Martin Ceadel
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199571161
- eISBN:
- 9780191721762
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199571161.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory, International Relations and Politics
Sir Norman Angell, pioneer both of international relations as a distinct discipline and of the theory of globalization, winner of the Nobel Peace Prize, and one of the 20th century's leading ...
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Sir Norman Angell, pioneer both of international relations as a distinct discipline and of the theory of globalization, winner of the Nobel Peace Prize, and one of the 20th century's leading internationalist campaigners on both sides of the Atlantic, lived the great illusion in three senses. First, his ‘life job’, as he came to call it, was founded upon and defined by The Great Illusion, a best-seller whose original version appeared in 1909: it perceptively showed how economic interdependence would prevent great powers profiting from war; yet it made other, less felicitous, claims from whose implications he spent decades trying to extricate himself. Second, his magnum opus and all his best work derived, to an extent unusual for a public intellectual, not from abstract thinking but from an eventful and varied life as a jobbing journalist in four countries, a cowboy, land-speculator, and gold-prospector in California, production manager of the continental edition of the Daily Mail, author, lecturer, pig farmer, Labour MP, entrepreneur, and campaigner for collective security. Third, he fostered many an enduring illusion about himself by at various times giving wrongly his age, name, nationality, marital status, key career dates, and core beliefs. By dint of careful detective work, this first biography of Angell reveals the truth about a remarkable life that has hitherto been much misrepresented and misinterpreted.Less
Sir Norman Angell, pioneer both of international relations as a distinct discipline and of the theory of globalization, winner of the Nobel Peace Prize, and one of the 20th century's leading internationalist campaigners on both sides of the Atlantic, lived the great illusion in three senses. First, his ‘life job’, as he came to call it, was founded upon and defined by The Great Illusion, a best-seller whose original version appeared in 1909: it perceptively showed how economic interdependence would prevent great powers profiting from war; yet it made other, less felicitous, claims from whose implications he spent decades trying to extricate himself. Second, his magnum opus and all his best work derived, to an extent unusual for a public intellectual, not from abstract thinking but from an eventful and varied life as a jobbing journalist in four countries, a cowboy, land-speculator, and gold-prospector in California, production manager of the continental edition of the Daily Mail, author, lecturer, pig farmer, Labour MP, entrepreneur, and campaigner for collective security. Third, he fostered many an enduring illusion about himself by at various times giving wrongly his age, name, nationality, marital status, key career dates, and core beliefs. By dint of careful detective work, this first biography of Angell reveals the truth about a remarkable life that has hitherto been much misrepresented and misinterpreted.
Michael G. Thompson
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801452727
- eISBN:
- 9781501701801
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801452727.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This book recovers the history of an important yet largely forgotten intellectual movement in interwar America. It explores the way radical-left and ecumenical Protestant internationalists ...
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This book recovers the history of an important yet largely forgotten intellectual movement in interwar America. It explores the way radical-left and ecumenical Protestant internationalists articulated new understandings of the ethics of international relations between the 1920s and the 1940s. Missionary leaders such as Sherwood Eddy and journalists such as Kirby Page, as well as realist theologians including Reinhold Niebuhr, developed new kinds of religious enterprises devoted to producing knowledge on international relations for public consumption. The book centers on the excavation of two such efforts—the leading left-wing Protestant interwar periodical, The World Tomorrow, and the landmark Oxford 1937 ecumenical world conference. It charts the simultaneous peak and decline of the movement in John Foster Dulles's ambitious efforts to link Christian internationalism to the cause of international organization after World War II. Concerned with far more than foreign policy, Christian internationalists developed critiques of racism, imperialism, and nationalism in world affairs. They rejected exceptionalist frameworks and eschewed the dominant “Christian nation” imaginary as a lens through which to view U.S. foreign relations. In the intellectual history of religion and American foreign relations, Protestantism most commonly appears as an ideological ancillary to expansionism and nationalism. The book challenges this account by recovering a movement that held Christian universalism to be a check against nationalism rather than a boon to it.Less
This book recovers the history of an important yet largely forgotten intellectual movement in interwar America. It explores the way radical-left and ecumenical Protestant internationalists articulated new understandings of the ethics of international relations between the 1920s and the 1940s. Missionary leaders such as Sherwood Eddy and journalists such as Kirby Page, as well as realist theologians including Reinhold Niebuhr, developed new kinds of religious enterprises devoted to producing knowledge on international relations for public consumption. The book centers on the excavation of two such efforts—the leading left-wing Protestant interwar periodical, The World Tomorrow, and the landmark Oxford 1937 ecumenical world conference. It charts the simultaneous peak and decline of the movement in John Foster Dulles's ambitious efforts to link Christian internationalism to the cause of international organization after World War II. Concerned with far more than foreign policy, Christian internationalists developed critiques of racism, imperialism, and nationalism in world affairs. They rejected exceptionalist frameworks and eschewed the dominant “Christian nation” imaginary as a lens through which to view U.S. foreign relations. In the intellectual history of religion and American foreign relations, Protestantism most commonly appears as an ideological ancillary to expansionism and nationalism. The book challenges this account by recovering a movement that held Christian universalism to be a check against nationalism rather than a boon to it.
