Gary Alan Fine and Bill Ellis
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199736317
- eISBN:
- 9780199866458
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199736317.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Now that increased internationalism has challenged the traditional worldviews of many Americans, concerns and fears abound concerning the potential danger posed by contact with foreigners. During the ...
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Now that increased internationalism has challenged the traditional worldviews of many Americans, concerns and fears abound concerning the potential danger posed by contact with foreigners. During the period when rapid change occurs, this new relationship with the rest of the world is initially explored through rumors and legends. Some of these stories are fantastic; many of them are inaccurate; but all of them reflect Americans' first hesitant steps to understand their new place on the globe. This book calls for a close and fair reading of several cycles of rumors on their own terms: as a culture's first efforts to express difficult and painful opinions about the transformation it feels itself undergoing. This book surveys the ways in which the impact of Islamist terrorism and increased Latino immigration have been seen through a filter of stereotype and conspiracy theory. It also presents ways in which tourism and the dangers of international trade also expose Americans' attitudes toward foreigners. Finally, it shows how Americans, in turn, are the targets of similar rumors abroad, as illustrated by widespread claims of organ trafficking. Rumors can't simply be dismissed as trivial or ignorant, the book concludes, but as our best source of what Americans define as the real practical issues facing the nation as it enters a world increasingly made smaller by trade and communication.Less
Now that increased internationalism has challenged the traditional worldviews of many Americans, concerns and fears abound concerning the potential danger posed by contact with foreigners. During the period when rapid change occurs, this new relationship with the rest of the world is initially explored through rumors and legends. Some of these stories are fantastic; many of them are inaccurate; but all of them reflect Americans' first hesitant steps to understand their new place on the globe. This book calls for a close and fair reading of several cycles of rumors on their own terms: as a culture's first efforts to express difficult and painful opinions about the transformation it feels itself undergoing. This book surveys the ways in which the impact of Islamist terrorism and increased Latino immigration have been seen through a filter of stereotype and conspiracy theory. It also presents ways in which tourism and the dangers of international trade also expose Americans' attitudes toward foreigners. Finally, it shows how Americans, in turn, are the targets of similar rumors abroad, as illustrated by widespread claims of organ trafficking. Rumors can't simply be dismissed as trivial or ignorant, the book concludes, but as our best source of what Americans define as the real practical issues facing the nation as it enters a world increasingly made smaller by trade and communication.
Edward Brech, Andrew Thomson, and John F. Wilson
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199541966
- eISBN:
- 9780191715433
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199541966.001.0001
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Business History, Strategy
The book reviews the career of Lyndall Urwick, the dominant figure in British management between the late 1920s and the early 1960s, both in terms of his writings and his passion in pursuit of ...
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The book reviews the career of Lyndall Urwick, the dominant figure in British management between the late 1920s and the early 1960s, both in terms of his writings and his passion in pursuit of management as a scientific and systematic activity rather than the rule‐of‐thumb approach to decision‐making all too prevalent in Britain. He was greatly influenced by his experiences in the First World War and at Rowntree's, before becoming Director of the International Management Institute (IMI) between 1928–33 and then forming a very influential management consultancy, Urwick Orr and Partners (UOP), which he chaired for the rest of his career. He was also deeply involved with almost all the institutional developments in British management up to the 1960s, including the Management Research Groups (MRGs), the Institute of Industrial Administration (IIA), the British Institute of Management (BIM), the Administrative Staff College (ASC), and the management education side of the Anglo‐American Council on Productivity (AACP). In pursuit of what he called his ‘mission at large’, he gave hundreds of talks in his lucid and charismatic style, many of which were published as articles or booklets. These talks were not only in Britain but in Australia as well after his emigration there in 1961, in America, where he became the best‐recognized foreign exponent of management, and in a range of countries around the world. But he will probably be best remembered for his writings, not only on organization theory, where he is recognized as a great synthesizer and leader in the classical school, but also on a wide range of other topics, including the history of management, leadership, marketing, and management education and development. Truly he was a man of many parts.Less
The book reviews the career of Lyndall Urwick, the dominant figure in British management between the late 1920s and the early 1960s, both in terms of his writings and his passion in pursuit of management as a scientific and systematic activity rather than the rule‐of‐thumb approach to decision‐making all too prevalent in Britain. He was greatly influenced by his experiences in the First World War and at Rowntree's, before becoming Director of the International Management Institute (IMI) between 1928–33 and then forming a very influential management consultancy, Urwick Orr and Partners (UOP), which he chaired for the rest of his career. He was also deeply involved with almost all the institutional developments in British management up to the 1960s, including the Management Research Groups (MRGs), the Institute of Industrial Administration (IIA), the British Institute of Management (BIM), the Administrative Staff College (ASC), and the management education side of the Anglo‐American Council on Productivity (AACP). In pursuit of what he called his ‘mission at large’, he gave hundreds of talks in his lucid and charismatic style, many of which were published as articles or booklets. These talks were not only in Britain but in Australia as well after his emigration there in 1961, in America, where he became the best‐recognized foreign exponent of management, and in a range of countries around the world. But he will probably be best remembered for his writings, not only on organization theory, where he is recognized as a great synthesizer and leader in the classical school, but also on a wide range of other topics, including the history of management, leadership, marketing, and management education and development. Truly he was a man of many parts.
