Hans van Houtte, Hans Das, and Bart Delmartino
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199291922
- eISBN:
- 9780191603716
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199291926.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
In the aftermath of the 1990-1991 Gulf War, the UN Security Council determined that Iraq was liable under international law for any direct damage resulting from its unlawful invasion and occupation ...
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In the aftermath of the 1990-1991 Gulf War, the UN Security Council determined that Iraq was liable under international law for any direct damage resulting from its unlawful invasion and occupation of Kuwait. The United Nations Compensation Commission (UNCC) was established to process the claims against Iraq. Since 1991, the UNCC has received approximately 2.6 million claims, which it has subdivided in six categories, depending on the status of the claimant, the type of loss, and the amount claimed. For certain claims, the UNCC has established fixed compensation standards, rather than assessing the exact amount of the loss. Other innovative features include mass claims resolution techniques and methodologies such as data matching, grouping, and sampling. The reparation process was funded through oil exports under the oil-for-food program. A share of originally 30% and later 25% of the proceeds was reserved for compensation. The oil-for-food program was terminated after the new war in Iraq in 2003, and the share of oil revenues dedicated to reparation was lowered to 5%. As of June 2005, the UNCC has decided nearly all claims.Less
In the aftermath of the 1990-1991 Gulf War, the UN Security Council determined that Iraq was liable under international law for any direct damage resulting from its unlawful invasion and occupation of Kuwait. The United Nations Compensation Commission (UNCC) was established to process the claims against Iraq. Since 1991, the UNCC has received approximately 2.6 million claims, which it has subdivided in six categories, depending on the status of the claimant, the type of loss, and the amount claimed. For certain claims, the UNCC has established fixed compensation standards, rather than assessing the exact amount of the loss. Other innovative features include mass claims resolution techniques and methodologies such as data matching, grouping, and sampling. The reparation process was funded through oil exports under the oil-for-food program. A share of originally 30% and later 25% of the proceeds was reserved for compensation. The oil-for-food program was terminated after the new war in Iraq in 2003, and the share of oil revenues dedicated to reparation was lowered to 5%. As of June 2005, the UNCC has decided nearly all claims.
David M. Malone
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199278572
- eISBN:
- 9780191604119
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199278571.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Spanning the last quarter century, this book examines the impact the United Nations Security Council has had on Iraq - and Iraq’s impact on the Security Council. Told largely in chronological ...
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Spanning the last quarter century, this book examines the impact the United Nations Security Council has had on Iraq - and Iraq’s impact on the Security Council. Told largely in chronological fashion, five phases of the story are here discerned. The first phase deals with the Council’s role as Cold War peacemaker during the Iran-Iraq war. The second phase involves its response to Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait. The third phase is characterized by ‘creeping unilateralism’, occurring within the context of a more multidisciplinary approach to peace operations. The fourth phase covers the period between 9/11 to the bombing of UN headquarters in Baghdad in August 2003. The fifth phase focuses on the Council’s efforts to find its feet in Iraq, and its contemplation of reform in its way of doing business.Less
Spanning the last quarter century, this book examines the impact the United Nations Security Council has had on Iraq - and Iraq’s impact on the Security Council. Told largely in chronological fashion, five phases of the story are here discerned. The first phase deals with the Council’s role as Cold War peacemaker during the Iran-Iraq war. The second phase involves its response to Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait. The third phase is characterized by ‘creeping unilateralism’, occurring within the context of a more multidisciplinary approach to peace operations. The fourth phase covers the period between 9/11 to the bombing of UN headquarters in Baghdad in August 2003. The fifth phase focuses on the Council’s efforts to find its feet in Iraq, and its contemplation of reform in its way of doing business.
David M. Malone
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199278572
- eISBN:
- 9780191604119
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199278571.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter discusses the second phase of UN involvement in Iraq, which seemed to herald the emergence of the Security Council as a New World Order Policeman. The Security Council’s capacity to ...
