Monika Baár
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199581184
- eISBN:
- 9780191722806
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199581184.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
The concluding chapter attempts to locate the historians' accomplishments in the wider context of the European historiographical heritage. It addresses this problem by extending the regional and ...
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The concluding chapter attempts to locate the historians' accomplishments in the wider context of the European historiographical heritage. It addresses this problem by extending the regional and temporal scope of the examination. It discusses the reception of the five scholars' work first by their immediate successors, the Positivist generation, and then by proceeding generations from the interwar period up to the present day. Subsequently, analogies are established between scholarly preoccupations in East‐Central Europe and other ‘peripheries’: Scandinavia, the Iberian peninsula, the Balkans, Ireland and Scotland. Lastly, the overall conclusion is advanced, according to which historiography in East‐Central Europe in the nineteenth century, although dependent on other cultures, was not devoid of innovation. In general, it represented continuity with, rather than deviation from the mainstream European tradition.Less
The concluding chapter attempts to locate the historians' accomplishments in the wider context of the European historiographical heritage. It addresses this problem by extending the regional and temporal scope of the examination. It discusses the reception of the five scholars' work first by their immediate successors, the Positivist generation, and then by proceeding generations from the interwar period up to the present day. Subsequently, analogies are established between scholarly preoccupations in East‐Central Europe and other ‘peripheries’: Scandinavia, the Iberian peninsula, the Balkans, Ireland and Scotland. Lastly, the overall conclusion is advanced, according to which historiography in East‐Central Europe in the nineteenth century, although dependent on other cultures, was not devoid of innovation. In general, it represented continuity with, rather than deviation from the mainstream European tradition.
Gayle Rogers
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199914975
- eISBN:
- 9780199980192
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199914975.003.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, European Literature, 20th-century and Contemporary Literature
Chapter One details the collaborations between these two reviews that eventually led to their joining a pan-European writing contest in 1929 within a network of modernist periodicals. The story of ...
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Chapter One details the collaborations between these two reviews that eventually led to their joining a pan-European writing contest in 1929 within a network of modernist periodicals. The story of how Eliot’s and Ortega’s reviews came to align with one another originates in both editors’ desire to unite an elite international vanguard of disinterested writers and thinkers. I analyze the ways in which the Criterion and the Revista de Occidente promoted often unpopular Europeanizing cultural politics in England and in Spain, and did so in part by crafting their critical voices around one another and around the writers and histories of the other’s nation. Largely outside of the expertise of either editor, these Anglo-Spanish journalistic relations were created by the translators and correspondents they employed, especially Antonio Marichalar and E. R. Curtius. The cosmopolitan attachments to Spanish literature and culture in the Criterion and to British modernism in the Revista de Occidente proved key to both reviews as they authorized their own marginal continental visions and combated fatalistic arguments about Europe and the West. In fact, against the history of Spain’s characterization by northern Europe—Kant in particular—the new cultural expressions of Spain’s “Moorish” blood were actually invoked in defense of these redefinitions of Europe.Less
Chapter One details the collaborations between these two reviews that eventually led to their joining a pan-European writing contest in 1929 within a network of modernist periodicals. The story of how Eliot’s and Ortega’s reviews came to align with one another originates in both editors’ desire to unite an elite international vanguard of disinterested writers and thinkers. I analyze the ways in which the Criterion and the Revista de Occidente promoted often unpopular Europeanizing cultural politics in England and in Spain, and did so in part by crafting their critical voices around one another and around the writers and histories of the other’s nation. Largely outside of the expertise of either editor, these Anglo-Spanish journalistic relations were created by the translators and correspondents they employed, especially Antonio Marichalar and E. R. Curtius. The cosmopolitan attachments to Spanish literature and culture in the Criterion and to British modernism in the Revista de Occidente proved key to both reviews as they authorized their own marginal continental visions and combated fatalistic arguments about Europe and the West. In fact, against the history of Spain’s characterization by northern Europe—Kant in particular—the new cultural expressions of Spain’s “Moorish” blood were actually invoked in defense of these redefinitions of Europe.
Daniel Stedman Jones
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691161013
- eISBN:
- 9781400851836
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691161013.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Based on archival research and interviews with leading participants in the movement, this book traces the ascendancy of neoliberalism from the academy of interwar Europe to supremacy under Reagan and ...
