rights' campaigners. This chapter details this situation. The first part provides the necessary background information. The second part gives concrete examples of how this governance gap raises challenges to implementing CSR initiatives. The third part suggests that, considering the arguable origins of CSR in neo-liberal deregulatory fervour, social dialogue and reform by non-compliant state actors is the only sustainable solution.
Fernando Filgueira and Jorge Papadópulos
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198781837
- eISBN:
- 9780191598968
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198781830.003.0015
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Uruguay was able to resist many aspects of neo‐liberal reform that took hold in Latin America in the 1970s and 1980s, despite economic crises, a fundamental change of Uruguay's position in the ...
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Uruguay was able to resist many aspects of neo‐liberal reform that took hold in Latin America in the 1970s and 1980s, despite economic crises, a fundamental change of Uruguay's position in the international market, and pressures from international financial institutions. By examining the limited change in social security, the patterns of labour organization and negotiation, and finally the limits on privatization of public enterprises, it shows how political factors, more than economic or social ones, brought about resistance to those changes, and a more egalitarian response than in other countries. Uruguay's institutionalized pattern of political incorporation allowed new popular actors to effectively participate, and the consensus styles of leadership built on clientelistic parties‐forced changes limited the sharpening income divisions common in other countries. The experience poses the question of whether Uruguay is an outlier or a possible alternative path.Less
Uruguay was able to resist many aspects of neo‐liberal reform that took hold in Latin America in the 1970s and 1980s, despite economic crises, a fundamental change of Uruguay's position in the international market, and pressures from international financial institutions. By examining the limited change in social security, the patterns of labour organization and negotiation, and finally the limits on privatization of public enterprises, it shows how political factors, more than economic or social ones, brought about resistance to those changes, and a more egalitarian response than in other countries. Uruguay's institutionalized pattern of political incorporation allowed new popular actors to effectively participate, and the consensus styles of leadership built on clientelistic parties‐forced changes limited the sharpening income divisions common in other countries. The experience poses the question of whether Uruguay is an outlier or a possible alternative path.
Michael Shalev
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198285137
- eISBN:
- 9780191684494
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198285137.003.0003
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Public and Welfare
This chapter discusses national exclusivism, which characterized the mobilization of the Jewish working class in Palestine. It distinguishes the Israeli case from its social-democratic counterparts. ...
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This chapter discusses national exclusivism, which characterized the mobilization of the Jewish working class in Palestine. It distinguishes the Israeli case from its social-democratic counterparts. The ability of social-democratic labour movements to organize workers solidaristically as a class was recognized as a hallmark of success of the movement. Moreover, working-class solidarity has some societal and historical contexts that slowed down the gap between classes. A leading theorist regarded pre-capitalist solidarities as the most important alternative force framing worker organization.Less
This chapter discusses national exclusivism, which characterized the mobilization of the Jewish working class in Palestine. It distinguishes the Israeli case from its social-democratic counterparts. The ability of social-democratic labour movements to organize workers solidaristically as a class was recognized as a hallmark of success of the movement. Moreover, working-class solidarity has some societal and historical contexts that slowed down the gap between classes. A leading theorist regarded pre-capitalist solidarities as the most important alternative force framing worker organization.
Steven Casper
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199269525
- eISBN:
- 9780191710025
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199269525.003.0003
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Political Economy
The ability of the US economy to generate new technology industries, such as biotechnology, provides support to the contention that liberal market economies (LMEs) have a comparative institutional ...
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The ability of the US economy to generate new technology industries, such as biotechnology, provides support to the contention that liberal market economies (LMEs) have a comparative institutional advantage in generating radically innovative firms. However, the link between varieties of capitalism and innovation within LMEs has not been systematically explored. This chapter explores the link between institutions and the management of innovative competencies within a successful US biotechnology cluster — San Diego, California. It empirically examines whether national institutional frameworks within the US generate patterns of economic coordination in the areas of finance, employee incentive structures, and labor market organization that benefit firms, and are consistent with predictions of the varieties of capitalism approach. The policy context surrounding the US biotechnology industry is also discussed.Less
The ability of the US economy to generate new technology industries, such as biotechnology, provides support to the contention that liberal market economies (LMEs) have a comparative institutional advantage in generating radically innovative firms. However, the link between varieties of capitalism and innovation within LMEs has not been systematically explored. This chapter explores the link between institutions and the management of innovative competencies within a successful US biotechnology cluster — San Diego, California. It empirically examines whether national institutional frameworks within the US generate patterns of economic coordination in the areas of finance, employee incentive structures, and labor market organization that benefit firms, and are consistent with predictions of the varieties of capitalism approach. The policy context surrounding the US biotechnology industry is also discussed.