David Armstrong
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198275282
- eISBN:
- 9780191598739
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198275285.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
International society in the nineteenth century witnessed the assertion of special rights for great powers and some strengthening of the Westphalian bases of international order in the Concert of ...
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International society in the nineteenth century witnessed the assertion of special rights for great powers and some strengthening of the Westphalian bases of international order in the Concert of Europe. The system collapsed with the First World War and faced its strongest challenge to date from the Russian Revolution. The ideological challenge of Marxism and the Russian Revolution stemmed from its claim that class was the motive force of history and that the Communist Party possessed a unique insight into the laws of history. However, revolutionary internationalism in Soviet foreign policy was soon accompanied by more cautious policies, amounting to a partial socialization. This process reached a peak under Mikhail Gorbachev who brought to a crisis point the central paradox of the Soviet state: that its legitimacy rested upon its claim to be the ‘socialist fatherland’ but it could not avoid an identity as an orthodox state.Less
International society in the nineteenth century witnessed the assertion of special rights for great powers and some strengthening of the Westphalian bases of international order in the Concert of Europe. The system collapsed with the First World War and faced its strongest challenge to date from the Russian Revolution. The ideological challenge of Marxism and the Russian Revolution stemmed from its claim that class was the motive force of history and that the Communist Party possessed a unique insight into the laws of history. However, revolutionary internationalism in Soviet foreign policy was soon accompanied by more cautious policies, amounting to a partial socialization. This process reached a peak under Mikhail Gorbachev who brought to a crisis point the central paradox of the Soviet state: that its legitimacy rested upon its claim to be the ‘socialist fatherland’ but it could not avoid an identity as an orthodox state.
Nathan Lillie and Miguel Martínez Lucio
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199270149
- eISBN:
- 9780191710353
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199270149.003.0009
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Political Economy
The increasing globalization of the economy and the continued expansion of multinational corporations have triggered a variety of forms of union action across national frontiers. The chapter examines ...
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The increasing globalization of the economy and the continued expansion of multinational corporations have triggered a variety of forms of union action across national frontiers. The chapter examines several forms of internationalism, including campaigns around strike solidarity, collective bargaining initiatives, and cross-border organizing drives. The chapter presents both survey data and case studies to illustrate these different forms and assesses their contribution to union revitalization.Less
The increasing globalization of the economy and the continued expansion of multinational corporations have triggered a variety of forms of union action across national frontiers. The chapter examines several forms of internationalism, including campaigns around strike solidarity, collective bargaining initiatives, and cross-border organizing drives. The chapter presents both survey data and case studies to illustrate these different forms and assesses their contribution to union revitalization.
Tony Smith
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691154923
- eISBN:
- 9781400842025
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691154923.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This book provides a comprehensive historical review of American liberal democratic internationalism. It argues that the global strength and prestige of democracy today are due in large part to ...
