Roger M. Barker
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199576814
- eISBN:
- 9780191722509
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199576814.001.0001
- Subject:
- Business and Management, International Business, Corporate Governance and Accountability
The corporate governance systems of continental Europe have traditionally been quite different to those of the liberal market economies (e.g., the United States and the United Kingdom). Company ...
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The corporate governance systems of continental Europe have traditionally been quite different to those of the liberal market economies (e.g., the United States and the United Kingdom). Company ownership has been dominated by incumbent blockholders, with a relatively minor role for minority shareholders and institutional investors. However, since the mid‐1990s, European corporations have adopted many of the characteristics of the Anglo‐American shareholder model. Furthermore, such an increased shareholder orientation has coincided with a significant role for the Left in European government. This presents a puzzle, as conventional wisdom does not conceive of the European Left as the natural ally of pro‐shareholder capitalism. This book provides an analysis of this paradox by arguing that the postwar support of the European Left for the prevailing blockholder‐dominated corporate system depended on the willingness of blockholders to share economic rents with employees, both through higher wages and greater employment stability. However, during the 1990s, product markets became more competitive in many European countries. The sharing of rents between social actors became increasingly difficult to sustain. In such an environment, the Left chose to relinquish its traditional social partnership with blockholders and embraced many aspects of the shareholder model. The hypothesis is initially explored through a panel data econometric analysis of fifteen non‐liberal market economies. Subsequent case study chapters examine the political economy of recent corporate governance change in Germany and Italy.Less
The corporate governance systems of continental Europe have traditionally been quite different to those of the liberal market economies (e.g., the United States and the United Kingdom). Company ownership has been dominated by incumbent blockholders, with a relatively minor role for minority shareholders and institutional investors. However, since the mid‐1990s, European corporations have adopted many of the characteristics of the Anglo‐American shareholder model. Furthermore, such an increased shareholder orientation has coincided with a significant role for the Left in European government. This presents a puzzle, as conventional wisdom does not conceive of the European Left as the natural ally of pro‐shareholder capitalism. This book provides an analysis of this paradox by arguing that the postwar support of the European Left for the prevailing blockholder‐dominated corporate system depended on the willingness of blockholders to share economic rents with employees, both through higher wages and greater employment stability. However, during the 1990s, product markets became more competitive in many European countries. The sharing of rents between social actors became increasingly difficult to sustain. In such an environment, the Left chose to relinquish its traditional social partnership with blockholders and embraced many aspects of the shareholder model. The hypothesis is initially explored through a panel data econometric analysis of fifteen non‐liberal market economies. Subsequent case study chapters examine the political economy of recent corporate governance change in Germany and Italy.
Andrew Hindmoor
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199273140
- eISBN:
- 9780191601897
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199273146.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This book examines how New Labour repositioned itself at the ‘centre-ground’. It argues that policy changes alone cannot account for the change in spatial position. New Labour did not simply move to ...
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This book examines how New Labour repositioned itself at the ‘centre-ground’. It argues that policy changes alone cannot account for the change in spatial position. New Labour did not simply move to the centre, but constructed it. It persuaded the media, voters and other parties that it had moved to centre, and constructed its policies as centrist.Less
This book examines how New Labour repositioned itself at the ‘centre-ground’. It argues that policy changes alone cannot account for the change in spatial position. New Labour did not simply move to the centre, but constructed it. It persuaded the media, voters and other parties that it had moved to centre, and constructed its policies as centrist.
Bob Hancké, Martin Rhodes, and Mark Thatcher (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199206483
- eISBN:
- 9780191709715
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199206483.001.0001
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Political Economy
Since the early 1990s, Europe's economies have been facing several new challenges: the 1992 single market programme, the collapse of the Berlin wall and eastward enlargement, and monetary ...
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Since the early 1990s, Europe's economies have been facing several new challenges: the 1992 single market programme, the collapse of the Berlin wall and eastward enlargement, and monetary unification. Building on the influential Varieties of Capitalism (VoC) perspective, this book critically analyses these developments in the European political economy and their effects on the continental European economies. The chapters include debate about how VoC can help understand the political-economic challenges that Europe is facing today, and how understanding these new challenges can in turn enrich and enhance the VoC perspective. Thematically, the contributions to this volume are organised in four sections: how the macro-economics of EMU influenced different European models of capitalism; how the Single Market programme was received in the different institutional regimes in European capitalism; how welfare and labour market reforms are debated and implemented; and how European capitalism travelled east after 1989. The book aims to demonstrate that the VoC approach remains — as the editors put it in their introduction — a rich seam to mine, capable of accommodating new developments, and theoretically flexible enough to branch out into new arguments.Less
Since the early 1990s, Europe's economies have been facing several new challenges: the 1992 single market programme, the collapse of the Berlin wall and eastward enlargement, and monetary unification. Building on the influential Varieties of Capitalism (VoC) perspective, this book critically analyses these developments in the European political economy and their effects on the continental European economies. The chapters include debate about how VoC can help understand the political-economic challenges that Europe is facing today, and how understanding these new challenges can in turn enrich and enhance the VoC perspective. Thematically, the contributions to this volume are organised in four sections: how the macro-economics of EMU influenced different European models of capitalism; how the Single Market programme was received in the different institutional regimes in European capitalism; how welfare and labour market reforms are debated and implemented; and how European capitalism travelled east after 1989. The book aims to demonstrate that the VoC approach remains — as the editors put it in their introduction — a rich seam to mine, capable of accommodating new developments, and theoretically flexible enough to branch out into new arguments.