Tony Smith Jr.
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691183480
- eISBN:
- 9781400883400
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691183480.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The liberal internationalist tradition is credited with America's greatest triumphs as a world power—and also its biggest failures. Beginning in the 1940s, imbued with the spirit of Woodrow Wilson's ...
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The liberal internationalist tradition is credited with America's greatest triumphs as a world power—and also its biggest failures. Beginning in the 1940s, imbued with the spirit of Woodrow Wilson's efforts at the League of Nations to ‘make the world safe for democracy,’ the United States steered a course in world affairs that would eventually win the Cold War. Yet in the 1990s, Wilsonianism turned imperialist, contributing directly to the invasion of Iraq in 2003 and the continued failures of American foreign policy. This book explains how the liberal internationalist community can regain a sense of identity and purpose following the betrayal of Wilson's vision by the brash ‘neo-Wilsonianism’ being pursued today. The book traces how Wilson's thinking about America's role in the world evolved in the years leading up to and during his presidency, and how the Wilsonian tradition went on to influence American foreign policy in the decades that followed. It traces the tradition's evolution from its ‘classic’ era with Wilson, to its ‘hegemonic’ stage during the Cold War, to its ‘imperialist’ phase today. The book calls for an end to reckless forms of U.S. foreign intervention, and a return to the prudence and ‘eternal vigilance’ of Wilson's own time. It renews hope that the United States might again become effectively liberal by returning to the sense of realism that Wilson espoused, one where the promotion of democracy around the world is balanced by the understanding that such efforts are not likely to come quickly and without costs.Less
The liberal internationalist tradition is credited with America's greatest triumphs as a world power—and also its biggest failures. Beginning in the 1940s, imbued with the spirit of Woodrow Wilson's efforts at the League of Nations to ‘make the world safe for democracy,’ the United States steered a course in world affairs that would eventually win the Cold War. Yet in the 1990s, Wilsonianism turned imperialist, contributing directly to the invasion of Iraq in 2003 and the continued failures of American foreign policy. This book explains how the liberal internationalist community can regain a sense of identity and purpose following the betrayal of Wilson's vision by the brash ‘neo-Wilsonianism’ being pursued today. The book traces how Wilson's thinking about America's role in the world evolved in the years leading up to and during his presidency, and how the Wilsonian tradition went on to influence American foreign policy in the decades that followed. It traces the tradition's evolution from its ‘classic’ era with Wilson, to its ‘hegemonic’ stage during the Cold War, to its ‘imperialist’ phase today. The book calls for an end to reckless forms of U.S. foreign intervention, and a return to the prudence and ‘eternal vigilance’ of Wilson's own time. It renews hope that the United States might again become effectively liberal by returning to the sense of realism that Wilson espoused, one where the promotion of democracy around the world is balanced by the understanding that such efforts are not likely to come quickly and without costs.
Steven Casey
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195306927
- eISBN:
- 9780199867936
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195306927.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Truman's decision to fire MacArthur in April 1951 initially threatened to make the domestic situation even worse. Indeed, Republicans hoped to exploit the opportunity to challenge the ...
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Truman's decision to fire MacArthur in April 1951 initially threatened to make the domestic situation even worse. Indeed, Republicans hoped to exploit the opportunity to challenge the administration's whole Asian policy, and perhaps even impeach one or two senior officials. Within weeks, however, the MacArthur controversy worked to the administration's benefit. For the first time in months, senior officials engaged in a sustained and coordinated effort to make the case for war. MacArthur was thus outgunned. He was also placed on the defensive, having to rebut the official claim that his vision would result in a disastrous world war. More broadly, crucial figures in Congress, both southern Democrats and internationalist Republicans, rallied behind Truman's position, ending the disastrous prospect that had loomed so large in the winter—the prospect that the broad bipartisan Cold War coalition would soon collapse.Less
Truman's decision to fire MacArthur in April 1951 initially threatened to make the domestic situation even worse. Indeed, Republicans hoped to exploit the opportunity to challenge the administration's whole Asian policy, and perhaps even impeach one or two senior officials. Within weeks, however, the MacArthur controversy worked to the administration's benefit. For the first time in months, senior officials engaged in a sustained and coordinated effort to make the case for war. MacArthur was thus outgunned. He was also placed on the defensive, having to rebut the official claim that his vision would result in a disastrous world war. More broadly, crucial figures in Congress, both southern Democrats and internationalist Republicans, rallied behind Truman's position, ending the disastrous prospect that had loomed so large in the winter—the prospect that the broad bipartisan Cold War coalition would soon collapse.
Tony Smith
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691154923
- eISBN:
- 9781400842025
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691154923.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter examines the United States' liberal democratic internationalism during the period 1989–2008, with particular emphasis on the evolution of American democracy promotion from what Reinhold ...