Steven Casper
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199269525
- eISBN:
- 9780191710025
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199269525.003.0005
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Political Economy
National institutional frameworks within the UK are oriented towards the promotion of radically innovative industries such as biotechnology. While the UK does have the best performing European ...
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National institutional frameworks within the UK are oriented towards the promotion of radically innovative industries such as biotechnology. While the UK does have the best performing European biotechnology industry, it lags far behind the productivity of the US industry. The chapter argues that national institutional incentives within the UK are appropriate for biotechnology. However, public policy within the country has not developed an adequate system of commercializing science. Drawing on a case study of the Cambridge UK technology cluster, potential policies that could improve the performance of UK biotechnology sector are discussed.Less
National institutional frameworks within the UK are oriented towards the promotion of radically innovative industries such as biotechnology. While the UK does have the best performing European biotechnology industry, it lags far behind the productivity of the US industry. The chapter argues that national institutional incentives within the UK are appropriate for biotechnology. However, public policy within the country has not developed an adequate system of commercializing science. Drawing on a case study of the Cambridge UK technology cluster, potential policies that could improve the performance of UK biotechnology sector are discussed.
Ben Chigara
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199578986
- eISBN:
- 9780191595202
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199578986.003.0005
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration, Public International Law
This chapter examines the International Labour Organization's (ILO) contribution to the recognition and promotion of the inherent dignity of sub-Saharan African labour. It argues that in the pursuit ...
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This chapter examines the International Labour Organization's (ILO) contribution to the recognition and promotion of the inherent dignity of sub-Saharan African labour. It argues that in the pursuit of its mandate, the ILO has always focused on individuals' and minority groups’ security as a means of ensuring national and world peace. Its long experience in information gathering and processing and development of policy in the prosecution of its mandate could benefit new UN attempts to ensure national and international security by targeting individual and minority group rights rather than the protection of state organs only.Less
This chapter examines the International Labour Organization's (ILO) contribution to the recognition and promotion of the inherent dignity of sub-Saharan African labour. It argues that in the pursuit of its mandate, the ILO has always focused on individuals' and minority groups’ security as a means of ensuring national and world peace. Its long experience in information gathering and processing and development of policy in the prosecution of its mandate could benefit new UN attempts to ensure national and international security by targeting individual and minority group rights rather than the protection of state organs only.
Judy Fudge
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780197264911
- eISBN:
- 9780191754098
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197264911.003.0004
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
This chapter considers the relationship between women's equality, care work, and sustainable development, and develops a conceptual framework that can be used to understand this complex relationship. ...
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This chapter considers the relationship between women's equality, care work, and sustainable development, and develops a conceptual framework that can be used to understand this complex relationship. The chapter is organized as follows. The second section briefly reviews the relationship between sustainable development, which includes the International Labour Organisation's (ILO) ‘Decent Work’ Agenda, and women's equality. It answers the question on what basis or dimension women's equality should be measured. Instead of assessing a range of potential answers, it focuses on Amartya Sen's notion of substantive freedom and his capabilities approach. The third section argues that women's equality, and especially the relationship between women's equality and responsibility for care work, illustrates both the promise of, and the limitations to, Sen's capabilities approach. The fourth section sketches some of the salient differences between paid and unpaid care work in the North and the South, which also considers the capacity of the ILO 2009 report, ‘Decent Work for Domestic Workers’, to respond to these differences. Drawing upon feminist scholars, the fifth section argues that, supplemented by a theory of choice, deliberative mechanisms, and a social theory of power, the capabilities approach can be a useful tool for conceptualising women's equality and for recognising the significance of socially necessary care work. The chapter concludes by suggesting that a robust capabilities approach designed to address gender inequality and to incorporate care work illuminates the limitations in the current approaches of antidiscrimination law for addressing women's inequality.Less
This chapter considers the relationship between women's equality, care work, and sustainable development, and develops a conceptual framework that can be used to understand this complex relationship. The chapter is organized as follows. The second section briefly reviews the relationship between sustainable development, which includes the International Labour Organisation's (ILO) ‘Decent Work’ Agenda, and women's equality. It answers the question on what basis or dimension women's equality should be measured. Instead of assessing a range of potential answers, it focuses on Amartya Sen's notion of substantive freedom and his capabilities approach. The third section argues that women's equality, and especially the relationship between women's equality and responsibility for care work, illustrates both the promise of, and the limitations to, Sen's capabilities approach. The fourth section sketches some of the salient differences between paid and unpaid care work in the North and the South, which also considers the capacity of the ILO 2009 report, ‘Decent Work for Domestic Workers’, to respond to these differences. Drawing upon feminist scholars, the fifth section argues that, supplemented by a theory of choice, deliberative mechanisms, and a social theory of power, the capabilities approach can be a useful tool for conceptualising women's equality and for recognising the significance of socially necessary care work. The chapter concludes by suggesting that a robust capabilities approach designed to address gender inequality and to incorporate care work illuminates the limitations in the current approaches of antidiscrimination law for addressing women's inequality.