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Based on archival research and interviews with leading participants in the movement, this book traces the ascendancy of neoliberalism from the academy of interwar Europe to supremacy under Reagan and Thatcher and in the decades since. The book argues that there was nothing inevitable about the victory of free-market politics. Far from being the story of the simple triumph of right-wing ideas, the neoliberal breakthrough was contingent on the economic crises of the 1970s and the acceptance of the need for new policies by the political left. This edition includes a new foreword which addresses the relationship between intellectual history and the history of politics and policy. Fascinating, important, and timely, this is a book for anyone who wants to understand the history behind the Anglo-American love affair with the free market, as well as the origins of the current economic crisis.Less
Based on archival research and interviews with leading participants in the movement, this book traces the ascendancy of neoliberalism from the academy of interwar Europe to supremacy under Reagan and Thatcher and in the decades since. The book argues that there was nothing inevitable about the victory of free-market politics. Far from being the story of the simple triumph of right-wing ideas, the neoliberal breakthrough was contingent on the economic crises of the 1970s and the acceptance of the need for new policies by the political left. This edition includes a new foreword which addresses the relationship between intellectual history and the history of politics and policy. Fascinating, important, and timely, this is a book for anyone who wants to understand the history behind the Anglo-American love affair with the free market, as well as the origins of the current economic crisis.
Simon Rabinovitch
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780804792493
- eISBN:
- 9780804793032
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804792493.003.0008
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Jewish Studies
As discussed in the book’s final chapter, Jewish claims to national minority rights made their way to the Versailles Conference’s deliberations and eventual treaties, and the question of collective ...
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As discussed in the book’s final chapter, Jewish claims to national minority rights made their way to the Versailles Conference’s deliberations and eventual treaties, and the question of collective Jewish rights was one with considerable ramifications in the early Soviet Union. With the breakup of the Russian and Austrian Empires, a Jew might find him- or herself either a citizen of the Soviet Union, a state hostile to religious traditionalism but eager to integrate Jews as individuals, or a citizen of one of the new nation-states, which were indifferent to religious traditionalism but reluctant to integrate Jews as full participants in national politics. Only in Lithuania and Ukraine, and then only briefly, did Jews find themselves in states willing to grant Jews their national autonomy. All the post-Versailles states eventually squelched the one political aspiration uniting the different strands of Jewish politics in Russia and Eastern Europe: autonomy.Less
As discussed in the book’s final chapter, Jewish claims to national minority rights made their way to the Versailles Conference’s deliberations and eventual treaties, and the question of collective Jewish rights was one with considerable ramifications in the early Soviet Union. With the breakup of the Russian and Austrian Empires, a Jew might find him- or herself either a citizen of the Soviet Union, a state hostile to religious traditionalism but eager to integrate Jews as individuals, or a citizen of one of the new nation-states, which were indifferent to religious traditionalism but reluctant to integrate Jews as full participants in national politics. Only in Lithuania and Ukraine, and then only briefly, did Jews find themselves in states willing to grant Jews their national autonomy. All the post-Versailles states eventually squelched the one political aspiration uniting the different strands of Jewish politics in Russia and Eastern Europe: autonomy.
James Mace Ward
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801449888
- eISBN:
- 9780801468131
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801449888.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This book offers a biography of the Catholic priest and Slovak nationalist Jozef Tiso (1887–1947). The first president of an independent Slovakia, established as a satellite of Nazi Germany, Tiso was ...