David Rueda
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199216352
- eISBN:
- 9780191712241
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199216352.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The analysis in this book disputes entrenched interpretations of the comparative political economy of industrialized democracies. It questions, in particular, the widely-held assumption that social ...
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The analysis in this book disputes entrenched interpretations of the comparative political economy of industrialized democracies. It questions, in particular, the widely-held assumption that social democratic governments will defend the interests of labour. The evidence shows that labour has become split into two clearly differentiated constituencies: those with secure employment (insiders) and those without (outsiders). The book focuses on three policy areas: employment protection (representing the main concern of insiders), and active and passive labour market policies (the main concern of outsiders). The main thrust of the argument is that the goals of social democratic parties are often best served by pursuing policies that benefit only insiders. The implication of the book's insider-outsider model is that social democratic government is associated with higher levels of employment protection legislation but not with labour market policy. The book also argues that there are factors that can reduce insider-outsider differences and weaken their influence on social democratic governments. These hypotheses are explored through the triangulation of different methodologies. The book provides an analysis of surveys and macrodata and a detailed comparison of three case-studies: Spain, the UK, and the Netherlands.Less
The analysis in this book disputes entrenched interpretations of the comparative political economy of industrialized democracies. It questions, in particular, the widely-held assumption that social democratic governments will defend the interests of labour. The evidence shows that labour has become split into two clearly differentiated constituencies: those with secure employment (insiders) and those without (outsiders). The book focuses on three policy areas: employment protection (representing the main concern of insiders), and active and passive labour market policies (the main concern of outsiders). The main thrust of the argument is that the goals of social democratic parties are often best served by pursuing policies that benefit only insiders. The implication of the book's insider-outsider model is that social democratic government is associated with higher levels of employment protection legislation but not with labour market policy. The book also argues that there are factors that can reduce insider-outsider differences and weaken their influence on social democratic governments. These hypotheses are explored through the triangulation of different methodologies. The book provides an analysis of surveys and macrodata and a detailed comparison of three case-studies: Spain, the UK, and the Netherlands.
Jude Hays
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195369335
- eISBN:
- 9780199871056
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195369335.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
On one level, the book is about how national institutions, such as electoral and labor market institutions, shape the political and policy responses of government to economic globalization: it is ...
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On one level, the book is about how national institutions, such as electoral and labor market institutions, shape the political and policy responses of government to economic globalization: it is about how domestic politics reacts to and interacts with the global economy and how institutions structure these relationships. However, on a deeper level, the book is about the political backlash against globalization in the Anglo-American democracies. The book's analysis is based on the fact that the future of the global economy is at stake, and possibly so is international peace and stability. The book analyzes the risks to the state of the international economy from economic nationalism, the current global economic crisis, and recent concerns over national security.Less
On one level, the book is about how national institutions, such as electoral and labor market institutions, shape the political and policy responses of government to economic globalization: it is about how domestic politics reacts to and interacts with the global economy and how institutions structure these relationships. However, on a deeper level, the book is about the political backlash against globalization in the Anglo-American democracies. The book's analysis is based on the fact that the future of the global economy is at stake, and possibly so is international peace and stability. The book analyzes the risks to the state of the international economy from economic nationalism, the current global economic crisis, and recent concerns over national security.
Mark Curthoys
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199268894
- eISBN:
- 9780191708466
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199268894.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This is a study of how mid-Victorian Britain and its specialist advisers, in an age of free trade and the minimal state, attempted to create a viable legal framework for trade unions and strikes. It ...