Ruth Livesey
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197263983
- eISBN:
- 9780191734731
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197263983.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This chapter examines the lives and writings of three sisters, each of whom responded to Morris's works with enthusiasm: Grace, Constance (Garnett), and Clementina Black. It explores the rhetoric of ...
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This chapter examines the lives and writings of three sisters, each of whom responded to Morris's works with enthusiasm: Grace, Constance (Garnett), and Clementina Black. It explores the rhetoric of ‘fellowship’ that permeated the mixed-sex discussion groups and early socialist organizations frequented by the Blacks and all the writers whose works are subsequently studied in the book. The discussion examines the Black sisters' idiosyncratic political beliefs and their various attempts to advance the socialist cause through labour organization. The chapter also explores the extent to which the Blacks' work and writing for the socialist movement forced them to address the ‘Woman Question’ as a concern in its own right by the late 1880s. The chapter closes with an analysis of Clementina Black's historical romances published in the late 1890s.Less
This chapter examines the lives and writings of three sisters, each of whom responded to Morris's works with enthusiasm: Grace, Constance (Garnett), and Clementina Black. It explores the rhetoric of ‘fellowship’ that permeated the mixed-sex discussion groups and early socialist organizations frequented by the Blacks and all the writers whose works are subsequently studied in the book. The discussion examines the Black sisters' idiosyncratic political beliefs and their various attempts to advance the socialist cause through labour organization. The chapter also explores the extent to which the Blacks' work and writing for the socialist movement forced them to address the ‘Woman Question’ as a concern in its own right by the late 1880s. The chapter closes with an analysis of Clementina Black's historical romances published in the late 1890s.
David Howell
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198203049
- eISBN:
- 9780191719530
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203049.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The analysis of formal institutions and procedures provides an insufficient basis for an understanding of Labour Party organization. Over time, party institutions developed cultural identities that ...
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The analysis of formal institutions and procedures provides an insufficient basis for an understanding of Labour Party organization. Over time, party institutions developed cultural identities that characterized patterns of behaviour as effective and ineffective, permissible and unacceptable. Such identities could be valuable sources of legitimacy for the party leadership, but they were sufficiently contestable to permit utilization by strategists keen to produce amendments in party practices and policies. The structures and procedures of the newly formed party owed much to the pre-existing practices and cultures of the principal affiliated bodies — the major trade unions and the Independent Labour Party. Control from above was tempered typically by critical initiatives from below, the tension that led the syndicalist turned elite theorist, Robert Michels, to propose an iron law of oligarchy. Yet Michels, dedicated to the ambition of a universalizing social science, neglected the significance of context. As this shifted, so patterns of organizational politics changed. One crucial component that Michels for good historical reasons failed to examine was the impact of office on labour organizations.Less
The analysis of formal institutions and procedures provides an insufficient basis for an understanding of Labour Party organization. Over time, party institutions developed cultural identities that characterized patterns of behaviour as effective and ineffective, permissible and unacceptable. Such identities could be valuable sources of legitimacy for the party leadership, but they were sufficiently contestable to permit utilization by strategists keen to produce amendments in party practices and policies. The structures and procedures of the newly formed party owed much to the pre-existing practices and cultures of the principal affiliated bodies — the major trade unions and the Independent Labour Party. Control from above was tempered typically by critical initiatives from below, the tension that led the syndicalist turned elite theorist, Robert Michels, to propose an iron law of oligarchy. Yet Michels, dedicated to the ambition of a universalizing social science, neglected the significance of context. As this shifted, so patterns of organizational politics changed. One crucial component that Michels for good historical reasons failed to examine was the impact of office on labour organizations.