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This book offers a biography of the Catholic priest and Slovak nationalist Jozef Tiso (1887–1947). The first president of an independent Slovakia, established as a satellite of Nazi Germany, Tiso was ultimately hanged for treason and (in effect) crimes against humanity by a postwar reunified Czechoslovakia. The book portrays Tiso as a devoutly religious man who came to privilege the maintenance of a Slovak state over all other concerns, helping thus to condemn Slovak Jewry to destruction. He is portrayed as a man of principle and a victim of international circumstances. This potent mix, combined with an almost epic ability to deny the consequences of his own actions, ultimately led to Tiso's undoing. Tiso began his career as a fervent priest seeking to defend the Church and pursue social justice within the Kingdom of Hungary. With the breakup of Austria-Hungary in 1918 and the creation of a Czechoslovak Republic, these missions then fused with a parochial Slovak nationalist agenda, a complex process that is the core narrative of the book. The book presents the strongest case yet for Tiso's heavy responsibility in the Holocaust. To this day memories of Tiso divide opinion within Slovakia, burdening the country's efforts to come to terms with its own history. Tiso's life not only illuminates the history of a small state but also supplies a missing piece of the larger puzzle that was interwar and wartime Europe.Less
This book offers a biography of the Catholic priest and Slovak nationalist Jozef Tiso (1887–1947). The first president of an independent Slovakia, established as a satellite of Nazi Germany, Tiso was ultimately hanged for treason and (in effect) crimes against humanity by a postwar reunified Czechoslovakia. The book portrays Tiso as a devoutly religious man who came to privilege the maintenance of a Slovak state over all other concerns, helping thus to condemn Slovak Jewry to destruction. He is portrayed as a man of principle and a victim of international circumstances. This potent mix, combined with an almost epic ability to deny the consequences of his own actions, ultimately led to Tiso's undoing. Tiso began his career as a fervent priest seeking to defend the Church and pursue social justice within the Kingdom of Hungary. With the breakup of Austria-Hungary in 1918 and the creation of a Czechoslovak Republic, these missions then fused with a parochial Slovak nationalist agenda, a complex process that is the core narrative of the book. The book presents the strongest case yet for Tiso's heavy responsibility in the Holocaust. To this day memories of Tiso divide opinion within Slovakia, burdening the country's efforts to come to terms with its own history. Tiso's life not only illuminates the history of a small state but also supplies a missing piece of the larger puzzle that was interwar and wartime Europe.
Stefan Jonsson
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231164788
- eISBN:
- 9780231535793
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231164788.003.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter describes an incident that occurred on July 15, 1927 in Vienna, Austria, to set the stage for a discussion of the concept of “the mass”. On this day, a protest march organized by workers ...
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This chapter describes an incident that occurred on July 15, 1927 in Vienna, Austria, to set the stage for a discussion of the concept of “the mass”. On this day, a protest march organized by workers escalated into violence when demonstrators were struck down by the police. When calm was restored, eighty-five civilians and four police officers had been killed, and more than one thousand people were injured. The fifteenth of July 1927 saw the breakdown of the democratic forms that had until then contained the political passions of Austria's postimperial society. From then on, the upper classes would associate the workers' idea of a good society with the raging masses or the Bolshevik revolution, and these masses would see, in the burghers' idea of a good society, the flashing muzzle of a gun.Less
This chapter describes an incident that occurred on July 15, 1927 in Vienna, Austria, to set the stage for a discussion of the concept of “the mass”. On this day, a protest march organized by workers escalated into violence when demonstrators were struck down by the police. When calm was restored, eighty-five civilians and four police officers had been killed, and more than one thousand people were injured. The fifteenth of July 1927 saw the breakdown of the democratic forms that had until then contained the political passions of Austria's postimperial society. From then on, the upper classes would associate the workers' idea of a good society with the raging masses or the Bolshevik revolution, and these masses would see, in the burghers' idea of a good society, the flashing muzzle of a gun.
Erin K. Jenne
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801453908
- eISBN:
- 9781501701276
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801453908.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter discusses the theory of nested security. The theory holds that protracted low-intensity conflicts are very often nested in rivalries between states or conflict-prone regions. Moreover, ...
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This chapter discusses the theory of nested security. The theory holds that protracted low-intensity conflicts are very often nested in rivalries between states or conflict-prone regions. Moreover, it considers that external events and actors have an asymmetric impact on domestic-level conflicts. This means that major powers must “nest” domestic conflicts in a stable regional environment, which in turn should be nested in a stable hegemonic or systemic environment. In the absence of these critical background conditions, third-party mediation efforts are likely to fail. The chapter then outlines the research design used to test this model against competing theories of mediation success using cases from interwar and post-Cold War Europe.Less
This chapter discusses the theory of nested security. The theory holds that protracted low-intensity conflicts are very often nested in rivalries between states or conflict-prone regions. Moreover, it considers that external events and actors have an asymmetric impact on domestic-level conflicts. This means that major powers must “nest” domestic conflicts in a stable regional environment, which in turn should be nested in a stable hegemonic or systemic environment. In the absence of these critical background conditions, third-party mediation efforts are likely to fail. The chapter then outlines the research design used to test this model against competing theories of mediation success using cases from interwar and post-Cold War Europe.