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This chapter discusses the second phase of UN involvement in Iraq, which seemed to herald the emergence of the Security Council as a New World Order Policeman. The Security Council’s capacity to legitimize the use of force provided a legal basis for international action to expel Iraqi forces from Kuwait in 1991. The chapter recounts the diplomatic and military success of Operations Desert Shield and Desert Storm — mandated to compel the withdrawal of Iraq from Kuwait and conducted by a coalition of states — drawing legitimacy from Security Council decisions under Chapter VII of the UN Charter. Chapter VII also provided a newly assertive basis for traditional activities, such as ceasefire implementation and border-monitoring tasks, the Council gave to a new mission, UNIKOM, deployed along the border between Iraq and Kuwait. This new police role for UN peace operations was part of a larger ‘New World Order’ heralded by President George H. W. Bush, which seemed to hold the promise of an international rule of law, enforced by a united P-5 operating through the Security Council.Less
This chapter discusses the second phase of UN involvement in Iraq, which seemed to herald the emergence of the Security Council as a New World Order Policeman. The Security Council’s capacity to legitimize the use of force provided a legal basis for international action to expel Iraqi forces from Kuwait in 1991. The chapter recounts the diplomatic and military success of Operations Desert Shield and Desert Storm — mandated to compel the withdrawal of Iraq from Kuwait and conducted by a coalition of states — drawing legitimacy from Security Council decisions under Chapter VII of the UN Charter. Chapter VII also provided a newly assertive basis for traditional activities, such as ceasefire implementation and border-monitoring tasks, the Council gave to a new mission, UNIKOM, deployed along the border between Iraq and Kuwait. This new police role for UN peace operations was part of a larger ‘New World Order’ heralded by President George H. W. Bush, which seemed to hold the promise of an international rule of law, enforced by a united P-5 operating through the Security Council.
Christian Koch
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199249589
- eISBN:
- 9780191600029
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924958X.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Reference
Includes all relevant information on national elections held in Kuwait since 1961. Part I gives a comprehensive overview of Kuwait's political history, outlines the evolution of electoral provisions, ...
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Includes all relevant information on national elections held in Kuwait since 1961. Part I gives a comprehensive overview of Kuwait's political history, outlines the evolution of electoral provisions, and presents the current electoral legislation in a standardized manner (suffrage, elected institutions, nomination of candidates, electoral system, organizational context of elections). Part II includes exhaustive electoral statistics in systematic tables (numbers of registered voters, votes cast, the electoral participation of political parties, the distribution of parliamentary seats, etc.).Less
Includes all relevant information on national elections held in Kuwait since 1961. Part I gives a comprehensive overview of Kuwait's political history, outlines the evolution of electoral provisions, and presents the current electoral legislation in a standardized manner (suffrage, elected institutions, nomination of candidates, electoral system, organizational context of elections). Part II includes exhaustive electoral statistics in systematic tables (numbers of registered voters, votes cast, the electoral participation of political parties, the distribution of parliamentary seats, etc.).
Margaret Litvin
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691137803
- eISBN:
- 9781400840106
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691137803.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, Criticism/Theory
For the past five decades, Arab intellectuals have seen themselves in Shakespeare's Hamlet: their times “out of joint,” their political hopes frustrated by a corrupt older generation. This book ...
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For the past five decades, Arab intellectuals have seen themselves in Shakespeare's Hamlet: their times “out of joint,” their political hopes frustrated by a corrupt older generation. This book traces the uses of Hamlet in Arabic theatre and political rhetoric, and asks how Shakespeare's play developed into a musical with a happy ending in 1901 and grew to become the most obsessively quoted literary work in Arab politics today. Explaining the Arab Hamlet tradition, the book also illuminates the “to be or not to be” politics that have turned Shakespeare's tragedy into the essential Arab political text, cited by Arab liberals, nationalists, and Islamists alike. On the Arab stage, Hamlet has been an operetta hero, a firebrand revolutionary, and a muzzled dissident. Analyzing productions from Egypt, Syria, Iraq, Jordan, and Kuwait, the book follows the distinct phases of Hamlet's naturalization as an Arab. The book uses personal interviews as well as scripts and videos, reviews, and detailed comparisons with French and Russian Hamlets. The result shows Arab theatre in a new light. It identifies the French source of the earliest Arabic Hamlet, shows the outsize influence of Soviet and East European Shakespeare, and explores the deep cultural link between Egypt's Gamal Abdel Nasser and the ghost of Hamlet's father. Documenting how global sources and models helped nurture a distinct Arab Hamlet tradition, this book represents a new approach to the study of international Shakespeare appropriation.Less
For the past five decades, Arab intellectuals have seen themselves in Shakespeare's Hamlet: their times “out of joint,” their political hopes frustrated by a corrupt older generation. This book traces the uses of Hamlet in Arabic theatre and political rhetoric, and asks how Shakespeare's play developed into a musical with a happy ending in 1901 and grew to become the most obsessively quoted literary work in Arab politics today. Explaining the Arab Hamlet tradition, the book also illuminates the “to be or not to be” politics that have turned Shakespeare's tragedy into the essential Arab political text, cited by Arab liberals, nationalists, and Islamists alike. On the Arab stage, Hamlet has been an operetta hero, a firebrand revolutionary, and a muzzled dissident. Analyzing productions from Egypt, Syria, Iraq, Jordan, and Kuwait, the book follows the distinct phases of Hamlet's naturalization as an Arab. The book uses personal interviews as well as scripts and videos, reviews, and detailed comparisons with French and Russian Hamlets. The result shows Arab theatre in a new light. It identifies the French source of the earliest Arabic Hamlet, shows the outsize influence of Soviet and East European Shakespeare, and explores the deep cultural link between Egypt's Gamal Abdel Nasser and the ghost of Hamlet's father. Documenting how global sources and models helped nurture a distinct Arab Hamlet tradition, this book represents a new approach to the study of international Shakespeare appropriation.