Eleanor Gordon
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201434
- eISBN:
- 9780191674884
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201434.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Social History
This chapter deals with Scottish politics between 1900 and 1914 and its impact on working-class women. The Labour Party was even less successful in Scotland than in other parts of the country. In the ...
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This chapter deals with Scottish politics between 1900 and 1914 and its impact on working-class women. The Labour Party was even less successful in Scotland than in other parts of the country. In the second decade of the 20th century there was a flowering of socialist and labour organizations, which spearheaded a number of campaigns attracting widespread popular support for the Labour Party among the working class. The issues around which these campaigns were conducted ranged from the housing question and unemployment to school meals and the medical inspection of school children. The largest of the working-class women's organizations, the SCWG, was not only aimed at housewives, but more particularly at the wives of better-off sections of the working class.Less
This chapter deals with Scottish politics between 1900 and 1914 and its impact on working-class women. The Labour Party was even less successful in Scotland than in other parts of the country. In the second decade of the 20th century there was a flowering of socialist and labour organizations, which spearheaded a number of campaigns attracting widespread popular support for the Labour Party among the working class. The issues around which these campaigns were conducted ranged from the housing question and unemployment to school meals and the medical inspection of school children. The largest of the working-class women's organizations, the SCWG, was not only aimed at housewives, but more particularly at the wives of better-off sections of the working class.
Paul W. Posner, Viviana Patroni, and Jean François Mayer
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781683400455
- eISBN:
- 9781683400677
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9781683400455.003.0008
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Latin American Studies
The conclusion summarizes the case study findings from the book’s individual chapters while drawing more general lessons from comparative analysis of these case studies. In addition, the chapter ...
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The conclusion summarizes the case study findings from the book’s individual chapters while drawing more general lessons from comparative analysis of these case studies. In addition, the chapter proposes an agenda for future research. With regard to general trends observed on the basis of comparative analysis, the chapter identifies the pervasiveness of four negative, interrelated trends that cut across the book’s five case studies: (1) the adoption of labor flexibility practices, which increased the precariousness of labor; (2) the continued vulnerability of national economies to global competition and boom/bust cycles; (3) with the exception of Brazil, the significant weakening of party/union ties, leaving organized labor without strong, reliable political allies to help advance its interests; and (4) the internal fragmentation and attendant lack of efficacy of labor organizations in promoting positive reforms such as reducing flexibilization and increasing collective bargaining. Topics for future study include research to better understand intraregional migration, the relationship between economic growth and employment in Latin America, investigation into the conditions necessary to establish democratic unionism, and the role of politically targeted social welfare assistance in cultivating support among informal workers and thereby mitigating the need to build support from organized labor.Less
The conclusion summarizes the case study findings from the book’s individual chapters while drawing more general lessons from comparative analysis of these case studies. In addition, the chapter proposes an agenda for future research. With regard to general trends observed on the basis of comparative analysis, the chapter identifies the pervasiveness of four negative, interrelated trends that cut across the book’s five case studies: (1) the adoption of labor flexibility practices, which increased the precariousness of labor; (2) the continued vulnerability of national economies to global competition and boom/bust cycles; (3) with the exception of Brazil, the significant weakening of party/union ties, leaving organized labor without strong, reliable political allies to help advance its interests; and (4) the internal fragmentation and attendant lack of efficacy of labor organizations in promoting positive reforms such as reducing flexibilization and increasing collective bargaining. Topics for future study include research to better understand intraregional migration, the relationship between economic growth and employment in Latin America, investigation into the conditions necessary to establish democratic unionism, and the role of politically targeted social welfare assistance in cultivating support among informal workers and thereby mitigating the need to build support from organized labor.
Daniel B. Cornfield
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691160733
- eISBN:
- 9781400873890
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691160733.003.0007
- Subject:
- Sociology, Culture
This chapter presents a new, post-bureaucratic research agenda in the new sociology of work derived from the sociological theory of artist activism. The agenda consists of three themes for future ...