Erin K. Jenne
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801453908
- eISBN:
- 9781501701276
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801453908.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter investigates the variable success of League interventions using induced devolution in three mediated intra-state conflicts in interwar Europe—the Åland Islands, Memel, and Danzig. In ...
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This chapter investigates the variable success of League interventions using induced devolution in three mediated intra-state conflicts in interwar Europe—the Åland Islands, Memel, and Danzig. In nested conflicts, devolution arrangements mostly succeed in de-escalating tensions on the ground if they also satisfy the relevant regional players. Once regional conflicts are effectively brokered, domestic spoilers can be managed far more effectively with modest concessions. Indeed, longitudinal analysis of the three cases shows that conflict on the ground was mostly driven by wider conflicts between the host and lobby states on the regional or bilateral level. Thus, resolving or containing conflict dynamics in the wider neighborhood should be a principal priority for peacemakers.Less
This chapter investigates the variable success of League interventions using induced devolution in three mediated intra-state conflicts in interwar Europe—the Åland Islands, Memel, and Danzig. In nested conflicts, devolution arrangements mostly succeed in de-escalating tensions on the ground if they also satisfy the relevant regional players. Once regional conflicts are effectively brokered, domestic spoilers can be managed far more effectively with modest concessions. Indeed, longitudinal analysis of the three cases shows that conflict on the ground was mostly driven by wider conflicts between the host and lobby states on the regional or bilateral level. Thus, resolving or containing conflict dynamics in the wider neighborhood should be a principal priority for peacemakers.
Félix Krawatzek
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- October 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780198826842
- eISBN:
- 9780191865794
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198826842.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
In the twentieth century, youth emerged as a distinct socio-political group. The First World War constituted a key rupture for generational identity, as youth emerged as a central component of ...
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In the twentieth century, youth emerged as a distinct socio-political group. The First World War constituted a key rupture for generational identity, as youth emerged as a central component of politics and a cultural symbol. Following the decisive role played by youth during the breakdown of the Weimar Republic and the rise of fascism across Europe, disillusion with young people in the West replaced the earlier utopian visions. Only around 1968 did young people resurface politically. Across communist Europe, youth were widely regarded as having contributed to victory during the war, and although some youth challenged such heroic visions, it was only with Gorbachev’s reforms in the 1980s that young people could mobilize politically and contribute to regime breakdown. More recently young people have participated in non-conventional forms of political involvement such as the East European ‘Colour Revolutions’, the Arab Spring, and opposition to austerity policies in Europe.Less
In the twentieth century, youth emerged as a distinct socio-political group. The First World War constituted a key rupture for generational identity, as youth emerged as a central component of politics and a cultural symbol. Following the decisive role played by youth during the breakdown of the Weimar Republic and the rise of fascism across Europe, disillusion with young people in the West replaced the earlier utopian visions. Only around 1968 did young people resurface politically. Across communist Europe, youth were widely regarded as having contributed to victory during the war, and although some youth challenged such heroic visions, it was only with Gorbachev’s reforms in the 1980s that young people could mobilize politically and contribute to regime breakdown. More recently young people have participated in non-conventional forms of political involvement such as the East European ‘Colour Revolutions’, the Arab Spring, and opposition to austerity policies in Europe.
Andrew Denning
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780520284272
- eISBN:
- 9780520959897
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520284272.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter explores the development of Alpine modernism from 1920 to 1940, when the mastery over man and nature displaced previous understandings of skiing as an act of harmonization. It shows how ...