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This book provides a comprehensive historical review of American liberal democratic internationalism. It argues that the global strength and prestige of democracy today are due in large part to America's impact on international affairs. The book documents the extraordinary history of how American foreign policy has been used to try to promote democracy worldwide, an effort that enjoyed its greatest triumphs in the occupations of Japan and Germany but suffered huge setbacks in Latin America, Vietnam, and elsewhere. With new chapters and a new introduction and epilogue, this expanded edition also traces U.S. attempts to spread democracy more recently, under presidents Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, and Barack Obama, and assesses America's role in the Arab Spring. The book argues that liberal internationalism is built on powerful global historical trends, and the liberal internationalist streak in American foreign policy has been responsible for shaping a liberal world order conducive to American security and economic interests.Less
This book provides a comprehensive historical review of American liberal democratic internationalism. It argues that the global strength and prestige of democracy today are due in large part to America's impact on international affairs. The book documents the extraordinary history of how American foreign policy has been used to try to promote democracy worldwide, an effort that enjoyed its greatest triumphs in the occupations of Japan and Germany but suffered huge setbacks in Latin America, Vietnam, and elsewhere. With new chapters and a new introduction and epilogue, this expanded edition also traces U.S. attempts to spread democracy more recently, under presidents Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, and Barack Obama, and assesses America's role in the Arab Spring. The book argues that liberal internationalism is built on powerful global historical trends, and the liberal internationalist streak in American foreign policy has been responsible for shaping a liberal world order conducive to American security and economic interests.
Elizabeth E. Prevost
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199570744
- eISBN:
- 9780191722097
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199570744.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
This chapter places Anglican missionary feminism in the broader context of internationalism and anti‐imperialism between the wars. In the wake of the destruction of the First World War, missionaries ...
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This chapter places Anglican missionary feminism in the broader context of internationalism and anti‐imperialism between the wars. In the wake of the destruction of the First World War, missionaries reassessed Christianity and colonialism relative to one another, and used gendered ideals of maternalism and humanitarianism to construct a discourse of material and spiritual regeneration. Informed by other supra‐national experiments of the 1920s such as the League of Nations and the ecumenical movement, missionaries and supporters construed a new world order in which ‘Christian internationalism’ would replace imperialism, and female religious authority would enact a comprehensive transformation of social relations that would mitigate hierarchical constructions of gender, class, and race. Maude Royden was among the more vocal critics of an imperialist, capitalist, patriarchal status quo; yet she also personified an uneasy balance of optimism and ambivalence about how to reconcile the mixed record of the global church as well as the empire.Less
This chapter places Anglican missionary feminism in the broader context of internationalism and anti‐imperialism between the wars. In the wake of the destruction of the First World War, missionaries reassessed Christianity and colonialism relative to one another, and used gendered ideals of maternalism and humanitarianism to construct a discourse of material and spiritual regeneration. Informed by other supra‐national experiments of the 1920s such as the League of Nations and the ecumenical movement, missionaries and supporters construed a new world order in which ‘Christian internationalism’ would replace imperialism, and female religious authority would enact a comprehensive transformation of social relations that would mitigate hierarchical constructions of gender, class, and race. Maude Royden was among the more vocal critics of an imperialist, capitalist, patriarchal status quo; yet she also personified an uneasy balance of optimism and ambivalence about how to reconcile the mixed record of the global church as well as the empire.
Thomas F. Farr
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195179958
- eISBN:
- 9780199869749
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195179958.003.0003
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter explores how the premises of the secularization theory have affected the diplomatic climate of opinion. After some cautions about the limits of intellectual history, it surveys the ...
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This chapter explores how the premises of the secularization theory have affected the diplomatic climate of opinion. After some cautions about the limits of intellectual history, it surveys the writings of scholars and policy makers in each of the three major schools of thought in contemporary U.S. foreign policy: realism, liberal internationalism, and neoconservatism. Each of these schools avoids the subject of religion, but for very different reasons. Realists, generally uninterested in the internal affairs of nations, see religion only as a “passion” and a drive to power. Liberal internationalists, although interested in domestic issues, see traditional religion as an obstacle to the furthering of progressive goals like human autonomy. Neoconservatives, despite their commitment to democracy promotion, have seen little connection between religion-driven culture and political development.Less
This chapter explores how the premises of the secularization theory have affected the diplomatic climate of opinion. After some cautions about the limits of intellectual history, it surveys the writings of scholars and policy makers in each of the three major schools of thought in contemporary U.S. foreign policy: realism, liberal internationalism, and neoconservatism. Each of these schools avoids the subject of religion, but for very different reasons. Realists, generally uninterested in the internal affairs of nations, see religion only as a “passion” and a drive to power. Liberal internationalists, although interested in domestic issues, see traditional religion as an obstacle to the furthering of progressive goals like human autonomy. Neoconservatives, despite their commitment to democracy promotion, have seen little connection between religion-driven culture and political development.
Martin Ceadel
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199571161
- eISBN:
- 9780191721762
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199571161.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory, International Relations and Politics
This chapter shows how Angell sacrificed his considerable popularity by first urging British neutrality towards the European conflict and then co-founding the Union of Democratic Control. He soon ...