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This chapter examines the United States' liberal democratic internationalism during the period 1989–2008, with particular emphasis on the evolution of American democracy promotion from what Reinhold Niebuhr called its “fortunate vagueness” to a hard ideology. It begins with a discussion of the neo-Wilsonian ideology that appeared in the “long decade” of the 1990s—a way of thinking characterized by both voluntarism and a pseudoscientific certitude that was absent in liberalism of the earlier periods. In particular, it considers the emergence of a “hard liberal internationalist ideology” that was comparable to Marxism–Leninism. It also explores the rise of democratic globalism as progressive imperialism, focusing on democratic peace theory and democratic transition theory. The chapter argues that American democracy promotion had become a pretext for “just war,” as evidenced by the invasion of Iraq in March 2003.Less
This chapter examines the United States' liberal democratic internationalism during the period 1989–2008, with particular emphasis on the evolution of American democracy promotion from what Reinhold Niebuhr called its “fortunate vagueness” to a hard ideology. It begins with a discussion of the neo-Wilsonian ideology that appeared in the “long decade” of the 1990s—a way of thinking characterized by both voluntarism and a pseudoscientific certitude that was absent in liberalism of the earlier periods. In particular, it considers the emergence of a “hard liberal internationalist ideology” that was comparable to Marxism–Leninism. It also explores the rise of democratic globalism as progressive imperialism, focusing on democratic peace theory and democratic transition theory. The chapter argues that American democracy promotion had become a pretext for “just war,” as evidenced by the invasion of Iraq in March 2003.
David F. Schmitz
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780813180441
- eISBN:
- 9780813180472
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813180441.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
In The Sailor, David F. Schmitz presents a comprehensive reassessment of Franklin Delano Roosevelt's foreign policymaking. Most historians have cast FDR as a leader who resisted an established ...
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In The Sailor, David F. Schmitz presents a comprehensive reassessment of Franklin Delano Roosevelt's foreign policymaking. Most historians have cast FDR as a leader who resisted an established international strategy and who was forced to react quickly after the attack on Pearl Harbor, launching the nation into World War II. Drawing on a wealth of primary documents as well as the latest secondary sources, Schmitz challenges this view, demonstrating that Roosevelt was both consistent and calculating in guiding the direction of American foreign policy throughout his presidency. Schmitz illuminates how the policies FDR pursued in response to the crises of the 1930s transformed Americans' thinking about their place in the world. He shows how the president developed an interlocking set of ideas that prompted a debate between isolationism and preparedness, guided the United States into World War II, and mobilized support for the war while establishing a sense of responsibility for the postwar world. The critical moment came in the period between Roosevelt's reelection in 1940 and the Pearl Harbor attack, when he set out his view of the US as the arsenal of democracy, proclaimed his war goals centered on protection of the four freedoms, secured passage of the Lend-Lease Act, and announced the principles of the Atlantic Charter. This long-overdue book presents a definitive new perspective on Roosevelt's diplomacy and the emergence of the United States as a world power. Schmitz's work offers an important correction to existing studies and establishes FDR as arguably the most significant and successful foreign policymaker in the nation's history.Less
In The Sailor, David F. Schmitz presents a comprehensive reassessment of Franklin Delano Roosevelt's foreign policymaking. Most historians have cast FDR as a leader who resisted an established international strategy and who was forced to react quickly after the attack on Pearl Harbor, launching the nation into World War II. Drawing on a wealth of primary documents as well as the latest secondary sources, Schmitz challenges this view, demonstrating that Roosevelt was both consistent and calculating in guiding the direction of American foreign policy throughout his presidency. Schmitz illuminates how the policies FDR pursued in response to the crises of the 1930s transformed Americans' thinking about their place in the world. He shows how the president developed an interlocking set of ideas that prompted a debate between isolationism and preparedness, guided the United States into World War II, and mobilized support for the war while establishing a sense of responsibility for the postwar world. The critical moment came in the period between Roosevelt's reelection in 1940 and the Pearl Harbor attack, when he set out his view of the US as the arsenal of democracy, proclaimed his war goals centered on protection of the four freedoms, secured passage of the Lend-Lease Act, and announced the principles of the Atlantic Charter. This long-overdue book presents a definitive new perspective on Roosevelt's diplomacy and the emergence of the United States as a world power. Schmitz's work offers an important correction to existing studies and establishes FDR as arguably the most significant and successful foreign policymaker in the nation's history.
Greg Thomas
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781789620269
- eISBN:
- 9781789629538
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3828/liverpool/9781789620269.003.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, Poetry
This chapter presents the critical context and overarching narrative of the text. Concrete poetry has not been subject to extensive literary-critical attention, particularly in a British context, ...