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This chapter presents a new, post-bureaucratic research agenda in the new sociology of work derived from the sociological theory of artist activism. The agenda consists of three themes for future research. First is the generalizability of the Nashville model of artist activism across cities that differ in terms of their mix of art-production and -consumption activity and their levels and history of arts trade unionism. The second theme pertains to the influence of biographical pathways, risk orientations, and occupational socialization through intergenerational peer mentoring on the formation of the next generation of artist activists. The third theme is an assessment of the effectiveness of the several prevailing models of guild-like labor organizations for freelancers and artists on advancing individual and occupational professional and economic interests. The chapter concludes with policy implications for building and strengthening inclusive and expressive, urban occupational communities in an era of risk individualization and identity politics.Less
This chapter presents a new, post-bureaucratic research agenda in the new sociology of work derived from the sociological theory of artist activism. The agenda consists of three themes for future research. First is the generalizability of the Nashville model of artist activism across cities that differ in terms of their mix of art-production and -consumption activity and their levels and history of arts trade unionism. The second theme pertains to the influence of biographical pathways, risk orientations, and occupational socialization through intergenerational peer mentoring on the formation of the next generation of artist activists. The third theme is an assessment of the effectiveness of the several prevailing models of guild-like labor organizations for freelancers and artists on advancing individual and occupational professional and economic interests. The chapter concludes with policy implications for building and strengthening inclusive and expressive, urban occupational communities in an era of risk individualization and identity politics.
John S. Ahlquist and Margaret Levi
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691158563
- eISBN:
- 9781400848652
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691158563.003.0004
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
This chapter focuses on two more politically committed unions, the International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU) and the Waterside Workers' Federation (WWF). It identifies the pivotal historical ...
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This chapter focuses on two more politically committed unions, the International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU) and the Waterside Workers' Federation (WWF). It identifies the pivotal historical moments and leaders in these organizations and discusses their attitudes toward the appropriate scope of union activity and the type of rents they hoped to secure in exchange for taking up the costly and risky task of leading a labor organization in the 1930s–1970s. The chapter also distinguishes the explicit set of organizational principles that formalize these beliefs about union scope of action and shows how the organizational governance institutions are consistent with both the stated principles and the form of the leader's rents studied in the previous section.Less
This chapter focuses on two more politically committed unions, the International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU) and the Waterside Workers' Federation (WWF). It identifies the pivotal historical moments and leaders in these organizations and discusses their attitudes toward the appropriate scope of union activity and the type of rents they hoped to secure in exchange for taking up the costly and risky task of leading a labor organization in the 1930s–1970s. The chapter also distinguishes the explicit set of organizational principles that formalize these beliefs about union scope of action and shows how the organizational governance institutions are consistent with both the stated principles and the form of the leader's rents studied in the previous section.
Steven Casper
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199269525
- eISBN:
- 9780191710025
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199269525.003.0004
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Political Economy
Germany has long been categorized as an organized or coordinated market economy. Moreover, a key prediction of comparative institutional theory is that Germany should perform poorly in radically ...
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Germany has long been categorized as an organized or coordinated market economy. Moreover, a key prediction of comparative institutional theory is that Germany should perform poorly in radically innovative industries such as biotechnology. In the mid 1990s, the German government launched a series of wide-ranging public policies with the aim of developing a world-class biotechnology industry. This chapter examines these policies and evaluates their success in creating a sustainable biotechnology industry in Germany. German policies have created a large industry, in terms of the number of companies launched, in a short period of time. However, empirical evidence suggests that this industry has not become sustainable, in terms of generating adequate venture capital finance for companies or generating an active labor market for scientists and managers working within the industry. These problems are linked to long-standing institutional arrangements in the areas of finance, corporate governance, and labor market regulation, suggesting that the ability of governments to circumvent national institutional frameworks may be limited.Less
Germany has long been categorized as an organized or coordinated market economy. Moreover, a key prediction of comparative institutional theory is that Germany should perform poorly in radically innovative industries such as biotechnology. In the mid 1990s, the German government launched a series of wide-ranging public policies with the aim of developing a world-class biotechnology industry. This chapter examines these policies and evaluates their success in creating a sustainable biotechnology industry in Germany. German policies have created a large industry, in terms of the number of companies launched, in a short period of time. However, empirical evidence suggests that this industry has not become sustainable, in terms of generating adequate venture capital finance for companies or generating an active labor market for scientists and managers working within the industry. These problems are linked to long-standing institutional arrangements in the areas of finance, corporate governance, and labor market regulation, suggesting that the ability of governments to circumvent national institutional frameworks may be limited.