Amaney A. Jamal
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691149646
- eISBN:
- 9781400845477
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691149646.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
In the post-Cold War era, why has democratization been slow to arrive in the Arab world? This book argues that to understand support for the authoritarian status quo in parts of this region—and the ...
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In the post-Cold War era, why has democratization been slow to arrive in the Arab world? This book argues that to understand support for the authoritarian status quo in parts of this region—and the willingness of its citizens to compromise on core democratic principles—one must factor in how a strong U.S. presence and popular anti-Americanism weakens democratic voices. Examining such countries as Jordan, Kuwait, Morocco, Palestine, and Saudi Arabia, the book explores how Arab citizens decide whether to back existing regimes, regime transitions, and democratization projects, and how the global position of Arab states shapes people's attitudes toward their governments. While the Cold War's end reduced superpower hegemony in much of the developing world, the Arab region witnessed an increased security and economic dependence on the United States. As a result, the preferences of the United States matter greatly to middle-class Arab citizens, not just the elite, and citizens will restrain their pursuit of democratization, rationalizing their backing for the status quo because of U.S. geostrategic priorities. Demonstrating how the preferences of an international patron serve as a constraint or an opportunity to push for democracy, the book questions bottom-up approaches to democratization, which assume that states are autonomous units in the world order. It contends that even now, with the overthrow of some autocratic Arab regimes, the future course of Arab democratization will be influenced by the perception of American reactions. Concurrently, the United States must address the troubling sources of the region's rising anti-Americanism.Less
In the post-Cold War era, why has democratization been slow to arrive in the Arab world? This book argues that to understand support for the authoritarian status quo in parts of this region—and the willingness of its citizens to compromise on core democratic principles—one must factor in how a strong U.S. presence and popular anti-Americanism weakens democratic voices. Examining such countries as Jordan, Kuwait, Morocco, Palestine, and Saudi Arabia, the book explores how Arab citizens decide whether to back existing regimes, regime transitions, and democratization projects, and how the global position of Arab states shapes people's attitudes toward their governments. While the Cold War's end reduced superpower hegemony in much of the developing world, the Arab region witnessed an increased security and economic dependence on the United States. As a result, the preferences of the United States matter greatly to middle-class Arab citizens, not just the elite, and citizens will restrain their pursuit of democratization, rationalizing their backing for the status quo because of U.S. geostrategic priorities. Demonstrating how the preferences of an international patron serve as a constraint or an opportunity to push for democracy, the book questions bottom-up approaches to democratization, which assume that states are autonomous units in the world order. It contends that even now, with the overthrow of some autocratic Arab regimes, the future course of Arab democratization will be influenced by the perception of American reactions. Concurrently, the United States must address the troubling sources of the region's rising anti-Americanism.
Christopher Balding
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199842902
- eISBN:
- 9780199932498
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199842902.003.0006
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Financial Economics
Middle Eastern sovereign wealth funds remain less transparent and more difficult to disentangle from the local economy than other funds. More dependent on the price of oil than almost any other ...