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This is a study of how mid-Victorian Britain and its specialist advisers, in an age of free trade and the minimal state, attempted to create a viable legal framework for trade unions and strikes. It traces the collapse, in the face of judicial interventions, of the regime for collective labour devised by the Liberal Tories in the 1820s, following the repeal of the Combination Acts. The new arrangements enacted in the 1870s allowed collective labour unparalleled freedoms, contended by the newly-founded Trades Union Congress. This book seeks to reinstate the view from government into an account of how the settlement was brought about, tracing the emergence of an official view — largely independent of external pressure — which favoured withdrawing the criminal law from peaceful industrial relations and allowing a virtually unrestricted freedom to combine. It reviews the impact upon the Home Office's specialist advisers of contemporary intellectual trends, such as the assaults upon classical and political economy and the historicised critiques of labour law developed by Liberal writers. The book offers an historical context for the major court decisions affecting the security of trade union funds, and the freedom to strike, while the views of the judges are integrated within the terms of a wider debate between proponents of contending views of ‘free trade’ and ‘free labour’. New evidence sheds light on the considerations which impelled governments to grant trade unions a distinctive form of legal existence, and to protect strikers from the criminal law.Less
This is a study of how mid-Victorian Britain and its specialist advisers, in an age of free trade and the minimal state, attempted to create a viable legal framework for trade unions and strikes. It traces the collapse, in the face of judicial interventions, of the regime for collective labour devised by the Liberal Tories in the 1820s, following the repeal of the Combination Acts. The new arrangements enacted in the 1870s allowed collective labour unparalleled freedoms, contended by the newly-founded Trades Union Congress. This book seeks to reinstate the view from government into an account of how the settlement was brought about, tracing the emergence of an official view — largely independent of external pressure — which favoured withdrawing the criminal law from peaceful industrial relations and allowing a virtually unrestricted freedom to combine. It reviews the impact upon the Home Office's specialist advisers of contemporary intellectual trends, such as the assaults upon classical and political economy and the historicised critiques of labour law developed by Liberal writers. The book offers an historical context for the major court decisions affecting the security of trade union funds, and the freedom to strike, while the views of the judges are integrated within the terms of a wider debate between proponents of contending views of ‘free trade’ and ‘free labour’. New evidence sheds light on the considerations which impelled governments to grant trade unions a distinctive form of legal existence, and to protect strikers from the criminal law.
Marshall Ganz
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195162011
- eISBN:
- 9780199943401
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195162011.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
This book tells the story of Cesar Chavez and the United Farm Workers' ground-breaking victory, drawing important lessons from this dramatic tale. Since the 1900s, large-scale agricultural ...
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This book tells the story of Cesar Chavez and the United Farm Workers' ground-breaking victory, drawing important lessons from this dramatic tale. Since the 1900s, large-scale agricultural enterprises relied on migrant labor—a cheap, unorganized, and powerless workforce. In 1965, when some 800 Filipino grape workers began to strike under the aegis of the AFL-CIO, the UFW soon joined the action with 2,000 Mexican workers and turned the strike into a civil rights struggle. They engaged in civil disobedience, mobilized support from churches and students, boycotted growers, and transformed their struggle into La Causa, a farm workers' movement that eventually triumphed over the grape industry's Goliath. Why did they succeed? How can the powerless challenge the powerful successfully? Offering insight from a long-time movement organizer and scholar, the book illustrates how they had the ability and resourcefulness to devise good strategy and turn short-term advantages into long-term gains. The book covers the movement's struggles, set-backs, and successes.Less
This book tells the story of Cesar Chavez and the United Farm Workers' ground-breaking victory, drawing important lessons from this dramatic tale. Since the 1900s, large-scale agricultural enterprises relied on migrant labor—a cheap, unorganized, and powerless workforce. In 1965, when some 800 Filipino grape workers began to strike under the aegis of the AFL-CIO, the UFW soon joined the action with 2,000 Mexican workers and turned the strike into a civil rights struggle. They engaged in civil disobedience, mobilized support from churches and students, boycotted growers, and transformed their struggle into La Causa, a farm workers' movement that eventually triumphed over the grape industry's Goliath. Why did they succeed? How can the powerless challenge the powerful successfully? Offering insight from a long-time movement organizer and scholar, the book illustrates how they had the ability and resourcefulness to devise good strategy and turn short-term advantages into long-term gains. The book covers the movement's struggles, set-backs, and successes.
John Knight and Lina Song
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199245277
- eISBN:
- 9780191602207
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199245274.001.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, South and East Asia
This book presents a compilation of studies on China’s labour market. These explore institutional and political constraints on the operation of the market, and their changes over time. The book is ...
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This book presents a compilation of studies on China’s labour market. These explore institutional and political constraints on the operation of the market, and their changes over time. The book is divided into four parts. Part I studies the Chinese labour and wage system under the planned economy, labour market reforms, their evolution, and their consequences. Part II examines the various aspects of the labour market such as wage structure and segmentation. Part III analyses the rural labour market. Part IV discusses the imperfect labour market.Less
This book presents a compilation of studies on China’s labour market. These explore institutional and political constraints on the operation of the market, and their changes over time. The book is divided into four parts. Part I studies the Chinese labour and wage system under the planned economy, labour market reforms, their evolution, and their consequences. Part II examines the various aspects of the labour market such as wage structure and segmentation. Part III analyses the rural labour market. Part IV discusses the imperfect labour market.