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This chapter shows how Angell sacrificed his considerable popularity by first urging British neutrality towards the European conflict and then co-founding the Union of Democratic Control. He soon came to regret these controversial moves, but after a period of hesitation decided he could not disavow them. No longer in great demand for lectures and articles, he wrote several longer works, in the course of which he revised his thinking, embracing liberal internationalism and a league of nations, while trying not to be disloyal to the radical isolationism of the Union of Democratic Control. To improve his tarnished image he declared his support for the war effort and briefly undertook ambulance work in France.Less
This chapter shows how Angell sacrificed his considerable popularity by first urging British neutrality towards the European conflict and then co-founding the Union of Democratic Control. He soon came to regret these controversial moves, but after a period of hesitation decided he could not disavow them. No longer in great demand for lectures and articles, he wrote several longer works, in the course of which he revised his thinking, embracing liberal internationalism and a league of nations, while trying not to be disloyal to the radical isolationism of the Union of Democratic Control. To improve his tarnished image he declared his support for the war effort and briefly undertook ambulance work in France.
Tim Dunne and Trine Flockhart (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780197265529
- eISBN:
- 9780191760334
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197265529.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Liberal world order is seen by many as either a fading international order in response to declining American hegemony, or as a failing international order riddled with internal tensions and ...
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Liberal world order is seen by many as either a fading international order in response to declining American hegemony, or as a failing international order riddled with internal tensions and contradicting positions. Either way, it is assumed to be in crisis. This book does not reject this claim. Nor does it deny that liberalism contains many inconsistencies. Instead, it argues that much of the literature has been conditioned by a view that sees liberal order's crisis primarily as a crisis of authority and which does not look further back than the twentieth century. As a result liberalism was shorn of its historical origins and previous rich debates about similar tensions and contradiction to those of today's liberal order. The volume questions the nature of liberal order's crisis by positing that liberal order's continual renewal was achieved through crisis, and it challenges the way in which the debate about liberalism has been conducted within the International Relations academy. Against the theoreticians it holds the position that liberalism has suffered from being too closely tied to the quest for scientific authenticity, resulting in a theoretical perspective with little or no commitment to political values and political vision. By turning the classical liberalism of Kant, Paine, and Mill into neoliberalism, liberalism lost its critical and normative potential. Against the policymakers, the volume holds the position that the practices of liberal order are resilient and have proved durable despite liberal order's many crises and despite liberal order's inconsistencies and tensions.Less
Liberal world order is seen by many as either a fading international order in response to declining American hegemony, or as a failing international order riddled with internal tensions and contradicting positions. Either way, it is assumed to be in crisis. This book does not reject this claim. Nor does it deny that liberalism contains many inconsistencies. Instead, it argues that much of the literature has been conditioned by a view that sees liberal order's crisis primarily as a crisis of authority and which does not look further back than the twentieth century. As a result liberalism was shorn of its historical origins and previous rich debates about similar tensions and contradiction to those of today's liberal order. The volume questions the nature of liberal order's crisis by positing that liberal order's continual renewal was achieved through crisis, and it challenges the way in which the debate about liberalism has been conducted within the International Relations academy. Against the theoreticians it holds the position that liberalism has suffered from being too closely tied to the quest for scientific authenticity, resulting in a theoretical perspective with little or no commitment to political values and political vision. By turning the classical liberalism of Kant, Paine, and Mill into neoliberalism, liberalism lost its critical and normative potential. Against the policymakers, the volume holds the position that the practices of liberal order are resilient and have proved durable despite liberal order's many crises and despite liberal order's inconsistencies and tensions.
Marjo Koivisto
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199652792
- eISBN:
- 9780191745270
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199652792.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
While the relationship between norms and the state is an omnipresent research theme in International Relations (IR), variants of international theory from classical liberalism to recent ...