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Middle Eastern sovereign wealth funds remain less transparent and more difficult to disentangle from the local economy than other funds. More dependent on the price of oil than almost any other economies in the world, the Gulf Funds are a microcosm of the criticisms of sovereign wealth funds. Despite strained economic relations and rhetoric over large oil surpluses, Middle Eastern sovereign wealth funds reveal numerous different investment strategies. While the Saudi Arabian Monetary Authority is heavily invested in cash and fixed income securities, the Abu Dhabi Investment Authority holds a higher risk portfolio of debt, equity, and alternative investments. Additionally, Middle Eastern sovereign wealth funds due to their small commodity dependent formation remain intertwined with the government and local economy. More than any other region, it is difficult to tell where a Middle Eastern government ends and the sovereign wealth fund begins. Controlled by the political structure with overlapping managers and in some cases the personal finances of the ruling elite, the Gulf funds provide a fascinating history to the development and pitfalls of sovereign wealth funds.Less
Middle Eastern sovereign wealth funds remain less transparent and more difficult to disentangle from the local economy than other funds. More dependent on the price of oil than almost any other economies in the world, the Gulf Funds are a microcosm of the criticisms of sovereign wealth funds. Despite strained economic relations and rhetoric over large oil surpluses, Middle Eastern sovereign wealth funds reveal numerous different investment strategies. While the Saudi Arabian Monetary Authority is heavily invested in cash and fixed income securities, the Abu Dhabi Investment Authority holds a higher risk portfolio of debt, equity, and alternative investments. Additionally, Middle Eastern sovereign wealth funds due to their small commodity dependent formation remain intertwined with the government and local economy. More than any other region, it is difficult to tell where a Middle Eastern government ends and the sovereign wealth fund begins. Controlled by the political structure with overlapping managers and in some cases the personal finances of the ruling elite, the Gulf funds provide a fascinating history to the development and pitfalls of sovereign wealth funds.
Sarah E. Kreps
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199753796
- eISBN:
- 9780199827152
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199753796.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the 1991 Gulf War because it was unusually multilateral. This case of multilateralism is an exemplar for the conditions particularly suited to multilateralism; it provides a ...
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This chapter examines the 1991 Gulf War because it was unusually multilateral. This case of multilateralism is an exemplar for the conditions particularly suited to multilateralism; it provides a heuristic for understanding when multilateralism is more likely. The Gulf War coalition has been called “a monument to multilateralism”. The size and diversity of the coalition that intervened to expel Iraq from Kuwait was extraordinary. Among the participants were NATO countries, former members of the moribund Warsaw Pact, states from the Non-Aligned Movement, historically neutral countries such as Sweden, and states with enduring rivalries such as Greece and Turkey. This constellation of former foes, large powers and small states, and democracies and autocracies seemed to be a refreshing reminder that perhaps the Cold War alignment was a thing of the past.Less
This chapter examines the 1991 Gulf War because it was unusually multilateral. This case of multilateralism is an exemplar for the conditions particularly suited to multilateralism; it provides a heuristic for understanding when multilateralism is more likely. The Gulf War coalition has been called “a monument to multilateralism”. The size and diversity of the coalition that intervened to expel Iraq from Kuwait was extraordinary. Among the participants were NATO countries, former members of the moribund Warsaw Pact, states from the Non-Aligned Movement, historically neutral countries such as Sweden, and states with enduring rivalries such as Greece and Turkey. This constellation of former foes, large powers and small states, and democracies and autocracies seemed to be a refreshing reminder that perhaps the Cold War alignment was a thing of the past.
Amaney A. Jamal
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691149646
- eISBN:
- 9781400845477
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691149646.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter provides an overview of book's main themes. This book explores Kuwait and Jordan as two states that have similar clientelistic ties to the United States. Both are monarchies holding ...
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This chapter provides an overview of book's main themes. This book explores Kuwait and Jordan as two states that have similar clientelistic ties to the United States. Both are monarchies holding parliamentary elections, and each has similar levels of support for its Islamist opposition movements. However, the two states vary in their levels of anti-American sentiment among these Islamist opposition forces. This core difference reveals how concerns about a country's international relations shape state–society relations more broadly. Although the book builds its argument by focusing on the cases of Kuwait and Jordan, it also draws on evidence from two other monarchies that have varying degrees of anti-American sentiment among their Islamist opposition as well: Morocco and Saudi Arabia. Further, it extends the findings to Palestine's democratic experience, which resulted in Hamas' parliamentary victory in 2006.Less
This chapter provides an overview of book's main themes. This book explores Kuwait and Jordan as two states that have similar clientelistic ties to the United States. Both are monarchies holding parliamentary elections, and each has similar levels of support for its Islamist opposition movements. However, the two states vary in their levels of anti-American sentiment among these Islamist opposition forces. This core difference reveals how concerns about a country's international relations shape state–society relations more broadly. Although the book builds its argument by focusing on the cases of Kuwait and Jordan, it also draws on evidence from two other monarchies that have varying degrees of anti-American sentiment among their Islamist opposition as well: Morocco and Saudi Arabia. Further, it extends the findings to Palestine's democratic experience, which resulted in Hamas' parliamentary victory in 2006.
Amaney A. Jamal
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691149646
- eISBN:
- 9781400845477
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691149646.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter offers a detailed historical analysis of the emergence of regime clientelism in Jordan and Kuwait. It illustrates how the end of the Cold War restructured the ways in which international ...