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This chapter presents the critical context and overarching narrative of the text. Concrete poetry has not been subject to extensive literary-critical attention, particularly in a British context, partly because of the very diversity of thematic associations it is able to support, which makes it difficult to process conceptually in retrospect. To bring some clarity to current thinking around concrete poetry, and in response to some recent critical revaluations of the style, this text posits that the style represented an ongoing exploration of the legacy and relevance of early-twentieth-century vanguard activity during the 1950s-70s, especially the interplay between broadly constructivist and neo-dada tendencies in international literary and artistic culture during those decades. In England and Scotland, where the style emerged simultaneously during the early 1960s, the development of concrete poetry – and criticism around it – reflected these competing positions but also became bound up with questions of nationalism and national identity, particularly in Scotland. This chapter deals with those themes while also contextualising some gaps in the remit of the text, including the geographical restrictions placed around the subject-matter, and the relative absence of women poets from the scenes surveyed.Less
This chapter presents the critical context and overarching narrative of the text. Concrete poetry has not been subject to extensive literary-critical attention, particularly in a British context, partly because of the very diversity of thematic associations it is able to support, which makes it difficult to process conceptually in retrospect. To bring some clarity to current thinking around concrete poetry, and in response to some recent critical revaluations of the style, this text posits that the style represented an ongoing exploration of the legacy and relevance of early-twentieth-century vanguard activity during the 1950s-70s, especially the interplay between broadly constructivist and neo-dada tendencies in international literary and artistic culture during those decades. In England and Scotland, where the style emerged simultaneously during the early 1960s, the development of concrete poetry – and criticism around it – reflected these competing positions but also became bound up with questions of nationalism and national identity, particularly in Scotland. This chapter deals with those themes while also contextualising some gaps in the remit of the text, including the geographical restrictions placed around the subject-matter, and the relative absence of women poets from the scenes surveyed.
Jennifer A. Delton
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780691167862
- eISBN:
- 9780691203324
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691167862.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter takes a look at how the expansion of foreign trade was the original impetus for the National Association of Manufacturers' (NAM) creation and would remain a critical focus of the ...
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This chapter takes a look at how the expansion of foreign trade was the original impetus for the National Association of Manufacturers' (NAM) creation and would remain a critical focus of the organization's activities throughout the twentieth century. NAM's efforts in this area contributed significantly to the development of international capitalism, otherwise known as “globalization.” But it was not smooth sailing. Many NAM members relied on the protective tariff and opposed any kind of reform to it, which they regarded as a “slippery slope” to free trade. Nor was the Republican Party, with which NAM had the most influence, interested in tariff reform. NAM leadership fully supported tariffs, but it also advocated tariff reforms designed to encourage trade, and in this regard it was uncomfortably in alignment with the Democratic Party. So NAM's work in this area was significant less for its influence on government, and more for introducing and acclimating its members to the new norms and values of multinational, internationalist capitalism, thus bringing a largely conservative and parochial clientele into the modern political economy. A forgotten by-product of its efforts was the promotion of and appreciation for cultural diversity and international cooperation.Less
This chapter takes a look at how the expansion of foreign trade was the original impetus for the National Association of Manufacturers' (NAM) creation and would remain a critical focus of the organization's activities throughout the twentieth century. NAM's efforts in this area contributed significantly to the development of international capitalism, otherwise known as “globalization.” But it was not smooth sailing. Many NAM members relied on the protective tariff and opposed any kind of reform to it, which they regarded as a “slippery slope” to free trade. Nor was the Republican Party, with which NAM had the most influence, interested in tariff reform. NAM leadership fully supported tariffs, but it also advocated tariff reforms designed to encourage trade, and in this regard it was uncomfortably in alignment with the Democratic Party. So NAM's work in this area was significant less for its influence on government, and more for introducing and acclimating its members to the new norms and values of multinational, internationalist capitalism, thus bringing a largely conservative and parochial clientele into the modern political economy. A forgotten by-product of its efforts was the promotion of and appreciation for cultural diversity and international cooperation.
Andrew Johnstone
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801453250
- eISBN:
- 9780801454738
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801453250.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This book tells the story of how internationalist Americans worked between 1938 and 1941 to convince the American government and the American public of the need to stem the rising global tide of ...
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This book tells the story of how internationalist Americans worked between 1938 and 1941 to convince the American government and the American public of the need to stem the rising global tide of fascist aggression. As war approached, the internationalist movement attempted to arouse the nation in order to defeat noninterventionism at home and fascism overseas. This book's examination of this movement undermines the common belief that the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor wrenched an isolationist United States into global armed conflict and the struggle for international power. The book focuses on three organizations—the American Committee for Non-Participation in Japanese Aggression, the Committee to Defend America by Aiding the Allies, and Fight For Freedom—that actively promoted a more global role for the United States based on a conception of the “four freedoms” later made famous by FDR. The desire to be free from fear was seen in concerns regarding America's immediate national security. The desire to be free from want was expressed in anxieties over the nation's future economic prosperity. The need for freedom of speech was represented in concerns over the potential loss of political freedoms. Finally, the need for freedom of worship was seen in the emphasis on religious freedoms and broader fears about the future of Western civilization. These groups and their supporters among the public and within the government characterized the growing global conflict as one between two distinct worlds and in doing so, set the tone of American foreign policy for decades to come.Less
This book tells the story of how internationalist Americans worked between 1938 and 1941 to convince the American government and the American public of the need to stem the rising global tide of fascist aggression. As war approached, the internationalist movement attempted to arouse the nation in order to defeat noninterventionism at home and fascism overseas. This book's examination of this movement undermines the common belief that the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor wrenched an isolationist United States into global armed conflict and the struggle for international power. The book focuses on three organizations—the American Committee for Non-Participation in Japanese Aggression, the Committee to Defend America by Aiding the Allies, and Fight For Freedom—that actively promoted a more global role for the United States based on a conception of the “four freedoms” later made famous by FDR. The desire to be free from fear was seen in concerns regarding America's immediate national security. The desire to be free from want was expressed in anxieties over the nation's future economic prosperity. The need for freedom of speech was represented in concerns over the potential loss of political freedoms. Finally, the need for freedom of worship was seen in the emphasis on religious freedoms and broader fears about the future of Western civilization. These groups and their supporters among the public and within the government characterized the growing global conflict as one between two distinct worlds and in doing so, set the tone of American foreign policy for decades to come.