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While the relationship between norms and the state is an omnipresent research theme in International Relations (IR), variants of international theory from classical liberalism to recent constructivism continue to treat ‘normative state power’ as an analytical impossibility. Theoretical scholarship on human rights, global civil society and economic globalization remains primarily focused on moral valuations and mitigation of the geopolitical power of the state. Seldom is the social institutional normative capacity of the state the focus of theoretical or substantive IR analysis. This book offers a new theory of normative state power in global politics. Distinct from the fiscal or military might of states, this book argues normative state power institutionalized and internalized as moral and scientific cultures about statehood in international, regional, national and local state practices, and is a strong form of state power in global politics. Through both theoretical inquiry and substantive analysis on the Nordic model, the book offers a deep institutionalist account of normative state power in the welfare state form. A case study on the internationalist networks of Nordic state innovators in times of economic crises (1930s and 1990s) illustrates why, due to persistence of normative state power, state forms tend to survive through political transformations.Less
While the relationship between norms and the state is an omnipresent research theme in International Relations (IR), variants of international theory from classical liberalism to recent constructivism continue to treat ‘normative state power’ as an analytical impossibility. Theoretical scholarship on human rights, global civil society and economic globalization remains primarily focused on moral valuations and mitigation of the geopolitical power of the state. Seldom is the social institutional normative capacity of the state the focus of theoretical or substantive IR analysis. This book offers a new theory of normative state power in global politics. Distinct from the fiscal or military might of states, this book argues normative state power institutionalized and internalized as moral and scientific cultures about statehood in international, regional, national and local state practices, and is a strong form of state power in global politics. Through both theoretical inquiry and substantive analysis on the Nordic model, the book offers a deep institutionalist account of normative state power in the welfare state form. A case study on the internationalist networks of Nordic state innovators in times of economic crises (1930s and 1990s) illustrates why, due to persistence of normative state power, state forms tend to survive through political transformations.
Shehzad Nadeem
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691147871
- eISBN:
- 9781400836697
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691147871.003.0009
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Social and Cultural Anthropology
This chapter examines the normative visions that animate globalization: namely, the cosmopolitan ideologies of global capitalism and labor's internationalist challenges to them. Using the idea of an ...
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This chapter examines the normative visions that animate globalization: namely, the cosmopolitan ideologies of global capitalism and labor's internationalist challenges to them. Using the idea of an economy of utopia, it demonstrates how these universalizing ideals are transformed through their application in particular contexts. More specifically, it considers how capital and labor are adjusted to accommodate distinct political and economic realities. The chapter begins with a discussion of what it calls business cosmopolitanism and how the realities of uneven development, poor infrastructure, and a labor shortage in India lead executives and their political allies to espouse a vision of techno-populism that is more politically viable. It then explores the ideal of worker internationalism, along with the assertion that workers' individualism and indifference to unions are a species of false consciousness. Finally, it describes work sites as branded electronic sweatshops and workers as cybercoolies.Less
This chapter examines the normative visions that animate globalization: namely, the cosmopolitan ideologies of global capitalism and labor's internationalist challenges to them. Using the idea of an economy of utopia, it demonstrates how these universalizing ideals are transformed through their application in particular contexts. More specifically, it considers how capital and labor are adjusted to accommodate distinct political and economic realities. The chapter begins with a discussion of what it calls business cosmopolitanism and how the realities of uneven development, poor infrastructure, and a labor shortage in India lead executives and their political allies to espouse a vision of techno-populism that is more politically viable. It then explores the ideal of worker internationalism, along with the assertion that workers' individualism and indifference to unions are a species of false consciousness. Finally, it describes work sites as branded electronic sweatshops and workers as cybercoolies.
G. John Ikenberry
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780197265529
- eISBN:
- 9780191760334
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197265529.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Liberal order is not embodied in a fixed set of principles or practices. Instead, aspects of the liberal vision have made appearances in various combinations and changing ways over the last century. ...
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Liberal order is not embodied in a fixed set of principles or practices. Instead, aspects of the liberal vision have made appearances in various combinations and changing ways over the last century. This chapter argues that it is possible to identify three versions of liberal order. The first is associated with the ideas of Woodrow Wilson; the second is the liberal internationalism of the post-1945 decades; and the third version is a sort of post-hegemonic liberal internationalism that has only partially appeared and whose full shape and logic is still uncertain. The chapter develops a set of dimensions that allow for identifying different logics of liberal order and identify variables that will shape the movement from liberal internationalism 2.0 to 3.0.Less
Liberal order is not embodied in a fixed set of principles or practices. Instead, aspects of the liberal vision have made appearances in various combinations and changing ways over the last century. This chapter argues that it is possible to identify three versions of liberal order. The first is associated with the ideas of Woodrow Wilson; the second is the liberal internationalism of the post-1945 decades; and the third version is a sort of post-hegemonic liberal internationalism that has only partially appeared and whose full shape and logic is still uncertain. The chapter develops a set of dimensions that allow for identifying different logics of liberal order and identify variables that will shape the movement from liberal internationalism 2.0 to 3.0.