Lance Taylor (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195145465
- eISBN:
- 9780199783960
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195145465.001.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, International
Reports on the effects of the fundamental economic policy shift in transition and developing countries after the mid‐1980s. Since that time, the “external liberalization” of international trade and ...
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Reports on the effects of the fundamental economic policy shift in transition and developing countries after the mid‐1980s. Since that time, the “external liberalization” of international trade and finance has been among the principal forces for increasing global integration. This wave of deregulation was the central feature of globalization for the non‐industrialized world. The chapters in this book look at the experiences of nine countries – Argentina, Columbia, Cuba, India, Mexico, Russia, South Korea, Turkey, and Zimbabwe – and the often‐negative effects that liberalization has had on them. At best, the liberalization packages generated modest improvements in economic growth and distributional equity; at worst, they have been associated with increasing income inequality and slower growth, even in the presence of rising capital inflows. The country studies suggest that the effects of liberalization on growth, employment, and income distribution emerge from a complex set of forces on both the supply and demand sides of the economy. Redistribution of income and production across industries (typically from those producing traded goods to those producing nontraded goods) and groups within the labor force (typically from unskilled to skilled), as well as adverse shifts in “macro” prices such as real wage, interest, and exchange rates are part of the process. This degree of complexity and most of the unfavorable effects of deregulation were not anticipated, and are only now being widely recognized. The implication is that the liberalization strategy needs to be rethought. The contributors include policy recommendations for often‐overlooked problems and challenges posed by globalization.Less
Reports on the effects of the fundamental economic policy shift in transition and developing countries after the mid‐1980s. Since that time, the “external liberalization” of international trade and finance has been among the principal forces for increasing global integration. This wave of deregulation was the central feature of globalization for the non‐industrialized world. The chapters in this book look at the experiences of nine countries – Argentina, Columbia, Cuba, India, Mexico, Russia, South Korea, Turkey, and Zimbabwe – and the often‐negative effects that liberalization has had on them. At best, the liberalization packages generated modest improvements in economic growth and distributional equity; at worst, they have been associated with increasing income inequality and slower growth, even in the presence of rising capital inflows. The country studies suggest that the effects of liberalization on growth, employment, and income distribution emerge from a complex set of forces on both the supply and demand sides of the economy. Redistribution of income and production across industries (typically from those producing traded goods to those producing nontraded goods) and groups within the labor force (typically from unskilled to skilled), as well as adverse shifts in “macro” prices such as real wage, interest, and exchange rates are part of the process. This degree of complexity and most of the unfavorable effects of deregulation were not anticipated, and are only now being widely recognized. The implication is that the liberalization strategy needs to be rethought. The contributors include policy recommendations for often‐overlooked problems and challenges posed by globalization.
Johannes Lindvall
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199590643
- eISBN:
- 9780191723407
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199590643.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Economy
Ever since the 1970s, the problem of unemployment has defined politics in Western Europe, but governments have responded in different ways. In the 1970s and 1980s, some governments used macroeconomic ...
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Ever since the 1970s, the problem of unemployment has defined politics in Western Europe, but governments have responded in different ways. In the 1970s and 1980s, some governments used macroeconomic policy to support domestic economic activity and maintain full employment. In the 1990s and 2000s, on the other hand, some governments made large labor market policy changes to ensure that the unemployed were looking for jobs, well-trained, and matched with employers willing to hire them. Comparing Austria, Denmark, the Netherlands, and Sweden, this book shows that governments made different choices because of underlying political differences: the development of party systems, corporatism, and norms regarding the purpose of political authority. Low unemployment was the linchpin of political arrangements in Western Europe after the Second World War. When mass unemployment became a threat again in the 1970s, Austria and Sweden – where the post-war political order remained intact – used economic policies to preserve full employment. In the 1990s and 2000s, governments in Denmark and the Netherlands – who had lived with high unemployment for a long period of time and reformed their political models in the course of the 1980s – undertook far-reaching labor market policy changes.Less
Ever since the 1970s, the problem of unemployment has defined politics in Western Europe, but governments have responded in different ways. In the 1970s and 1980s, some governments used macroeconomic policy to support domestic economic activity and maintain full employment. In the 1990s and 2000s, on the other hand, some governments made large labor market policy changes to ensure that the unemployed were looking for jobs, well-trained, and matched with employers willing to hire them. Comparing Austria, Denmark, the Netherlands, and Sweden, this book shows that governments made different choices because of underlying political differences: the development of party systems, corporatism, and norms regarding the purpose of political authority. Low unemployment was the linchpin of political arrangements in Western Europe after the Second World War. When mass unemployment became a threat again in the 1970s, Austria and Sweden – where the post-war political order remained intact – used economic policies to preserve full employment. In the 1990s and 2000s, governments in Denmark and the Netherlands – who had lived with high unemployment for a long period of time and reformed their political models in the course of the 1980s – undertook far-reaching labor market policy changes.