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This chapter offers a detailed historical analysis of the emergence of regime clientelism in Jordan and Kuwait. It illustrates how the end of the Cold War restructured the ways in which international hierarchy shifted debates about democratization at the domestic level. During the Cold War, the bipolar nature of the world order meant that if the United States were to lose its ally in Jordan, the Soviet Union would be able to step up on the back of a new regime. If the United States then decided to cut off economic and security ties to Jordan, Jordanians might find comfort in the fact that the Soviet Union could play a role in continuing to secure Jordan's interests. Thus, those who resisted anti-American presence in the Arab world could launch their concerns more effectively because of an alternate patron—the Soviet Union—in the global order.Less
This chapter offers a detailed historical analysis of the emergence of regime clientelism in Jordan and Kuwait. It illustrates how the end of the Cold War restructured the ways in which international hierarchy shifted debates about democratization at the domestic level. During the Cold War, the bipolar nature of the world order meant that if the United States were to lose its ally in Jordan, the Soviet Union would be able to step up on the back of a new regime. If the United States then decided to cut off economic and security ties to Jordan, Jordanians might find comfort in the fact that the Soviet Union could play a role in continuing to secure Jordan's interests. Thus, those who resisted anti-American presence in the Arab world could launch their concerns more effectively because of an alternate patron—the Soviet Union—in the global order.
Marc Weller
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199595303
- eISBN:
- 9780191595769
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199595303.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
The prohibition of the use of force is one of the most crucial elements of the international legal order. Our understanding of that rule was both advanced and challenged during the period commencing ...
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The prohibition of the use of force is one of the most crucial elements of the international legal order. Our understanding of that rule was both advanced and challenged during the period commencing with the termination of the Iran–Iraq war and the invasion of Kuwait, and concluding with the invasion and occupation of Iraq. The initial phase was characterized by hopes for a functioning collective security system administered by the United Nations as part of a New World Order. The liberation of Kuwait, in particular, was seen by some as a powerful vindication of the prohibition of the use of force and of the UN Security Council. However, the operation was not really conducted in accordance with the requirements for collective security established in the UN Charter. In a second phase, an international coalition launched a humanitarian intervention operation, first in the north of Iraq, and subsequently in the south. That episode is often seen as the fountainhead of the post-Cold War claim to a new legal justification for the use of force in circumstances of grave humanitarian emergency — a claim subsequently challenged during the armed action concerning Kosovo. There then followed repeated uses of force against Iraq in the context of the international campaign to remove its present or future weapons of mass destruction potential. Finally, the episode reached its controversial zenith with the full scale invasion of Iraq led by the US and the UK in 2003. This book analyzes these developments, and their impact on the rule prohibiting force in international relations.Less
The prohibition of the use of force is one of the most crucial elements of the international legal order. Our understanding of that rule was both advanced and challenged during the period commencing with the termination of the Iran–Iraq war and the invasion of Kuwait, and concluding with the invasion and occupation of Iraq. The initial phase was characterized by hopes for a functioning collective security system administered by the United Nations as part of a New World Order. The liberation of Kuwait, in particular, was seen by some as a powerful vindication of the prohibition of the use of force and of the UN Security Council. However, the operation was not really conducted in accordance with the requirements for collective security established in the UN Charter. In a second phase, an international coalition launched a humanitarian intervention operation, first in the north of Iraq, and subsequently in the south. That episode is often seen as the fountainhead of the post-Cold War claim to a new legal justification for the use of force in circumstances of grave humanitarian emergency — a claim subsequently challenged during the armed action concerning Kosovo. There then followed repeated uses of force against Iraq in the context of the international campaign to remove its present or future weapons of mass destruction potential. Finally, the episode reached its controversial zenith with the full scale invasion of Iraq led by the US and the UK in 2003. This book analyzes these developments, and their impact on the rule prohibiting force in international relations.
Jean Drèze and Amartya Sen
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198283652
- eISBN:
- 9780191596193
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198283652.003.0010
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
Possible dissonance between income and achievements of quality of life is noted. Then two alternatives for removing precarious living conditions are explored: growth‐mediated security and support‐led ...