Elizabeth B. Schwall
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- May 2022
- ISBN:
- 9781469662978
- eISBN:
- 9781469663357
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469662978.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
This book aligns culture and politics by focusing on an art form that became a darling of the Cuban revolution: dance. This history of staged performance in ballet, modern dance, and folkloric dance ...
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This book aligns culture and politics by focusing on an art form that became a darling of the Cuban revolution: dance. This history of staged performance in ballet, modern dance, and folkloric dance analyzes how and why dance artists interacted with republican and, later, revolutionary politics. Drawing on written and visual archives, including intriguing exchanges between dancers and bureaucrats, it argues that Cuban dancers used their bodies and ephemeral, nonverbal choreography to support and critique political regimes and cultural biases. As esteemed artists, Cuban dancers exercised considerable power and influence. They often used their art to posit more radical notions of social justice than political leaders were able or willing to implement. After 1959, while generally promoting revolutionary projects like mass education and internationalist solidarity, they also took risks by challenging racial prejudice, gender norms, and censorship, all of which could affect dancers personally. On a broader level, the book shows that dance, too often overlooked in histories of Latin America and the Caribbean, provides fresh perspectives on what it means for people, and nations, to move through the world.Less
This book aligns culture and politics by focusing on an art form that became a darling of the Cuban revolution: dance. This history of staged performance in ballet, modern dance, and folkloric dance analyzes how and why dance artists interacted with republican and, later, revolutionary politics. Drawing on written and visual archives, including intriguing exchanges between dancers and bureaucrats, it argues that Cuban dancers used their bodies and ephemeral, nonverbal choreography to support and critique political regimes and cultural biases. As esteemed artists, Cuban dancers exercised considerable power and influence. They often used their art to posit more radical notions of social justice than political leaders were able or willing to implement. After 1959, while generally promoting revolutionary projects like mass education and internationalist solidarity, they also took risks by challenging racial prejudice, gender norms, and censorship, all of which could affect dancers personally. On a broader level, the book shows that dance, too often overlooked in histories of Latin America and the Caribbean, provides fresh perspectives on what it means for people, and nations, to move through the world.
Shuang Shen
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9789622099456
- eISBN:
- 9789882206687
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789622099456.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
This chapter focuses only on the translation projects related to the political history of internationalism, because, through practices such as collaboration and reprinting, the anglophone ...
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This chapter focuses only on the translation projects related to the political history of internationalism, because, through practices such as collaboration and reprinting, the anglophone internationalist journals present a perfect case for the study of transnational circulation and movement of literary materials for a certain political agenda although both the left and the non-left conducted translation projects of modern Chinese literature in the 1930s. The editors of leftist magazines such as China Forum and China Today tried hard to establish close contact with important Chinese literary figures such as Lu Xun and Mao Dun, and succeeded to a certain extent to integrate the Chinese Leftist Writers' League into internationalist alliances. Although Lu Xun did not know English well enough to compose articles in English, some of his essays were intentionally written for such English-language magazines. They were translated into English by other leftist activists including the well-known Agnes Smedley.Less
This chapter focuses only on the translation projects related to the political history of internationalism, because, through practices such as collaboration and reprinting, the anglophone internationalist journals present a perfect case for the study of transnational circulation and movement of literary materials for a certain political agenda although both the left and the non-left conducted translation projects of modern Chinese literature in the 1930s. The editors of leftist magazines such as China Forum and China Today tried hard to establish close contact with important Chinese literary figures such as Lu Xun and Mao Dun, and succeeded to a certain extent to integrate the Chinese Leftist Writers' League into internationalist alliances. Although Lu Xun did not know English well enough to compose articles in English, some of his essays were intentionally written for such English-language magazines. They were translated into English by other leftist activists including the well-known Agnes Smedley.
Der yidisher kemfer
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814757437
- eISBN:
- 9780814763469
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814757437.003.0054
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This chapter contains an excerpt of the statement of principles of the socialist-Zionist weekly, Der yidisher kemfer. It defines the “Jewish Militant” as a figure that can, with much hardship, ...