Cécile Fabre
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296751
- eISBN:
- 9780191599200
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296754.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
I consider the claim that social rights cannot be constitutionalized and protected by the judiciary, because the latter is unable to adjudicate rights which, by nature, are vague and cannot ...
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I consider the claim that social rights cannot be constitutionalized and protected by the judiciary, because the latter is unable to adjudicate rights which, by nature, are vague and cannot constitute a solid basis for assessing governmental policy‐making. I reject this practical objection to constitutional social rights whilst taking on board some of its insights, by looking at the ways in which social rights are given specific content by institutions such as the ILO and the UN, and at the way constitutional social rights are dealt with by some domestic constitutional courts.Less
I consider the claim that social rights cannot be constitutionalized and protected by the judiciary, because the latter is unable to adjudicate rights which, by nature, are vague and cannot constitute a solid basis for assessing governmental policy‐making. I reject this practical objection to constitutional social rights whilst taking on board some of its insights, by looking at the ways in which social rights are given specific content by institutions such as the ILO and the UN, and at the way constitutional social rights are dealt with by some domestic constitutional courts.
Michael Shalev
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198285137
- eISBN:
- 9780191684494
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198285137.003.0009
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Public and Welfare
This concluding chapter tries to extend the discussion in earlier chapters, particularly regarding the central labour organization in Israel and the Israeli Labour Party. It attempts to address the ...
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This concluding chapter tries to extend the discussion in earlier chapters, particularly regarding the central labour organization in Israel and the Israeli Labour Party. It attempts to address the concerns of scholars whose primary interest is the theories of social-democratic corporatism (SDC). The chapter offers several suggestions for augmenting the analytical power of SDC by incorporating insights from different political-economic theories. It also summarises several characteristics of Israel that enabled them to endure the economic downturn during the 1970s era.Less
This concluding chapter tries to extend the discussion in earlier chapters, particularly regarding the central labour organization in Israel and the Israeli Labour Party. It attempts to address the concerns of scholars whose primary interest is the theories of social-democratic corporatism (SDC). The chapter offers several suggestions for augmenting the analytical power of SDC by incorporating insights from different political-economic theories. It also summarises several characteristics of Israel that enabled them to endure the economic downturn during the 1970s era.
Silvia Scarpa
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199541904
- eISBN:
- 9780191715464
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199541904.003.0004
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration
This chapter discusses States' obligations under international human rights, criminal and labour law, as regards the prevention of trafficking in persons, the fight against the phenomenon, and ...
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This chapter discusses States' obligations under international human rights, criminal and labour law, as regards the prevention of trafficking in persons, the fight against the phenomenon, and victims' protection. Some of the most relevant international human rights instruments adopted in the framework of the United Nations can surely contribute to improving the standards of protection contained in the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons. The chapter then focuses on the work of some relevant UN Special Mechanisms to underline their tireless action aimed at denouncing the phenomenon and at putting pressure on States to act. In the field of international criminal law, the chapter focuses on the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court which recognizes that trafficking in persons, especially women and children, can be a form of enslavement, constituting — under certain conditions — a crime against humanity. The chapter concludes by discussing some of the Conventions adopted in the framework of the International Labour Organization (ILO).Less
This chapter discusses States' obligations under international human rights, criminal and labour law, as regards the prevention of trafficking in persons, the fight against the phenomenon, and victims' protection. Some of the most relevant international human rights instruments adopted in the framework of the United Nations can surely contribute to improving the standards of protection contained in the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons. The chapter then focuses on the work of some relevant UN Special Mechanisms to underline their tireless action aimed at denouncing the phenomenon and at putting pressure on States to act. In the field of international criminal law, the chapter focuses on the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court which recognizes that trafficking in persons, especially women and children, can be a form of enslavement, constituting — under certain conditions — a crime against humanity. The chapter concludes by discussing some of the Conventions adopted in the framework of the International Labour Organization (ILO).