Oliver P. Richmond and Jason Franks
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748638765
- eISBN:
- 9780748652761
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748638765.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Since the early 1990s, the projects of peace-building and state-building have increasingly been integrated. Since the early 2000s, this has been mainly an outcome of the United States' and the United ...
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Since the early 1990s, the projects of peace-building and state-building have increasingly been integrated. Since the early 2000s, this has been mainly an outcome of the United States' and the United Kingdom's support for an active, muscular and humanitarian internationalism. This book examines the nature of ‘liberal peace’ — the common aim of the international community's approach to post-conflict statebuilding. Adopting a particularly critical stance on this one-size-fits-all paradigm, it explores the process by breaking down liberal peace theory into its constituent parts: democratisation, free market reform and development, human rights, civil society and the rule of law. The book provides critically and theoretically informed empirical access to the ‘technology’ of the liberal peacebuilding process, particularly in regard to Cambodia, Kosovo, East Timor, Bosnia and the Middle East.Less
Since the early 1990s, the projects of peace-building and state-building have increasingly been integrated. Since the early 2000s, this has been mainly an outcome of the United States' and the United Kingdom's support for an active, muscular and humanitarian internationalism. This book examines the nature of ‘liberal peace’ — the common aim of the international community's approach to post-conflict statebuilding. Adopting a particularly critical stance on this one-size-fits-all paradigm, it explores the process by breaking down liberal peace theory into its constituent parts: democratisation, free market reform and development, human rights, civil society and the rule of law. The book provides critically and theoretically informed empirical access to the ‘technology’ of the liberal peacebuilding process, particularly in regard to Cambodia, Kosovo, East Timor, Bosnia and the Middle East.
Matthew Hart
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195390339
- eISBN:
- 9780199776191
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195390339.003.0003
- Subject:
- Literature, 20th-century Literature and Modernism
This chapter builds on the Introduction's discussion of Hugh MacDiarmid's “Synthetic Scots” poetry, an experimental vernacular style that he developed after 1922 through practices of ...
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This chapter builds on the Introduction's discussion of Hugh MacDiarmid's “Synthetic Scots” poetry, an experimental vernacular style that he developed after 1922 through practices of dictionary composition. It presents MacDiarmid as a deliberate contrarian: nationalist and internationalist, fascist and socialist, poet and politician, cultural essentialist and linguistic constructivist. Drawing on archival research and Marxist theories of internationalism and the state, the chapter historicizes MacDiarmid's poetry via the experience of John Maclean, the Glasgow revolutionary who was appointed Lenin's first proconsul to Scotland but who, by the time of his death in 1923, was alienated from the international communist movement. Showing how neither MacDiarmid nor Maclean could reconcile nationalism and internationalism in the realm of political action, the chapter reads Synthetic Scots as an aesthetic solution to the contradictions of national sovereignty in an age of transnational modernity.Less
This chapter builds on the Introduction's discussion of Hugh MacDiarmid's “Synthetic Scots” poetry, an experimental vernacular style that he developed after 1922 through practices of dictionary composition. It presents MacDiarmid as a deliberate contrarian: nationalist and internationalist, fascist and socialist, poet and politician, cultural essentialist and linguistic constructivist. Drawing on archival research and Marxist theories of internationalism and the state, the chapter historicizes MacDiarmid's poetry via the experience of John Maclean, the Glasgow revolutionary who was appointed Lenin's first proconsul to Scotland but who, by the time of his death in 1923, was alienated from the international communist movement. Showing how neither MacDiarmid nor Maclean could reconcile nationalism and internationalism in the realm of political action, the chapter reads Synthetic Scots as an aesthetic solution to the contradictions of national sovereignty in an age of transnational modernity.
Julia Stapleton
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199208791
- eISBN:
- 9780191709029
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199208791.003.0015
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Literary Studies: Classical, Early, and Medieval
This chapter considers Murray's conception of Hellenism in relation to the vicissitudes of 20th-century liberalism, both political and intellectual, and explores his tireless work on its behalf. It ...