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This chapter contains an excerpt of the statement of principles of the socialist-Zionist weekly, Der yidisher kemfer. It defines the “Jewish Militant” as a figure that can, with much hardship, liberate the Jew from their dual suffering as both a Jew and a human being. The motto of all militants is, “In struggle shall your freedom be achieved!” The Jewish militant must therefore work for their own freedom, and in so doing break down divides and place all of humanity on equal footing, regardless of race, sex, and nationality. But most of all, this chapter stresses, the Jewish militant is neither a Zionistic socialist nor a socialistic Zionist—instead, they must be a socialist internationalist.Less
This chapter contains an excerpt of the statement of principles of the socialist-Zionist weekly, Der yidisher kemfer. It defines the “Jewish Militant” as a figure that can, with much hardship, liberate the Jew from their dual suffering as both a Jew and a human being. The motto of all militants is, “In struggle shall your freedom be achieved!” The Jewish militant must therefore work for their own freedom, and in so doing break down divides and place all of humanity on equal footing, regardless of race, sex, and nationality. But most of all, this chapter stresses, the Jewish militant is neither a Zionistic socialist nor a socialistic Zionist—instead, they must be a socialist internationalist.
Andrew Johnstone
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801453250
- eISBN:
- 9780801454738
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801453250.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter discusses the creation of the interventionist organization, Fight for Freedom committee in April 1941. The passage of the Lend-Lease Act in March confirmed that the United States was ...
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This chapter discusses the creation of the interventionist organization, Fight for Freedom committee in April 1941. The passage of the Lend-Lease Act in March confirmed that the United States was willing to provide all possible material aid to Britain and any other allies fighting against the fascist aggression of Germany, Italy, and Japan. However, it did not mean the end of debate over the nature of America's relationship to the war; it merely changed the issues being considered. Rather than whether or not the United States should aid Britain, the main issue became about how that aid should reach Britain. Much of the popular debate in March and April of 1941 focused on the issue of convoying. For one group of internationalists, however, there was little point in arguing over convoying as it missed the bigger picture: the United States was already effectively at war. Evolving from the Century Group into a formal national organization, the Fight for Freedom committee argued that in acting as the arsenal of democracy the United States was already at war, that it was cowardly to suggest otherwise, and that further action was required immediately to keep Britain alive.Less
This chapter discusses the creation of the interventionist organization, Fight for Freedom committee in April 1941. The passage of the Lend-Lease Act in March confirmed that the United States was willing to provide all possible material aid to Britain and any other allies fighting against the fascist aggression of Germany, Italy, and Japan. However, it did not mean the end of debate over the nature of America's relationship to the war; it merely changed the issues being considered. Rather than whether or not the United States should aid Britain, the main issue became about how that aid should reach Britain. Much of the popular debate in March and April of 1941 focused on the issue of convoying. For one group of internationalists, however, there was little point in arguing over convoying as it missed the bigger picture: the United States was already effectively at war. Evolving from the Century Group into a formal national organization, the Fight for Freedom committee argued that in acting as the arsenal of democracy the United States was already at war, that it was cowardly to suggest otherwise, and that further action was required immediately to keep Britain alive.
Greg Thomas
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781789620269
- eISBN:
- 9781789629538
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3828/liverpool/9781789620269.003.0004
- Subject:
- Literature, Poetry
The Glaswegian poet Edwin Morgan coined the term ‘off-concrete’ to describe one of his own concrete poems. In this chapter, the term is used to characterise his overall approach to the style, which ...
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The Glaswegian poet Edwin Morgan coined the term ‘off-concrete’ to describe one of his own concrete poems. In this chapter, the term is used to characterise his overall approach to the style, which expressed both a keen enthusiasm for the classical concrete poetry of the 1950s-60s and a pronounced scepticism regarding its formal and ideological limits. One of many styles with which Morgan experimented during the 1950s-70s – also including beat and sci-fi poetry – concrete poetry was a means both of expressing his opposition to the parochialism of Scottish literary modernist culture and of redefining that culture as internationalist and technologically oriented. At the same time, Morgan’s incorporation of narrative voices and specific thematic scenarios into the concrete poem – ranging from outer space to the animal kingdom, and periodically expressing Scottish-nationalist and anti-colonialist politics – reflects his desire to extend and subvert the grammars of concrete poetry. This dialectical movement propelled his concrete practice forwards from 1962 until around the close of the 1960s, by which time his engagement with the style was waning. However, by the 1970s, a new variant of concrete poetry, more responsive to sound poetry and new Scottish poetry in dialect, had begun to animate Morgan’s practice.Less
The Glaswegian poet Edwin Morgan coined the term ‘off-concrete’ to describe one of his own concrete poems. In this chapter, the term is used to characterise his overall approach to the style, which expressed both a keen enthusiasm for the classical concrete poetry of the 1950s-60s and a pronounced scepticism regarding its formal and ideological limits. One of many styles with which Morgan experimented during the 1950s-70s – also including beat and sci-fi poetry – concrete poetry was a means both of expressing his opposition to the parochialism of Scottish literary modernist culture and of redefining that culture as internationalist and technologically oriented. At the same time, Morgan’s incorporation of narrative voices and specific thematic scenarios into the concrete poem – ranging from outer space to the animal kingdom, and periodically expressing Scottish-nationalist and anti-colonialist politics – reflects his desire to extend and subvert the grammars of concrete poetry. This dialectical movement propelled his concrete practice forwards from 1962 until around the close of the 1960s, by which time his engagement with the style was waning. However, by the 1970s, a new variant of concrete poetry, more responsive to sound poetry and new Scottish poetry in dialect, had begun to animate Morgan’s practice.