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Possible dissonance between income and achievements of quality of life is noted. Then two alternatives for removing precarious living conditions are explored: growth‐mediated security and support‐led security, with illustrations from the experiences of various countries. The connection between these alternatives is studied. The strategy of growth‐mediated security is distinguished from that of aimless opulence with examples from the experiences of Kuwait and South Korea. The last part is dedicated to the effectiveness of support‐led security strategies.Less
Possible dissonance between income and achievements of quality of life is noted. Then two alternatives for removing precarious living conditions are explored: growth‐mediated security and support‐led security, with illustrations from the experiences of various countries. The connection between these alternatives is studied. The strategy of growth‐mediated security is distinguished from that of aimless opulence with examples from the experiences of Kuwait and South Korea. The last part is dedicated to the effectiveness of support‐led security strategies.
Amaney A. Jamal
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691149646
- eISBN:
- 9781400845477
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691149646.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter first offers a general overview of Islamist positions vis-è-vis the United States in both Jordan and Kuwait. Second, it emphasizes the exogenous nature of anti-Americanism, arguing that ...
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This chapter first offers a general overview of Islamist positions vis-è-vis the United States in both Jordan and Kuwait. Second, it emphasizes the exogenous nature of anti-Americanism, arguing that it is a function of U.S. policies. It also shows how international developments influenced Islamist stances relative to the United States. Jordan's dependency on the West, the continuation of the occupation of Palestinian lands by Israel, the Jordanian peace treaty with Israel, the so-called War on Terror, and the War on Iraq have further reinforced anti-American sentiment among Jordan's Islamist opposition. Finally, the chapter posits that the democratic reversals in Jordan, which marked much of the 1990s and the early years of the twenty-first century, were directly linked to the fear of anti-American opposition movements then gaining momentum. It concludes with a discussion about the role regimes and the United States play in sustaining barriers to democracy in these settings.Less
This chapter first offers a general overview of Islamist positions vis-è-vis the United States in both Jordan and Kuwait. Second, it emphasizes the exogenous nature of anti-Americanism, arguing that it is a function of U.S. policies. It also shows how international developments influenced Islamist stances relative to the United States. Jordan's dependency on the West, the continuation of the occupation of Palestinian lands by Israel, the Jordanian peace treaty with Israel, the so-called War on Terror, and the War on Iraq have further reinforced anti-American sentiment among Jordan's Islamist opposition. Finally, the chapter posits that the democratic reversals in Jordan, which marked much of the 1990s and the early years of the twenty-first century, were directly linked to the fear of anti-American opposition movements then gaining momentum. It concludes with a discussion about the role regimes and the United States play in sustaining barriers to democracy in these settings.
Amaney A. Jamal
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691149646
- eISBN:
- 9781400845477
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691149646.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter provides a detailed account of how ordinary citizens rationalize their political preferences. First, it documents the causal logics citizens employ when supporting the monarchy in ...
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This chapter provides a detailed account of how ordinary citizens rationalize their political preferences. First, it documents the causal logics citizens employ when supporting the monarchy in Jordan. It illustrates how people who believe that the current regime has privileged and important relations with the United States may come to support a regime even when it is otherwise not in their apparent interest. This is so because they fear the role anti-American Islamists may play in harming the relationship if they come to power. Furthermore, the chapter demonstrates that this is not the case in Kuwait, because the Islamist opposition is pro-American. Second, it examines the ways citizens who oppose the regime in Jordan cling to an elastic definition of Sharia, one that seeks to challenge the geopolitical status quo altogether. This chapter relies on a series of open-ended interviews conducted by two research teams in Jordan and Kuwait.Less
This chapter provides a detailed account of how ordinary citizens rationalize their political preferences. First, it documents the causal logics citizens employ when supporting the monarchy in Jordan. It illustrates how people who believe that the current regime has privileged and important relations with the United States may come to support a regime even when it is otherwise not in their apparent interest. This is so because they fear the role anti-American Islamists may play in harming the relationship if they come to power. Furthermore, the chapter demonstrates that this is not the case in Kuwait, because the Islamist opposition is pro-American. Second, it examines the ways citizens who oppose the regime in Jordan cling to an elastic definition of Sharia, one that seeks to challenge the geopolitical status quo altogether. This chapter relies on a series of open-ended interviews conducted by two research teams in Jordan and Kuwait.
Amaney A. Jamal
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691149646
- eISBN:
- 9781400845477
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691149646.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter offers quantitative support to the causal logics citizens employ when engaging democracy, authoritarianism, regime stability, and transition in Jordan and Kuwait. Because the argument ...