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This chapter considers Murray's conception of Hellenism in relation to the vicissitudes of 20th-century liberalism, both political and intellectual, and explores his tireless work on its behalf. It examines his early influence on classical scholarship at Oxford, and the wider pursuit of cultural and political improvement to which he believed Classics was inextricably tied. The chapter analyses the quarters of society in which Murray and Zimmern sought to spread the Hellenist message as they understood it, and the extent of their success. It further emphasizes Murray's growing attachment to the historic English nation as an example of his later conservatism which has often been overlooked. Finally, it sets Murray's enhanced cultural pessimism during the interwar period in the context of the decline of a particular type of ‘public intellectual’ in Britain: the liberal intellectual, whose role it was to cultivate selflessly liberal habits of mind throughout Britain and beyond, and in increasingly adverse climates of opinion.Less
This chapter considers Murray's conception of Hellenism in relation to the vicissitudes of 20th-century liberalism, both political and intellectual, and explores his tireless work on its behalf. It examines his early influence on classical scholarship at Oxford, and the wider pursuit of cultural and political improvement to which he believed Classics was inextricably tied. The chapter analyses the quarters of society in which Murray and Zimmern sought to spread the Hellenist message as they understood it, and the extent of their success. It further emphasizes Murray's growing attachment to the historic English nation as an example of his later conservatism which has often been overlooked. Finally, it sets Murray's enhanced cultural pessimism during the interwar period in the context of the decline of a particular type of ‘public intellectual’ in Britain: the liberal intellectual, whose role it was to cultivate selflessly liberal habits of mind throughout Britain and beyond, and in increasingly adverse climates of opinion.
R. D. Anderson
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198206606
- eISBN:
- 9780191717307
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206606.003.0020
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
Both international scientific cooperation and international tension were growing in the years leading up to the First World War. The war shattered the existing university system, and its ...
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Both international scientific cooperation and international tension were growing in the years leading up to the First World War. The war shattered the existing university system, and its internationalism was never fully restored. Nostalgia should not conceal the defects of the pre-1914 universities, but they remain one of the achievements of bourgeois, liberal civilization.Less
Both international scientific cooperation and international tension were growing in the years leading up to the First World War. The war shattered the existing university system, and its internationalism was never fully restored. Nostalgia should not conceal the defects of the pre-1914 universities, but they remain one of the achievements of bourgeois, liberal civilization.
JULIAN WRIGHT
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199264889
- eISBN:
- 9780191718380
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199264889.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
The federalist idea in French political thought had, by the Belle Époque, begun to experience a dichotomy similar to that in the Félibrige. Promoted by the far left as the central theme of the Paris ...
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The federalist idea in French political thought had, by the Belle Époque, begun to experience a dichotomy similar to that in the Félibrige. Promoted by the far left as the central theme of the Paris Commune in 1871, the federalism of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon was transformed by Charles Maurras and Maurice Barres in the 1890s. Ironically, the relationship between the right and regionalism, so often misunderstood, developed because of the interest of Maurras and Barres in ideas that had emerged from left-wing democratic thought in France. Jean Charles-Brun sought in his own history of federalism to demonstrate that both Maurras and Proudhon were valid as references for Belle Époque federalists, and showed the centrality of republican federalism to his own regionalism. He explained that his idea of regionalism was merely a staging-post to his long-term goal, a federalist constitution. This federalism in turn pointed to internationalism, as his activity on behalf of the League of Nations in 1920s showed.Less
The federalist idea in French political thought had, by the Belle Époque, begun to experience a dichotomy similar to that in the Félibrige. Promoted by the far left as the central theme of the Paris Commune in 1871, the federalism of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon was transformed by Charles Maurras and Maurice Barres in the 1890s. Ironically, the relationship between the right and regionalism, so often misunderstood, developed because of the interest of Maurras and Barres in ideas that had emerged from left-wing democratic thought in France. Jean Charles-Brun sought in his own history of federalism to demonstrate that both Maurras and Proudhon were valid as references for Belle Époque federalists, and showed the centrality of republican federalism to his own regionalism. He explained that his idea of regionalism was merely a staging-post to his long-term goal, a federalist constitution. This federalism in turn pointed to internationalism, as his activity on behalf of the League of Nations in 1920s showed.
Tony Smith
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691154923
- eISBN:
- 9781400842025
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691154923.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This book offers a historical account of American efforts “to make the world safe for democracy” and the results of these attempts in the context of their own ambitions. It also examines how American ...
