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As with passive and raising, the case for a non-movement approach to discontinuous dependencies has been under active development for many years, with the most extensive contributions occurring within GPSG and HPSG. This chapter shows how a wide range of discontinuous dependencies, many of the type referred to in the literature as A'-constructions, can be accounted for within the type of architecture being proposed. It discusses not only wh-questions (with extraction and with wh- in situ), but relative clauses of various types, topicalization, left and right dislocation, tough movement, heavy shift, and scrambling.

This chapter shows that Classical NEG Raising (NR) is sensitive to syntactic islands and considers a range of cases where it is blocked by island constraints, such as those involving clausal complements of nouns. At issue are examples invoking the Complex NP Constraint, clause-internal topics, truth predicates, wh-islands, clause-internal clefts, pseudoclefts, and Negative Inversion. The clear generalization is that Classical NR is never possible from an island. Such a generalization is especially striking for cases where all known semantic conditions on Classical NR are met (for example, for truth predicates), but Classical NR is still not possible. Because syntactic raising phenomena are subject to island constraints, it is possible to account naturally for the above generalization under the assumption that classical NR is a syntactic raising phenomenon. The chapter also examines island types that block strict negative polarity items (NPIs) but not nonstrict NPIs.

This chapter examines wh-adverbials in Japanese and Chinese. As observed in the Chinese syntax literature, a reason adverb corresponding to why obeys island constraints, whereas a similar looking PP adverbial does not. Tsai (1994) used this fact to propose that wh-nominals are licensed by being bound by a question operator. Wh-adverbs, as opposed to their PP counterparts, cannot be licensed in that manner because they lack internal nominal structure. This chapter shows that the correlation between the noun-versus-adverb distinction and the island sensitivity of wh-adverbials is found in Japanese as well, which strongly suggests that both languages exploit the same mode of wh-licensing. The chapter also reports new data showing that the two languages go in parallel with regard to how these wh-adverbials differ in meaning and where they appear in clause structure.

This chapter focuses on certain contexts, dubbed Horn clauses, that demand the syntactic presence of a negative constituent. It first considers fronted negative polarity items (NPIs) by giving examples that represent standard cases of the Negative Inversion construction. The most obvious characteristic of the construction is that the extracted non-wh-constituent in the clause-initial position, termed Negative Inversion focus, co-occurs with subject-auxiliary inversion, which is obligatory. Sentences containing Horn clauses, such as Carl did (not) claim that penguins were mammals and neither did I and Carl claimed that penguins were not mammals (and neither did I), involve syntactic raising of a negation (NEG) from the embedded clause. The chapter proposes for Horn clause cases an analysis that treats examples as resulting from the raising via Classical NR of the NEG. It also shows that Classical NEG Raising (NR) out of Horn clauses is subject to the same set of island constraints holding for non-Horn clause island structures.