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This chapter offers quantitative support to the causal logics citizens employ when engaging democracy, authoritarianism, regime stability, and transition in Jordan and Kuwait. Because the argument advanced in this book is multi-layered, the chapter attempts to unpack the argument incrementally. It offers an empirical strategy that gradually addresses the microfoundations of the argument. This argument can be sketched briefly as follows: Citizens in client states (especially those who value access to global economic markets) will want to ensure stable ties to the patron in the event of transition. Therefore, citizens living in countries with organized anti-American opposition movements that have considerable constituency basis will be more likely to favor less democracy to ensure that anti-American forces do not harm relations with the United States. Ultimately, then, citizens in client states with similarly large opposition movements that are less anti-American will more likely favor democratization because the changes in regime will not jeopardize relations with their patron.Less
This chapter offers quantitative support to the causal logics citizens employ when engaging democracy, authoritarianism, regime stability, and transition in Jordan and Kuwait. Because the argument advanced in this book is multi-layered, the chapter attempts to unpack the argument incrementally. It offers an empirical strategy that gradually addresses the microfoundations of the argument. This argument can be sketched briefly as follows: Citizens in client states (especially those who value access to global economic markets) will want to ensure stable ties to the patron in the event of transition. Therefore, citizens living in countries with organized anti-American opposition movements that have considerable constituency basis will be more likely to favor less democracy to ensure that anti-American forces do not harm relations with the United States. Ultimately, then, citizens in client states with similarly large opposition movements that are less anti-American will more likely favor democratization because the changes in regime will not jeopardize relations with their patron.
David French
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199548231
- eISBN:
- 9780191739224
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199548231.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Military History
Sandys hoped to create an air and sea‐mobile Strategic Reserve that would give Britain the ability to intervene in trouble‐spots outside the NATO area and nip trouble in the bud. This chapter ...
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Sandys hoped to create an air and sea‐mobile Strategic Reserve that would give Britain the ability to intervene in trouble‐spots outside the NATO area and nip trouble in the bud. This chapter explores the rise and fall of this strategy and the army's place within it. It shows that the promise of amphibious mobility was borne out during operations in Kuwait and East Africa. But exploiting air‐mobility proved to be more difficult. Finally, although the array of weapons and equipment it could deploy may have looked impressive, the combat capability of the Strategic Reserve was very limited.Less
Sandys hoped to create an air and sea‐mobile Strategic Reserve that would give Britain the ability to intervene in trouble‐spots outside the NATO area and nip trouble in the bud. This chapter explores the rise and fall of this strategy and the army's place within it. It shows that the promise of amphibious mobility was borne out during operations in Kuwait and East Africa. But exploiting air‐mobility proved to be more difficult. Finally, although the array of weapons and equipment it could deploy may have looked impressive, the combat capability of the Strategic Reserve was very limited.
Sean L. Yom
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780231175647
- eISBN:
- 9780231540278
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231175647.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Middle Eastern Politics
Kuwait is the book’s first case study and introduces the causal pattern of Middle East state-building. This chapter advanced this book’s theory about regime durability. At a critical juncture, a lack ...
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Kuwait is the book’s first case study and introduces the causal pattern of Middle East state-building. This chapter advanced this book’s theory about regime durability. At a critical juncture, a lack of British support forced the Sabah leadership into a position it did not desire: one where survival required compromising with powerful opposition, as well as sacrificing additional resources and power to woo new supporters like the Shiʿa minority. Power was consolidated through bargains rather than brutality.Less
Kuwait is the book’s first case study and introduces the causal pattern of Middle East state-building. This chapter advanced this book’s theory about regime durability. At a critical juncture, a lack of British support forced the Sabah leadership into a position it did not desire: one where survival required compromising with powerful opposition, as well as sacrificing additional resources and power to woo new supporters like the Shiʿa minority. Power was consolidated through bargains rather than brutality.
Nigel D. White
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199218592
- eISBN:
- 9780191705595
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199218592.003.0005
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration, Public International Law
The deployment of large numbers of British troops to both Korea in 1950 and to Kuwait in 1990 followed similar domestic and international legal paths, though the political contexts were quite ...
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The deployment of large numbers of British troops to both Korea in 1950 and to Kuwait in 1990 followed similar domestic and international legal paths, though the political contexts were quite different, one occurring at the outset of the Cold War and the other at its end. Britain was instrumental in shaping the idea of coalitions acting under the authority of the UN as an alternative to the more centralized application of military force envisaged under the UN Charter. This chapter traces the Parliamentary and international political debates that led to the development of this as a form of lawful military action. In particular, it concentrates on why it was necessary to obtain UN authority for these actions when they could readily be justified as exercise of the right of collective defence.Less
The deployment of large numbers of British troops to both Korea in 1950 and to Kuwait in 1990 followed similar domestic and international legal paths, though the political contexts were quite different, one occurring at the outset of the Cold War and the other at its end. Britain was instrumental in shaping the idea of coalitions acting under the authority of the UN as an alternative to the more centralized application of military force envisaged under the UN Charter. This chapter traces the Parliamentary and international political debates that led to the development of this as a form of lawful military action. In particular, it concentrates on why it was necessary to obtain UN authority for these actions when they could readily be justified as exercise of the right of collective defence.