Helen McCarthy
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719086168
- eISBN:
- 9781781702659
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719086168.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This chapter evaluates how far the League movement realised its dream of a ‘democratised’ foreign policy between the wars, and addresses its fortunes after 1945, when the League of Nations Union ...
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This chapter evaluates how far the League movement realised its dream of a ‘democratised’ foreign policy between the wars, and addresses its fortunes after 1945, when the League of Nations Union (LNU) was reborn as the United Nations Association and found itself confronted with a dramatically altered world-order. The LNU never fully resolved the tension between intellectualism and emotionalism in political life. The risks to the LNU of abandoning its non-party status appear obvious. The LNU's civic strategy became an exercise in the bolting on of liberal-internationalist ideas to pre-existing loyalties and identities. The LNU did not generate the sort of ‘lifestyle’ or ‘identity’ politics associated with later social movements. The movement remained a centrist force in British politics and society, preserving a place for liberal-internationalist values in post-war associational life, albeit on a far less remarkable scale than in earlier times.Less
This chapter evaluates how far the League movement realised its dream of a ‘democratised’ foreign policy between the wars, and addresses its fortunes after 1945, when the League of Nations Union (LNU) was reborn as the United Nations Association and found itself confronted with a dramatically altered world-order. The LNU never fully resolved the tension between intellectualism and emotionalism in political life. The risks to the LNU of abandoning its non-party status appear obvious. The LNU's civic strategy became an exercise in the bolting on of liberal-internationalist ideas to pre-existing loyalties and identities. The LNU did not generate the sort of ‘lifestyle’ or ‘identity’ politics associated with later social movements. The movement remained a centrist force in British politics and society, preserving a place for liberal-internationalist values in post-war associational life, albeit on a far less remarkable scale than in earlier times.
Melanie M. Ziegler
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813030876
- eISBN:
- 9780813039701
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813030876.003.0006
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Latin American Studies
This chapter narrates how the U.S. and Cuba nearly went to war after the Cuban missile incident of October 1992 escalated hostilities between the U.S., the Soviet Union, and Cuba. This chapter ...
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This chapter narrates how the U.S. and Cuba nearly went to war after the Cuban missile incident of October 1992 escalated hostilities between the U.S., the Soviet Union, and Cuba. This chapter explains how the U.S-Cuban cooperation overrode the possibility of having a hot war. The chapter begins with a summary of the U.S. anti-Castro movements from 1959 up until the fall of the Soviet Union. Although no invasion plots were brewed by the U.S. government after 1961, the U.S. nevertheless did not stop at destabilizing the Cuban government either. The chapter also discusses Cuba's internationalist foreign policy towards the nations of the Third World wherein Cuba's revolutionary vision always posed hostility to the U.S. government. Included in the chapter as well is a close look at the decade of the 1990s wherein U.S.-Cuban cooperation on reducing risks of accidental war faced a rollercoaster situation. The chapter concludes with a discussion on the hostility and disagreement hurled by the Cuban Americans on migration policies and issues agreed upon by the United States and Cuba.Less
This chapter narrates how the U.S. and Cuba nearly went to war after the Cuban missile incident of October 1992 escalated hostilities between the U.S., the Soviet Union, and Cuba. This chapter explains how the U.S-Cuban cooperation overrode the possibility of having a hot war. The chapter begins with a summary of the U.S. anti-Castro movements from 1959 up until the fall of the Soviet Union. Although no invasion plots were brewed by the U.S. government after 1961, the U.S. nevertheless did not stop at destabilizing the Cuban government either. The chapter also discusses Cuba's internationalist foreign policy towards the nations of the Third World wherein Cuba's revolutionary vision always posed hostility to the U.S. government. Included in the chapter as well is a close look at the decade of the 1990s wherein U.S.-Cuban cooperation on reducing risks of accidental war faced a rollercoaster situation. The chapter concludes with a discussion on the hostility and disagreement hurled by the Cuban Americans on migration policies and issues agreed upon by the United States and Cuba.
Kirsten Haack
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719079818
- eISBN:
- 9781781703212
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719079818.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter analyses the philosophical foundations of United Nations (UN) democracy, including the political discourse leading up to the creation of the UN, and its place in the UN Charter. It ...
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This chapter analyses the philosophical foundations of United Nations (UN) democracy, including the political discourse leading up to the creation of the UN, and its place in the UN Charter. It explains that the idea of democracy features strongly as an essential element of the liberal internationalist politics out of which the UN grew. But despite a central location in the philosophy of international organisations and liberal international relations, democracy was not included in the UN Charter. It was subjugated under the pragmatics of peace and the establishment of sovereignty in the decolonisation process.Less
This chapter analyses the philosophical foundations of United Nations (UN) democracy, including the political discourse leading up to the creation of the UN, and its place in the UN Charter. It explains that the idea of democracy features strongly as an essential element of the liberal internationalist politics out of which the UN grew. But despite a central location in the philosophy of international organisations and liberal international relations, democracy was not included in the UN Charter. It was subjugated under the pragmatics of peace and the establishment of sovereignty in the decolonisation process.