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This chapter explores the development of Alpine modernism from 1920 to 1940, when the mastery over man and nature displaced previous understandings of skiing as an act of harmonization. It shows how feelings of helplessness after World War I led many skiers to celebrate the heroic, conquering spirit of skiers. Whereas earlier forms of Alpine modernism highlighted the skier’s spiritual contemplation of nature, interwar Alpine modernism celebrated speed over all else. The importance of speed and mastery in Alpine skiing coincided with the democratization of the sport in interwar Europe. Due to the sport’s expanded constituency and its visceral appeal to skiers and non-skiers alike, skiing became a vital component of the vibrant interwar mass culture.Less
This chapter explores the development of Alpine modernism from 1920 to 1940, when the mastery over man and nature displaced previous understandings of skiing as an act of harmonization. It shows how feelings of helplessness after World War I led many skiers to celebrate the heroic, conquering spirit of skiers. Whereas earlier forms of Alpine modernism highlighted the skier’s spiritual contemplation of nature, interwar Alpine modernism celebrated speed over all else. The importance of speed and mastery in Alpine skiing coincided with the democratization of the sport in interwar Europe. Due to the sport’s expanded constituency and its visceral appeal to skiers and non-skiers alike, skiing became a vital component of the vibrant interwar mass culture.
Conan Fischer
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- February 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780199676293
- eISBN:
- 9780191755613
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199676293.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Economic History
A Vision of Europe analyses a little-known collaborative effort by France and Germany to secure a durable peace between the World Wars, through European integration organized around a Franco-German ...
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A Vision of Europe analyses a little-known collaborative effort by France and Germany to secure a durable peace between the World Wars, through European integration organized around a Franco-German axis. Received wisdom has it that the era of Franco-German rapprochement depended from 1925 on a close personal relationship between the French and German Foreign Ministers, Briand and Stresemann. With Stresemann’s death in 1929, and the simultaneous onset of the interwar Great Depression, Germany in particular allegedly turned its back on this process of rapprochement several years before Hitler took power. However, A Vision of Europe challenges this view of Franco-German relations during the Depression years. Upsets and setbacks notwithstanding, a sustained mutual effort drew on political will, diplomatic rationale, economic synergies, cultural affinities, and various peace movements to agree a Franco-German customs union which had European union as its ultimate goal. These efforts were formalized in the Franco-German Berlin Accord of September 1931, with the diplomacy surrounding this event forming the heart of this book. By mid-1932, however, rapprochement had all but failed. An unforeseen crisis in trading relations, the impact on French opinion of a media scandal surrounding the publication of the late Stresemann’s memoirs, and the disruptive impact of domestic party politics in both countries derailed a process that had been conceived by France and Germany’s diplomatic, political and economic elites. Nonetheless, this first modern attempt at European unification reflected a deeper process and logic that survived Hitler and informed the creation of the contemporary European Union.Less
A Vision of Europe analyses a little-known collaborative effort by France and Germany to secure a durable peace between the World Wars, through European integration organized around a Franco-German axis. Received wisdom has it that the era of Franco-German rapprochement depended from 1925 on a close personal relationship between the French and German Foreign Ministers, Briand and Stresemann. With Stresemann’s death in 1929, and the simultaneous onset of the interwar Great Depression, Germany in particular allegedly turned its back on this process of rapprochement several years before Hitler took power. However, A Vision of Europe challenges this view of Franco-German relations during the Depression years. Upsets and setbacks notwithstanding, a sustained mutual effort drew on political will, diplomatic rationale, economic synergies, cultural affinities, and various peace movements to agree a Franco-German customs union which had European union as its ultimate goal. These efforts were formalized in the Franco-German Berlin Accord of September 1931, with the diplomacy surrounding this event forming the heart of this book. By mid-1932, however, rapprochement had all but failed. An unforeseen crisis in trading relations, the impact on French opinion of a media scandal surrounding the publication of the late Stresemann’s memoirs, and the disruptive impact of domestic party politics in both countries derailed a process that had been conceived by France and Germany’s diplomatic, political and economic elites. Nonetheless, this first modern attempt at European unification reflected a deeper process and logic that survived Hitler and informed the creation of the contemporary European Union.
Sean Andrew Wempe
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- June 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190907211
- eISBN:
- 9780190907242
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190907211.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This book addresses the various ways in which Colonial Germans attempted to cope with the loss of the German colonies after the Treaty of Versailles in 1919. The German colonial advocates who are the ...