Carl-Ulrik Schierup
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780198280521
- eISBN:
- 9780191603730
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280521.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter examines EU policies concerning social exclusion, migrant integration, labour migration, and asylum in the early 21st century. A two-pronged approach analyzes EU efforts in the realm of ...
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This chapter examines EU policies concerning social exclusion, migrant integration, labour migration, and asylum in the early 21st century. A two-pronged approach analyzes EU efforts in the realm of migrant integration together with its interventions in the area of immigration and asylum. A new anti-discrimination orientation is being turned into mandatory EU directives and EU-sponsored transnational development programmes, but this reorientation towards diversity, social inclusion, and equal opportunity is part of a new European Social Model, which is conditioned by a neo-liberal policy dynamic. The contours of the EU’s modernized Social Model are those of a post-national workfare regime. This has critical implications for the transformation of the frameworks of citizenship marking the post-war European welfare states in general, and the incorporation of immigrants and ethnic minorities in European societies in particular. The first part of the chapter explores the changing conditionality posed by the neo-liberal turn and changing frameworks of citizenship with regard to the inclusion of resident denizens and citizens with migrant background. That is, it focuses on the actual condition of being a citizen. The second half of the chapter discusses the changing conditions for becoming (or not becoming) a citizen, framed by a newly emerging supranational political economy of border control, migration management, and asylum.Less
This chapter examines EU policies concerning social exclusion, migrant integration, labour migration, and asylum in the early 21st century. A two-pronged approach analyzes EU efforts in the realm of migrant integration together with its interventions in the area of immigration and asylum. A new anti-discrimination orientation is being turned into mandatory EU directives and EU-sponsored transnational development programmes, but this reorientation towards diversity, social inclusion, and equal opportunity is part of a new European Social Model, which is conditioned by a neo-liberal policy dynamic. The contours of the EU’s modernized Social Model are those of a post-national workfare regime. This has critical implications for the transformation of the frameworks of citizenship marking the post-war European welfare states in general, and the incorporation of immigrants and ethnic minorities in European societies in particular. The first part of the chapter explores the changing conditionality posed by the neo-liberal turn and changing frameworks of citizenship with regard to the inclusion of resident denizens and citizens with migrant background. That is, it focuses on the actual condition of being a citizen. The second half of the chapter discusses the changing conditions for becoming (or not becoming) a citizen, framed by a newly emerging supranational political economy of border control, migration management, and asylum.
Carl-Ulrik Schierup
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780198280521
- eISBN:
- 9780191603730
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280521.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The ‘Thatcher revolution’ and its continuation by New Labour make Britain a kind of master model for the neo-liberalization or Americanization of European welfare states. This chapter examines ...
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The ‘Thatcher revolution’ and its continuation by New Labour make Britain a kind of master model for the neo-liberalization or Americanization of European welfare states. This chapter examines Britain’s new political economy and its links with immigration and ethnic diversity. The development of the specific model of state managed race relations and multiculturalism went parallel to the growth of inequality and the restructuring of the labour force according to the criteria of race, gender, human capital, and legal status. Current debates on the alleged threat from disaffected Muslim youth and the need for social cohesion arise from this failure of British multiculturalism to overcome barriers of race and class, and indicate a search for new forms of social control: less state in economic and social issues is matched by a stronger state in matters of identity and order.Less
The ‘Thatcher revolution’ and its continuation by New Labour make Britain a kind of master model for the neo-liberalization or Americanization of European welfare states. This chapter examines Britain’s new political economy and its links with immigration and ethnic diversity. The development of the specific model of state managed race relations and multiculturalism went parallel to the growth of inequality and the restructuring of the labour force according to the criteria of race, gender, human capital, and legal status. Current debates on the alleged threat from disaffected Muslim youth and the need for social cohesion arise from this failure of British multiculturalism to overcome barriers of race and class, and indicate a search for new forms of social control: less state in economic and social issues is matched by a stronger state in matters of identity and order.
Carl-Ulrik Schierup
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780198280521
- eISBN:
- 9780191603730
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280521.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter discusses the emergence of downgraded and informal sectors of European labour markets staffed by socially marginal migrants and ethnic minorities. These parts of the economy and the ...
