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Freedom of religion did not become a legal reality until the modern era (e.g., through the First Amendment), and even as late as the Second World War, one global study declared a total absence of “a generally accepted postulate of international law that every State is under legal obligation to accord religious liberty within its jurisdiction.” However, in the relatively brief historical period since, freedom of religion or belief has become just such an accepted postulate of international law. This chapter explores key elements of that development, beginning with an examination of religious liberty provisions in international human rights law—the major documents and treaties, as well as issues of special concern. Next, it briefly considers two additional sources of international rights monitoring and enforcement: the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom and the European Court of Human Rights. Finally, it discusses the twentieth-century contributions of religious institutions to religious liberty, focusing on the role of the Catholic Church in elaborating a moral foundation for religious freedom and championing it as a pathway to peace.

Under the presidency of George W. Bush, this chapter argues, religious identities and ethical commitments had a significant impact on U.S. foreign policy—and an even greater impact on perceptions of that policy abroad. The International Religious Freedom Act of 1998 and the attacks of September 11, 2001, were critical junctures. The end of the cold war and religious mobilization in U.S. politics coincided with heightened awareness of religious persecution across many countries, culminating in the 1998 legislation. And in the wake of the terrorist attacks on the U.S., the struggle against Islamic radicalism became both a foreign policy priority and a rallying cry in U.S. domestic politics. The worldwide perception of a religious impetus in U.S. foreign policy has had a negative impact on America's standing in the world.

The passage of the 1998 International Religious Freedom (IRF) Act seemed to presage a new chapter in U.S. foreign policy—in effect, the elevation of America's “first freedom” to what many considered its rightful ascendancy in the nation's human rights policy. In retrospect, however, the fault lines in the law's conception and implementation have been quite significant. This chapter examines those weaknesses, including the desire of IRF supporters to bypass the State Department, the perception that the law is Christian-centered, and the concern by liberals that religious freedom should not be elevated to the top of a “hierarchy of human rights.” In describing the hierarchy objection the chapter analyzes the controversial but critical issues of proselytization, and the distinction between religious tolerance and religious freedom. The net result of these and other problems is that U.S. IRF policy has been narrowly construed, ignored by its supporters, and largely ineffective.

This chapter examines the politics of fear underlying the antipersecution discourse that revolved around evangelical Christians at the turn of the twenty-first century. A video made by the U.S.-based Christian evangelical group Voice of the Martyrs showed that Christians are being persecuted all around the world. By the turn of the twenty-first century, a passionate concern with the persecution of Christians united conservatives as well as liberal and moderate evangelicals. The chapter shows how antipersecution discourse resulted in the passage of the International Religious Freedom Act of 1998. It also considers the significance of spectacles of the violated body to the discourse of persecution and how intense attention to Christian persecution created a tension for evangelicals between the universalizing language of human rights and a specific commitment to the “persecuted body” of Christ. Finally, it explores how evangelicals' attention to Christian persecution intersects with Islamic concerns.

American diplomacy continues to insist that Afghanistan achieved religious freedom. Whatever the State Department meant by that term, it did not appear to exclude illiberal religious practices that were destructive of religious freedom and incompatible with the consolidation of democracy. What accounts for these anomalies in U.S. foreign policy, and in particular its approach to advancing international religious freedom? What have been the goals of international religious freedom (IRF) diplomacy, and what has been its relationship to broader policy purposes, including the “soft power” aspects of democracy promotion? This chapter explores these and other questions in assessing the policy mandated by the 1998 International Religious Freedom Act (IRFA). It begins with a brief discussion of the legislative campaign that produced the IRFA and follows with an exploration of the law's operation during the period 1998–2008. It then turns to the critics of the new initiative, who emerged from all sides of the American ideological spectrum. The chapter concludes with an assessment of U.S. IRF policy after its first decade.

In May 1919, 147 members of the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF) met in Zurich to discuss the issues of war, peace and international relations. Their meeting coincided with the publication of the post-war peace terms. As a result, WILPF was the first international association to outline its criticism of the Treaty of Versailles. The conference resolved that the Treaty would ‘create all over Europe discords and animosities, which can only lead to future wars’. A group of WILPF delegates travelled from Switzerland to France to lobby the male politicians at Versailles, attempting to make the voice of women heard at the peace table. This chapter will examine the proceedings of the Zurich Conference and WILPF’s attempts to shape the peace process after the Great War. Many members were active suffragists and were committed to the campaign for female citizenship. The association’s pacifism was linked to its feminism and concerns for social justice and equality. Moreover, WILPF had been an early advocate of a ‘Society of Nations’. In 1919 the association urged negotiators to incorporate its ‘Woman’s Charter’ within the Covenant of the League of Nations to secure equality in the post-war era. Although all positions within the League of Nations were open to men and women on equal terms, women remained marginalised in the international political sphere during the interwar years. This chapter will explore WILPF’s efforts to increase the representation of women in politics, particularly in relation to the issues of peace and international relations. In so doing, this chapter will highlight the significant role that women played in the peace negotiations and foundation of the League of Nations in 1919.

During the Cold War era, there was overt intolerance of Catholics, New Religious Movements, and Asian American religious communities, as well as ongoing resentment toward African American churches. A vicious animus towards Muslims began to show itself toward the end of the era. The United States remained a nation where the ideal of religious freedom was incompletely implemented. Americans continued to project their religious intolerance to overseas sites. The International Religious Freedom Act (IRFA) was not about spreading religious freedom, but about locating and punishing intolerance, and almost all of the resources of IRFA were devoted to finding out and publicizing religious persecutions in foreign countries, especially of Christians.