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This book addresses the various ways in which Colonial Germans attempted to cope with the loss of the German colonies after the Treaty of Versailles in 1919. The German colonial advocates who are the focus of this monograph comprised not only those individuals who had been allowed to remain in the mandates as new subjects of the Allies, but also former colonial officials, settlers, and missionaries who were forcibly repatriated by the mandatory powers after the First World War. These Kolonialdeutsche (Colonial Germans) had invested substantial time and money in German imperialism. This work places particular emphasis on how colonial officials, settlers, and colonial lobbies made use of the League of Nations framework, and investigates the involvement of former settlers and colonial officials in such diplomatic flashpoints as the Naturalization Controversy in South African-administered Southwest Africa, and German participation in the Permanent Mandates Commission (PMC) from 1927 to 1933. The period of analysis ends in 1933 with an investigation of the involvement of one of Germany’s former colonial governors in the League of Nations’ commission sent to assess the Manchurian Crisis between China and Japan. This study revises standard historical portrayals of the League of Nations’ form of international governance, German participation in the League, the role of interest groups in international organizations and diplomacy, and liberal imperialism. In analyzing colonial German investment and participation in interwar liberal internationalism, the project also challenges the idea of a direct continuity between Germany’s colonial period and the Nazi era.Less
This book addresses the various ways in which Colonial Germans attempted to cope with the loss of the German colonies after the Treaty of Versailles in 1919. The German colonial advocates who are the focus of this monograph comprised not only those individuals who had been allowed to remain in the mandates as new subjects of the Allies, but also former colonial officials, settlers, and missionaries who were forcibly repatriated by the mandatory powers after the First World War. These Kolonialdeutsche (Colonial Germans) had invested substantial time and money in German imperialism. This work places particular emphasis on how colonial officials, settlers, and colonial lobbies made use of the League of Nations framework, and investigates the involvement of former settlers and colonial officials in such diplomatic flashpoints as the Naturalization Controversy in South African-administered Southwest Africa, and German participation in the Permanent Mandates Commission (PMC) from 1927 to 1933. The period of analysis ends in 1933 with an investigation of the involvement of one of Germany’s former colonial governors in the League of Nations’ commission sent to assess the Manchurian Crisis between China and Japan. This study revises standard historical portrayals of the League of Nations’ form of international governance, German participation in the League, the role of interest groups in international organizations and diplomacy, and liberal imperialism. In analyzing colonial German investment and participation in interwar liberal internationalism, the project also challenges the idea of a direct continuity between Germany’s colonial period and the Nazi era.
Mikhail Krutikov
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804770071
- eISBN:
- 9780804777254
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804770071.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Jewish Studies
This book is an intellectual biography of Meir Wiener (1893–1941), an Austrian-Jewish intellectual and a student of Jewish mysticism who emigrated to the Soviet Union in 1926 and reinvented himself ...
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This book is an intellectual biography of Meir Wiener (1893–1941), an Austrian-Jewish intellectual and a student of Jewish mysticism who emigrated to the Soviet Union in 1926 and reinvented himself as a Marxist scholar and Yiddish writer. Wiener's life story offers a glimpse into the complexities and controversies of Jewish intellectual and cultural history of pre-war Europe. Wiener made a remarkable career as a Yiddish scholar and writer in the Stalinist Soviet Union, and left an unfinished novel about Jewish intellectual bohemia of Weimar Berlin. He was a brilliant intellectual, a controversial thinker, a committed communist, and a great Yiddish scholar—who personally knew Lenin and Rabbi Kook, corresponded with Martin Buber and Hugo von Hofmannsthal, and argued with Gershom Scholem and Georg Lukács. Wiener's intellectual biography brings Yiddish to the forefront of the intellectual discourse of interwar Europe.Less
This book is an intellectual biography of Meir Wiener (1893–1941), an Austrian-Jewish intellectual and a student of Jewish mysticism who emigrated to the Soviet Union in 1926 and reinvented himself as a Marxist scholar and Yiddish writer. Wiener's life story offers a glimpse into the complexities and controversies of Jewish intellectual and cultural history of pre-war Europe. Wiener made a remarkable career as a Yiddish scholar and writer in the Stalinist Soviet Union, and left an unfinished novel about Jewish intellectual bohemia of Weimar Berlin. He was a brilliant intellectual, a controversial thinker, a committed communist, and a great Yiddish scholar—who personally knew Lenin and Rabbi Kook, corresponded with Martin Buber and Hugo von Hofmannsthal, and argued with Gershom Scholem and Georg Lukács. Wiener's intellectual biography brings Yiddish to the forefront of the intellectual discourse of interwar Europe.
