William Bain
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199260263
- eISBN:
- 9780191600975
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199260265.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The international administration of troubled states—whether in Bosnia, Kosovo, or East Timor—has seen a return to the principle of trusteeship: i.e. situations in which some form of international ...
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The international administration of troubled states—whether in Bosnia, Kosovo, or East Timor—has seen a return to the principle of trusteeship: i.e. situations in which some form of international supervision is required in a particular territory in order both to maintain order and to foster the norms and practices of fair self‐government. This book rescues the normative discourse of trusteeship from the obscurity into which it has fallen since decolonization. It traces the development of trusteeship from its emergence out of debates concerning the misrule of the East India Company (Ch. 2), to its internationalization in imperial Africa (Ch. 3), to its institutionalization in the League of Nations mandates system (Ch. 4) and in the UN trusteeship system, and to the destruction of its legitimacy by the ideas of self‐determination and human equality (Ch. 5). The book brings this rich historical experience to bear on the dilemmas posed by the resurrection of trusteeship after the end of the cold war (Ch. 6) and, in the context of contemporary world problems, explores the obligations that attach to preponderant power and the limits that should be observed in exercising that power for the sake of global good. In Ch. 7, the book concludes by arguing that trusteeship remains fundamentally at odds with the ideas of human dignity and equality.Less
The international administration of troubled states—whether in Bosnia, Kosovo, or East Timor—has seen a return to the principle of trusteeship: i.e. situations in which some form of international supervision is required in a particular territory in order both to maintain order and to foster the norms and practices of fair self‐government. This book rescues the normative discourse of trusteeship from the obscurity into which it has fallen since decolonization. It traces the development of trusteeship from its emergence out of debates concerning the misrule of the East India Company (Ch. 2), to its internationalization in imperial Africa (Ch. 3), to its institutionalization in the League of Nations mandates system (Ch. 4) and in the UN trusteeship system, and to the destruction of its legitimacy by the ideas of self‐determination and human equality (Ch. 5). The book brings this rich historical experience to bear on the dilemmas posed by the resurrection of trusteeship after the end of the cold war (Ch. 6) and, in the context of contemporary world problems, explores the obligations that attach to preponderant power and the limits that should be observed in exercising that power for the sake of global good. In Ch. 7, the book concludes by arguing that trusteeship remains fundamentally at odds with the ideas of human dignity and equality.
A. W. BRAIN SIMPSON
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199267897
- eISBN:
- 9780191714115
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199267897.003.0006
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration, EU Law
This chapter gives an account of the structure and legal status of Britain's colonial empire in the post war period, and that of other European colonial powers. It considers the pressure for ...
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This chapter gives an account of the structure and legal status of Britain's colonial empire in the post war period, and that of other European colonial powers. It considers the pressure for international supervision, and British resistance to it, together with the justifications offered for colonialism. It discusses the relationship between the anti-colonial movement and the human rights movement, traces the evolving practice of the United Nations, and concludes with an account of the less defensible aspects of British colonialism.Less
This chapter gives an account of the structure and legal status of Britain's colonial empire in the post war period, and that of other European colonial powers. It considers the pressure for international supervision, and British resistance to it, together with the justifications offered for colonialism. It discusses the relationship between the anti-colonial movement and the human rights movement, traces the evolving practice of the United Nations, and concludes with an account of the less defensible aspects of British colonialism.
William J. Rust
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780813167428
- eISBN:
- 9780813167435
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813167428.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, Political History
A major topic in this chapter is India’s relations with Cambodia in 1955. India chaired the International Commission for Supervision and Control (ICC), a politically balanced group established in ...
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A major topic in this chapter is India’s relations with Cambodia in 1955. India chaired the International Commission for Supervision and Control (ICC), a politically balanced group established in Geneva to monitor compliance with the Indochina accords. To Sihanouk’s fury, the ICC concerned itself with issues that he considered internal and extraneous to the Geneva agreement. He was also disturbed by Indian prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru’s efforts to promote reconciliation with Son Ngoc Thanh. Sihanouk’s anger, however, neither diminished his respect for Nehru nor his gratitude for India’s diplomatic recognition of Cambodia. Sihanouk’s weeklong goodwill trip to India in March 1955 was an inflection point in his and Cambodia’s move toward neutrality in the cold war. One month later, at the Asian–African Conference in Bandung, Indonesia, Sihanouk publicly confirmed that Cambodia had joined other neutral nations. By his declarations of neutrality in India and Bandung, he had embarked on a hazardous geopolitical journey, navigating between the cold-war combatants with his own idiosyncratic brand of balance-of-power diplomacy.Less
A major topic in this chapter is India’s relations with Cambodia in 1955. India chaired the International Commission for Supervision and Control (ICC), a politically balanced group established in Geneva to monitor compliance with the Indochina accords. To Sihanouk’s fury, the ICC concerned itself with issues that he considered internal and extraneous to the Geneva agreement. He was also disturbed by Indian prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru’s efforts to promote reconciliation with Son Ngoc Thanh. Sihanouk’s anger, however, neither diminished his respect for Nehru nor his gratitude for India’s diplomatic recognition of Cambodia. Sihanouk’s weeklong goodwill trip to India in March 1955 was an inflection point in his and Cambodia’s move toward neutrality in the cold war. One month later, at the Asian–African Conference in Bandung, Indonesia, Sihanouk publicly confirmed that Cambodia had joined other neutral nations. By his declarations of neutrality in India and Bandung, he had embarked on a hazardous geopolitical journey, navigating between the cold-war combatants with his own idiosyncratic brand of balance-of-power diplomacy.
William J. Rust
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780813144764
- eISBN:
- 9780813145457
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813144764.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, Political History
In the fall of 1961 the “gradual erosion” of the US negotiating position at Geneva concerned senior State Department officials. Concessions that weakened the independence of the International ...
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In the fall of 1961 the “gradual erosion” of the US negotiating position at Geneva concerned senior State Department officials. Concessions that weakened the independence of the International Commission for Supervision and Control (ICC) for monitoring compliance with a Geneva agreement were a particular concern. President Kennedy, who sought to prevent a communist victory in Laos without committing American combat troops to Southeast Asia, backed Harriman and promoted him to assistant secretary of state for far eastern affairs. Yet many of the oral understandings and interpretations of language that Harriman relied upon at Geneva proved to be worthless. His greatest negotiating miscalculation was that high-level diplomacy between the United States and the Soviet Union was the key to establishing peace in Laos and ending infiltration into South Vietnam. General Phoumi Nosavan, the leader of the right-wing forces, refused to negotiate in good faith about the composition of a coalition government and remained a major obstacle to achieving a settlement in Geneva.Less
In the fall of 1961 the “gradual erosion” of the US negotiating position at Geneva concerned senior State Department officials. Concessions that weakened the independence of the International Commission for Supervision and Control (ICC) for monitoring compliance with a Geneva agreement were a particular concern. President Kennedy, who sought to prevent a communist victory in Laos without committing American combat troops to Southeast Asia, backed Harriman and promoted him to assistant secretary of state for far eastern affairs. Yet many of the oral understandings and interpretations of language that Harriman relied upon at Geneva proved to be worthless. His greatest negotiating miscalculation was that high-level diplomacy between the United States and the Soviet Union was the key to establishing peace in Laos and ending infiltration into South Vietnam. General Phoumi Nosavan, the leader of the right-wing forces, refused to negotiate in good faith about the composition of a coalition government and remained a major obstacle to achieving a settlement in Geneva.