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This book offers a historical account of American efforts “to make the world safe for democracy” and the results of these attempts in the context of their own ambitions. It also examines how American foreign policy has contributed to the increase in the number, strength, and prestige of liberal democratic governments worldwide at the end of the twentieth century. The book focuses on American liberal democratic internationalism and the United States's democratizing mission on a selected group of countries such as Japan, Germany, Iran, and the Philippines, along with the impact of this agenda on world politics as a whole. To better understand the American operational code with respect to liberal democratic internationalism, this chapter analyzes the nature of American liberal democracy and cites a historical example that reflects the character of American liberal democratic internationalism in the twentieth century: the Reconstruction after the Civil War.Less
This book offers a historical account of American efforts “to make the world safe for democracy” and the results of these attempts in the context of their own ambitions. It also examines how American foreign policy has contributed to the increase in the number, strength, and prestige of liberal democratic governments worldwide at the end of the twentieth century. The book focuses on American liberal democratic internationalism and the United States's democratizing mission on a selected group of countries such as Japan, Germany, Iran, and the Philippines, along with the impact of this agenda on world politics as a whole. To better understand the American operational code with respect to liberal democratic internationalism, this chapter analyzes the nature of American liberal democracy and cites a historical example that reflects the character of American liberal democratic internationalism in the twentieth century: the Reconstruction after the Civil War.
Tony Smith
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691154923
- eISBN:
- 9781400842025
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691154923.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter examines Woodrow Wilson's comprehensive program for world order that came to constitute the foundation of liberal democratic internationalism, also known as Wilsonianism. Wilson's ...
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This chapter examines Woodrow Wilson's comprehensive program for world order that came to constitute the foundation of liberal democratic internationalism, also known as Wilsonianism. Wilson's policy, designed “to make the world safe for democracy,” was not a radical departure from traditional American national security policy. His proposals to restructure world politics on the basis of a liberal world order were consistent with basic propositions of past American foreign policy. The chapter first considers the theory and practice underlying Wilsonianism before discussing the dilemma of Wilson's policy in Europe. It also explores the virtues of Wilsonianism for the postwar world, such as its acknowledgment of the fundamental political importance of nationalism. Finally, it emphasizes the resurgence of Wilsonianism in American foreign policy in the aftermath of World War II.Less
This chapter examines Woodrow Wilson's comprehensive program for world order that came to constitute the foundation of liberal democratic internationalism, also known as Wilsonianism. Wilson's policy, designed “to make the world safe for democracy,” was not a radical departure from traditional American national security policy. His proposals to restructure world politics on the basis of a liberal world order were consistent with basic propositions of past American foreign policy. The chapter first considers the theory and practice underlying Wilsonianism before discussing the dilemma of Wilson's policy in Europe. It also explores the virtues of Wilsonianism for the postwar world, such as its acknowledgment of the fundamental political importance of nationalism. Finally, it emphasizes the resurgence of Wilsonianism in American foreign policy in the aftermath of World War II.
Tony Smith
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691154923
- eISBN:
- 9781400842025
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691154923.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter examines Franklin D. Roosevelt's liberal democratic internationalism and his efforts to assure American national security by constructing a stable world order based on the Monroe ...
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This chapter examines Franklin D. Roosevelt's liberal democratic internationalism and his efforts to assure American national security by constructing a stable world order based on the Monroe Doctrine of 1823, which the United States sought to globalize in the aftermath of the Axis defeat in World War II. It first considers how FDR infused American liberalism with a healthy dose of realism about the appropriateness of democracy for other countries in the aftermath of World War II before discussing anti-imperialism as a component of American foreign policy. It also explores the United States's promotion of democracy and pursuit of a liberal world order as a means of countering Soviet imperialism. It argues that liberal democratic internationalism has been the American way of practicing balance-of-power politics in world affairs, and that the dominant logic of American foreign policy was dictated by concerns for national security.Less
This chapter examines Franklin D. Roosevelt's liberal democratic internationalism and his efforts to assure American national security by constructing a stable world order based on the Monroe Doctrine of 1823, which the United States sought to globalize in the aftermath of the Axis defeat in World War II. It first considers how FDR infused American liberalism with a healthy dose of realism about the appropriateness of democracy for other countries in the aftermath of World War II before discussing anti-imperialism as a component of American foreign policy. It also explores the United States's promotion of democracy and pursuit of a liberal world order as a means of countering Soviet imperialism. It argues that liberal democratic internationalism has been the American way of practicing balance-of-power politics in world affairs, and that the dominant logic of American foreign policy was dictated by concerns for national security.