Kate Dossett
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813031408
- eISBN:
- 9780813039282
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813031408.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter focuses on the works of Amy Jacques Garvey and Jessie Fauset, women writers and activists of the New Negro movement in Harlem during the 1920s. This chapter provides an account of how ...
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This chapter focuses on the works of Amy Jacques Garvey and Jessie Fauset, women writers and activists of the New Negro movement in Harlem during the 1920s. This chapter provides an account of how these women's intellectual and practical endeavor contributed to internationalist black feminism. The chapter evaluates the position of these women in the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA). Chapter 4 begins with an evaluation of how Amy Jacques Garvey carved a niche for herself within the movement including the manner with which she used her leadership role in the UNIA and her literary contribution in the Negro World in shaping black nationalism feminism. The chapter also discusses the works and contributions of Jessie Fauset in helping to shape feminist thought through her essays and novels. The chapter also discusses the fight of the black women to secure leadership roles in shaping a stand on racism and black nationalism wherein black women defined their roles in political and cultural issues wherein in the earlier times they were dominated by men who defined and diminish women within the domestic sphere.Less
This chapter focuses on the works of Amy Jacques Garvey and Jessie Fauset, women writers and activists of the New Negro movement in Harlem during the 1920s. This chapter provides an account of how these women's intellectual and practical endeavor contributed to internationalist black feminism. The chapter evaluates the position of these women in the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA). Chapter 4 begins with an evaluation of how Amy Jacques Garvey carved a niche for herself within the movement including the manner with which she used her leadership role in the UNIA and her literary contribution in the Negro World in shaping black nationalism feminism. The chapter also discusses the works and contributions of Jessie Fauset in helping to shape feminist thought through her essays and novels. The chapter also discusses the fight of the black women to secure leadership roles in shaping a stand on racism and black nationalism wherein black women defined their roles in political and cultural issues wherein in the earlier times they were dominated by men who defined and diminish women within the domestic sphere.
Rhiannon Vickers
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719067440
- eISBN:
- 9781781700655
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719067440.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter sums up the key findings of this study on the evolution of the Labour Party. It contends that internationalism is the overriding principle upon which Labour's foreign policy has been ...
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This chapter sums up the key findings of this study on the evolution of the Labour Party. It contends that internationalism is the overriding principle upon which Labour's foreign policy has been based. This internationalism emphasised six key issues. These include the possibility of reforming international relations through the establishment of international institutions, the commitment of states to an international community, and the formulation of international policy based on democratic principles and universal moral norms. This chapter suggests that the conflict among these principles and their openness to a range of interpretations in terms of policy solutions to particular problems caused the party severe and recurring intra-party conflict over its foreign policy.Less
This chapter sums up the key findings of this study on the evolution of the Labour Party. It contends that internationalism is the overriding principle upon which Labour's foreign policy has been based. This internationalism emphasised six key issues. These include the possibility of reforming international relations through the establishment of international institutions, the commitment of states to an international community, and the formulation of international policy based on democratic principles and universal moral norms. This chapter suggests that the conflict among these principles and their openness to a range of interpretations in terms of policy solutions to particular problems caused the party severe and recurring intra-party conflict over its foreign policy.
Casper Sylvest
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719079092
- eISBN:
- 9781781703151
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719079092.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This book addresses the assumption that the historiography of International Relations (IR) and (British) intellectual history needs to be integrated, arguing that liberal internationalism is best ...
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This book addresses the assumption that the historiography of International Relations (IR) and (British) intellectual history needs to be integrated, arguing that liberal internationalism is best conceptualised as an ideology focused on encouraging progress, sowing order and enacting justice in international affairs. It shows how liberal internationalism travelled into the twentieth century. The chapter then brings the insights of British intellectual history to bear on British international thought and to supply IR with a more sophisticated understanding of its own intellectual roots. Michael Freeden's approach provides tools for understanding how different versions of the same ideology coexist and change over time, and enables a differentiation of contexts or ‘languages’ in which liberal internationalism was promulgated by ideological agents. The book deploys a contextualist approach to the study of liberal internationalist ideology in Britain between 1880 and 1930. This chapter provides an overview of the chapters included in the book.Less
This book addresses the assumption that the historiography of International Relations (IR) and (British) intellectual history needs to be integrated, arguing that liberal internationalism is best conceptualised as an ideology focused on encouraging progress, sowing order and enacting justice in international affairs. It shows how liberal internationalism travelled into the twentieth century. The chapter then brings the insights of British intellectual history to bear on British international thought and to supply IR with a more sophisticated understanding of its own intellectual roots. Michael Freeden's approach provides tools for understanding how different versions of the same ideology coexist and change over time, and enables a differentiation of contexts or ‘languages’ in which liberal internationalism was promulgated by ideological agents. The book deploys a contextualist approach to the study of liberal internationalist ideology in Britain between 1880 and 1930. This chapter provides an overview of the chapters included in the book.