ABBAS ALNASRAWI
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198297406
- eISBN:
- 9780191685330
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198297406.003.0004
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
After the end of the Gulf War on February 27, 1991, Iraq focused on the comprehensive economic embargo which the United Nations Security Council enforced on it as a result of its invasion of Kuwait. ...
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After the end of the Gulf War on February 27, 1991, Iraq focused on the comprehensive economic embargo which the United Nations Security Council enforced on it as a result of its invasion of Kuwait. This enforcement is not a surprise, since it had catastrophic effects on the people and economy of Iraq, as well as being a contributory factor in the rise and continuance of the humanitarian emergency in Iraq. One of the most important factors which affected Iraq was the oil sector of the economy and the centralization of political power, as well as the forced displacement of certain ethnic minorities and the different wars Iraq experienced: the Iraq–Iran War and the Gulf War. The effects of these important factors and the sanction of the UNSC will determine the humanitarian emergency of Iraq in the future. Obviously, all of this is a result of Iraq's series of man-made decisions.Less
After the end of the Gulf War on February 27, 1991, Iraq focused on the comprehensive economic embargo which the United Nations Security Council enforced on it as a result of its invasion of Kuwait. This enforcement is not a surprise, since it had catastrophic effects on the people and economy of Iraq, as well as being a contributory factor in the rise and continuance of the humanitarian emergency in Iraq. One of the most important factors which affected Iraq was the oil sector of the economy and the centralization of political power, as well as the forced displacement of certain ethnic minorities and the different wars Iraq experienced: the Iraq–Iran War and the Gulf War. The effects of these important factors and the sanction of the UNSC will determine the humanitarian emergency of Iraq in the future. Obviously, all of this is a result of Iraq's series of man-made decisions.
Michael Herb
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801453366
- eISBN:
- 9780801454691
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801453366.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Middle Eastern Politics
The contrast between Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates today illustrates the vastly different possible futures facing the smaller states of the Gulf. Dubai's rulers dream of creating a truly global ...
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The contrast between Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates today illustrates the vastly different possible futures facing the smaller states of the Gulf. Dubai's rulers dream of creating a truly global business center, a megalopolis of many millions attracting immigrants in great waves from near and far. Kuwait, meanwhile, has the most spirited and influential parliament in any of the oil-rich Gulf monarchies. This book provides a robust framework for thinking about the future of the Gulf monarchies. The Gulf has seen enormous changes in recent years, and more are to come. The book explains the nature of the changes we are likely to see in the future. It asks why Kuwait is far ahead of all other Gulf monarchies in terms of political liberalization, but behind all of them in its efforts to diversify its economy away from oil. The book compares Kuwait with the United Arab Emirates, which lacks Kuwait's parliament but has moved ambitiously to diversify. It reflects the importance of both politics and economic development issues for decision-makers in the Gulf. The book develops a political economy of the Gulf that ties together a variety of issues usually treated separately: Kuwait's National Assembly, Dubai's real estate boom, the paucity of citizen labor in the private sector, class divisions among citizens, the caste divide between citizens and noncitizens, and the politics of land.Less
The contrast between Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates today illustrates the vastly different possible futures facing the smaller states of the Gulf. Dubai's rulers dream of creating a truly global business center, a megalopolis of many millions attracting immigrants in great waves from near and far. Kuwait, meanwhile, has the most spirited and influential parliament in any of the oil-rich Gulf monarchies. This book provides a robust framework for thinking about the future of the Gulf monarchies. The Gulf has seen enormous changes in recent years, and more are to come. The book explains the nature of the changes we are likely to see in the future. It asks why Kuwait is far ahead of all other Gulf monarchies in terms of political liberalization, but behind all of them in its efforts to diversify its economy away from oil. The book compares Kuwait with the United Arab Emirates, which lacks Kuwait's parliament but has moved ambitiously to diversify. It reflects the importance of both politics and economic development issues for decision-makers in the Gulf. The book develops a political economy of the Gulf that ties together a variety of issues usually treated separately: Kuwait's National Assembly, Dubai's real estate boom, the paucity of citizen labor in the private sector, class divisions among citizens, the caste divide between citizens and noncitizens, and the politics of land.