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This chapter discusses the emergence of downgraded and informal sectors of European labour markets staffed by socially marginal migrants and ethnic minorities. These parts of the economy and the labour market seem to represent a ‘pre-modern’ regression in terms of organization and management. Yet the processes through which this occurs are part and parcel of advanced capitalist strategies of deregulation for the enhancement of ‘flexibility’ in terms of a networked economy and society and a fragmented labour market. This point is illustrated by case studies of industrial restructuring from Britain, the Netherlands, Spain, and Portugal. These examples exhibit advanced corporate strategies heading the ongoing restructuring of the political economy and European societies, and reflect processes typical for different economic sectors. The cases also demonstrate the impact of the different national institutional contexts and welfare regimes in which these strategies of restructuring are embedded.Less
This chapter discusses the emergence of downgraded and informal sectors of European labour markets staffed by socially marginal migrants and ethnic minorities. These parts of the economy and the labour market seem to represent a ‘pre-modern’ regression in terms of organization and management. Yet the processes through which this occurs are part and parcel of advanced capitalist strategies of deregulation for the enhancement of ‘flexibility’ in terms of a networked economy and society and a fragmented labour market. This point is illustrated by case studies of industrial restructuring from Britain, the Netherlands, Spain, and Portugal. These examples exhibit advanced corporate strategies heading the ongoing restructuring of the political economy and European societies, and reflect processes typical for different economic sectors. The cases also demonstrate the impact of the different national institutional contexts and welfare regimes in which these strategies of restructuring are embedded.
Vernon Bogdanor (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197263334
- eISBN:
- 9780191734564
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197263334.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Drawing together work presented at a conference held at the British Academy, this book provides a broad overview of one of the most significant aspects of modern government. Joined-up government is a ...
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Drawing together work presented at a conference held at the British Academy, this book provides a broad overview of one of the most significant aspects of modern government. Joined-up government is a key theme of modern government. The Labour government, first elected in 1997, decided that intractable problems such as social exclusion, drug addiction and crime could not be resolved by any single department of government. Instead, such problems had to be made the object of a concerted attack using all the arms of government — central and local government and public agencies, as well as the private and voluntary sectors. This book seeks to analyse ‘joined-up government’, to consider its history, and to evaluate its consequences for British institutions such as the Cabinet, the civil service and local authorities. Is joined-up government a new idea, or merely a new label for a very old idea? What lessons can be learnt from previous attempts at joined-up government? How does it affect our traditional constitutional conceptions relating to Cabinet government, a politically neutral and non-partisan civil service, and an independent system of local government? Will it lead to the concentration of power in 10 Downing Street or is it compatible with a political system based on checks and balances?Less
Drawing together work presented at a conference held at the British Academy, this book provides a broad overview of one of the most significant aspects of modern government. Joined-up government is a key theme of modern government. The Labour government, first elected in 1997, decided that intractable problems such as social exclusion, drug addiction and crime could not be resolved by any single department of government. Instead, such problems had to be made the object of a concerted attack using all the arms of government — central and local government and public agencies, as well as the private and voluntary sectors. This book seeks to analyse ‘joined-up government’, to consider its history, and to evaluate its consequences for British institutions such as the Cabinet, the civil service and local authorities. Is joined-up government a new idea, or merely a new label for a very old idea? What lessons can be learnt from previous attempts at joined-up government? How does it affect our traditional constitutional conceptions relating to Cabinet government, a politically neutral and non-partisan civil service, and an independent system of local government? Will it lead to the concentration of power in 10 Downing Street or is it compatible with a political system based on checks and balances?
Alessandro Cigno and Furio Camillo Rosati
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- July 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199264452
- eISBN:
- 9780191602511
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199264457.001.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Public and Welfare
Why is there child labour? Are there arguments for abolishing or curtailing all forms of child labour, or just morally and physically dangerous ones like soldiering and prostitution? Given that at ...
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Why is there child labour? Are there arguments for abolishing or curtailing all forms of child labour, or just morally and physically dangerous ones like soldiering and prostitution? Given that at least some forms of child labour ought to be abolished or curtailed, which is the most effective way of doing it? The book tries to answer these questions both theoretically and empirically. Child labour can be inefficiently high or inefficiently low, but more likely the former. Market and government failure can lead to children being effectively sold into slavery. Even the most common and least objectionable forms of child work, helping parents on the family farm or with domestic chores, have harmful effects. The mechanisms that produce excessive child labour are the same that produce excessive fertility and infant mortality. There is no single remedy for child labour. A ban is unlikely to be effective on its own. The list of effective instruments includes not only obvious candidates like schools, credit, and cover against certain risks, but also less obvious ones like sanitation and preventive medicine. Even humdrum policies such as bringing electricity and piped water into people’s homes can significantly reduce child labour.Less
Why is there child labour? Are there arguments for abolishing or curtailing all forms of child labour, or just morally and physically dangerous ones like soldiering and prostitution? Given that at least some forms of child labour ought to be abolished or curtailed, which is the most effective way of doing it? The book tries to answer these questions both theoretically and empirically. Child labour can be inefficiently high or inefficiently low, but more likely the former. Market and government failure can lead to children being effectively sold into slavery. Even the most common and least objectionable forms of child work, helping parents on the family farm or with domestic chores, have harmful effects. The mechanisms that produce excessive child labour are the same that produce excessive fertility and infant mortality. There is no single remedy for child labour. A ban is unlikely to be effective on its own. The list of effective instruments includes not only obvious candidates like schools, credit, and cover against certain risks, but also less obvious ones like sanitation and preventive medicine. Even humdrum policies such as bringing electricity and piped water into people’s homes can significantly reduce child labour.
E. Philip Davis
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198293040
- eISBN:
- 9780191684944
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198293040.003.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Financial Economics, Public and Welfare
Because of lower fertility and the various advances in terms of medicine, the number of people over 60 will have raisen from 500 million in 1990 to about 1.4 billion in 2030. If seen on a global ...
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Because of lower fertility and the various advances in terms of medicine, the number of people over 60 will have raisen from 500 million in 1990 to about 1.4 billion in 2030. If seen on a global scale, the issue of population ageing may give rise to various economic problems. As compared to when life expectancy was still relatively low, a large portion of the population will have claims to a share of a particular output in spite of not being about to provide labour sufficient enough to maintain their incomes. One of the major issues in both advanced and Third World countries will then involve how to organize this type of system while retaining economic growth and efficiency. In taking the political and financial risks into account, the resulting option as well as its consequences for pension fund development will significantly affect the financial system's structure.Less
Because of lower fertility and the various advances in terms of medicine, the number of people over 60 will have raisen from 500 million in 1990 to about 1.4 billion in 2030. If seen on a global scale, the issue of population ageing may give rise to various economic problems. As compared to when life expectancy was still relatively low, a large portion of the population will have claims to a share of a particular output in spite of not being about to provide labour sufficient enough to maintain their incomes. One of the major issues in both advanced and Third World countries will then involve how to organize this type of system while retaining economic growth and efficiency. In taking the political and financial risks into account, the resulting option as well as its consequences for pension fund development will significantly affect the financial system's structure.
Daniel Engster
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199214358
- eISBN:
- 9780191706684
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199214358.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Political and economic theorists have generally ignored caring practices in outlining accounts of economic justice. Building upon the work of recent feminist theorists, this chapter develops a theory ...
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Political and economic theorists have generally ignored caring practices in outlining accounts of economic justice. Building upon the work of recent feminist theorists, this chapter develops a theory of economic justice organized around caring practices. The first section outlines the basic concepts and normative orientation of a caring economic theory. The second section discusses Virginia Held's and Nancy Folbre's important accounts of care and economic justice. While Held and Folbre identify some of the central tenets of a caring economic theory, they focus primarily on supporting and regulating direct care services within the economy. The book's own approach is broader and more far‐reaching, asking how we can best organize our general economic institutions and policies to provide all individuals with a real opportunity to give and receive adequate care. The third section takes up this subject by exploring the economic system (communism, market socialism, market capitalism, etc.) most conducive to caring values. In the fourth section, it formulates six general principles for establishing and maintaining a caring economic order, and describes in some detail the economic policies following from them. The final section briefly explores the viability of a caring economic order in the context of globalization.Less
Political and economic theorists have generally ignored caring practices in outlining accounts of economic justice. Building upon the work of recent feminist theorists, this chapter develops a theory of economic justice organized around caring practices. The first section outlines the basic concepts and normative orientation of a caring economic theory. The second section discusses Virginia Held's and Nancy Folbre's important accounts of care and economic justice. While Held and Folbre identify some of the central tenets of a caring economic theory, they focus primarily on supporting and regulating direct care services within the economy. The book's own approach is broader and more far‐reaching, asking how we can best organize our general economic institutions and policies to provide all individuals with a real opportunity to give and receive adequate care. The third section takes up this subject by exploring the economic system (communism, market socialism, market capitalism, etc.) most conducive to caring values. In the fourth section, it formulates six general principles for establishing and maintaining a caring economic order, and describes in some detail the economic policies following from them. The final section briefly explores the viability of a caring economic order in the context of globalization.
Ian Clark
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199297009
- eISBN:
- 9780191711428
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199297009.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Perhaps the least discussed aspect of the 1919 settlement is its provisions on social justice, and yet an entire section of the Versailles Treaty and an article of the League Covenant were devoted to ...
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Perhaps the least discussed aspect of the 1919 settlement is its provisions on social justice, and yet an entire section of the Versailles Treaty and an article of the League Covenant were devoted to the international regulation of labour, which resulted in establishment of the International Labour Organization. These developments reflected the activities of the trade union movement, and particularly its Congresses during the war, as well as heightened sensitivity to labour in the context of both the war and the outbreak of the Russian revolution. It is clear that inclusion of a section on labour was sponsored by all of the Big Three powers for various political and instrumental reasons. What was radically new about the structure of the ILO was that it allowed membership from state representatives, but also from business and labour, thereby recognizing world society membership in an otherwise international society forum. The decisive argument was that social justice was properly the business of international society because it was fundamental to achieving international peace.Less
Perhaps the least discussed aspect of the 1919 settlement is its provisions on social justice, and yet an entire section of the Versailles Treaty and an article of the League Covenant were devoted to the international regulation of labour, which resulted in establishment of the International Labour Organization. These developments reflected the activities of the trade union movement, and particularly its Congresses during the war, as well as heightened sensitivity to labour in the context of both the war and the outbreak of the Russian revolution. It is clear that inclusion of a section on labour was sponsored by all of the Big Three powers for various political and instrumental reasons. What was radically new about the structure of the ILO was that it allowed membership from state representatives, but also from business and labour, thereby recognizing world society membership in an otherwise international society forum. The decisive argument was that social justice was properly the business of international society because it was fundamental to achieving international peace.
Paul Whiteley, Patrick Seyd, and Antony Billinghurst
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199242825
- eISBN:
- 9780191604140
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242828.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This book examines the recovery of the British Liberal Democrat Party, emphasizing the role of the grassroots party members in shaping this recovery. A number of factors have contributed to the ...
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This book examines the recovery of the British Liberal Democrat Party, emphasizing the role of the grassroots party members in shaping this recovery. A number of factors have contributed to the party’s resurgence, including the performances of its main rivals, the Conservative and Labour parties, and the decline in partisan attachments throughout the entire electorate. However, evidence shows that the grassroots party has played the decisive role in bringing this about. The key players are the men and women who joined the party as members, and then actively worked on its behalf by campaigning or standing in local and national elections when the political climate was cold. A major focus of the book is to examine these people. The future electoral prospects for the party are also discussed, including the question of whether or not it can replace its rivals as the second, or even the first, party of British electoral politics.Less
This book examines the recovery of the British Liberal Democrat Party, emphasizing the role of the grassroots party members in shaping this recovery. A number of factors have contributed to the party’s resurgence, including the performances of its main rivals, the Conservative and Labour parties, and the decline in partisan attachments throughout the entire electorate. However, evidence shows that the grassroots party has played the decisive role in bringing this about. The key players are the men and women who joined the party as members, and then actively worked on its behalf by campaigning or standing in local and national elections when the political climate was cold. A major focus of the book is to examine these people. The future electoral prospects for the party are also discussed, including the question of whether or not it can replace its rivals as the second, or even the first, party of British electoral politics.
Robert J. Flanagan
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780195306002
- eISBN:
- 9780199783564
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195306007.001.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, International
This book explains how the three main mechanisms of globalization — international trade, international migration, and international capital flows — alter working conditions (particularly wages, work ...
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This book explains how the three main mechanisms of globalization — international trade, international migration, and international capital flows — alter working conditions (particularly wages, work hours, and job safety) and labor rights (freedom of association, nondiscrimination, and the elimination of forced and child labor). An important sub-theme is the relative importance of international markets and international regulation in providing improvements in labor conditions around the world. The book presents evidence on how labor conditions changed during the late 20th-century globalization, and on how economic growth, international trade, migration, and multinational companies influence labor conditions around the world. Drawing on analyses of an international database on labor conditions prepared for this study and on numerous research studies, the book finds a general improvement in labor conditions during the late 20th century and documents the positive influence of economic development on those conditions. Chapters on the role of trade, migration, and multinational companies find that each mechanism of globalization is associated with the improvements in working conditions and with improvements in most labor rights. In contrast, the evidence does not support the view that increasing economic integration initiates an international race to the bottom that produces sweatshop labor conditions. The book also considers the influence of national and international labor regulations on working conditions and labor rights around the world. The evidence indicates that in contrast with trade, migration, and international capital flows, labor standards regulation has had a limited role in advancing labor conditions. The book concludes by showing how several policies that create opportunities for targeted worker groups show promise for supplementing the positive effects of globalization on labor conditions.Less
This book explains how the three main mechanisms of globalization — international trade, international migration, and international capital flows — alter working conditions (particularly wages, work hours, and job safety) and labor rights (freedom of association, nondiscrimination, and the elimination of forced and child labor). An important sub-theme is the relative importance of international markets and international regulation in providing improvements in labor conditions around the world. The book presents evidence on how labor conditions changed during the late 20th-century globalization, and on how economic growth, international trade, migration, and multinational companies influence labor conditions around the world. Drawing on analyses of an international database on labor conditions prepared for this study and on numerous research studies, the book finds a general improvement in labor conditions during the late 20th century and documents the positive influence of economic development on those conditions. Chapters on the role of trade, migration, and multinational companies find that each mechanism of globalization is associated with the improvements in working conditions and with improvements in most labor rights. In contrast, the evidence does not support the view that increasing economic integration initiates an international race to the bottom that produces sweatshop labor conditions. The book also considers the influence of national and international labor regulations on working conditions and labor rights around the world. The evidence indicates that in contrast with trade, migration, and international capital flows, labor standards regulation has had a limited role in advancing labor conditions. The book concludes by showing how several policies that create opportunities for targeted worker groups show promise for supplementing the positive effects of globalization on labor conditions.