This chapter begins with a discussion of the importance of religious freedom to international peace, development, and ordered liberty, especially in an emergent 21^st Century marked by powerful religious actors and ideas. It then explores why United States diplomats and their counterparts around the world have failed to promote religious liberty as a vital means of achieving strategic objectives. It demonstrates that intellectual assumptions and blinders lead foreign policy makers to view religious freedom as a humanitarian cause of peripheral concern to the main currents of international engagement. The chapter critiques the approaches of successive presidential administrations, but finds particular indifference in the actions of the Obama Administration. This is particularly troubling because European countries and western institutions provide even less grounded support for religious liberty in diplomatic circles. To the extent that leading nations in the West fail to grasp the centrality of religious freedom, stable democracy and international peace will be all the harder to achieve.

The chapter identifies the constellation of desecularizing actors embedded in postsecular processes responsible for the institutionalization and evolution of the International Religious Freedom regime since the late 1990s. It then investigates the main institutions and practices of the regime and their evolution over time. The chapter suggests that processes of desecularization that underpin this regime are opening up greater spaces for the organized and sustained inclusion, reification, positive essentialization, and normative accommodation of religion in US foreign policy. In terms of global effects, the IRF regime advances a radically pluralist cum Protestant particularist understanding of what constitutes religion and religious freedom; contributes to the religionization of world politics through mechanisms of elevation and categorization; and promotes the adoption of similar policies around the world. The conclusion summarizes the main findings and reflects on developments taking place under President Trump.

This chapter reviews the contents of the United States' anti-trafficking legislation, the Trafficking Victims Protection Act (TVPA) of 2000, and documents this legislation's little-known religious history. I argue that the way human trafficking is depicted in the TVPA and the kinds of interventions that the legislation proposes as remedies for human trafficking are premised on conceptions of the interrelations of gender, sex, and freedom that animated and infused the earlier political movement on the issue of religious persecution that culminated in the International Religious Freedom Act of 1998 and that, in crucial ways, are rooted in and express the moral sensibilities of Protestant Christianity.

This concluding chapter offers six recommendations for increasing the sphere of religious freedom in the Muslim-majority world and in the globe in general. These are drawn from the book’s foregoing analysis. The chapter calls for a “gestalt” shift by which religious freedom is recognized as a universal principle, not a Western value; for a recognition of Islam’s capacity for religious freedom; for a rejection of negative secularism; and for an expansion of religious freedom in the Muslim world. Then, the chapter turns its attention to the rise of religious freedom in the foreign policy of the United States and other Western states, recommending that these states “mainstream” religious freedom in their foreign policies. It also recommends building transnational networks involving religious freedom constituencies.

The central thesis in this essay is that the discussions by public reason liberals of the ethic of citizen suffer from a strange kind of myopia; their attention is focused exclusively on just one form of morally-based democratic political activity: policy deliberation and decision. More narrowly yet, they focus exclusively on the sorts of reasons one ought to employ when engaging in that activity, and on what one should do in case one’s reasons fail to persuade all one’s fellow citizens of one’s position. The aim of this essay is to break the grip of this myopia by describing examples of two other forms of morally-committed democratic political activity, not unusual and obscure ways but ways that we all know about, ways that many of us have personally engaged in: broad-based organizing and movement organizing.

This chapter reviews the influential role that evangelical lobbyists played in shaping human rights legislation during the Bill Clinton and George W. Bush administrations. It mentions how evangelical lobbyists placed their work on the International Religious Freedom Act within a larger historical context. The chapter traces the early history of effective evangelical lobbying efforts on matters related to human rights and U.S. foreign policy. It illuminates key moments when evangelical activism actually influenced the specific policy directions that government leaders pursued or the manner in which they discussed and understood global issues. It also reflects on the legacy of earlier evangelical foreign policy engagement in building the political capital and international networks necessary for effective advocacy at the turn of the twenty-first century.

In this conversation with Catia C. Confortini (former International Vice President), Madeleine Rees (Secretary General) and Joy Onyesoh (International President) reflect on the legacy of and prospects for Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom’s feminist advocacy on WPS. Drawing on Nigerian and transnational experiences they lament the sidestepping of WILPF’s feminist peace analysis in favor of an agenda co-opted by states and narrow, militarized security interests. At the same time, engagement with the state is not only a necessity, but an opening to transform the global governance system in the direction of feminist peace.

Chapter 7 examines public debates over the future of the World Trade Center site, commonly known as ground zero. Focusing on three controversial matters—the debate over the International Freedom Center originally slated for the rebuilt site; the debate over Park51, the Islamic community center located two blocks from the World Trade Center; and the debate over the cross-shaped steel beam known as the “World Trade Center Cross” and included in the permanent collection at the National September 11 Memorial Museum—this chapter identifies deep disagreements concerning the meaning of September 11. Beneath this dissensus are more fundamental disagreements concerning the meaning of archetypal American ideals—freedom and liberty, tolerance and pluralism, equality and justice. These debates reveal that—despite official efforts to place September 11 within familiar national narratives—the event remains an unresolved cultural trauma.

During the early years of the Cold War, women were active participants in all major peace advocacy groups, and they continued to work in traditional women’s peace organizations, such as the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF). They also created new groups, such as the Women’s International Democratic Federation (WIDF), Women Strike for Peace (WSP), and Another Mother for Peace (AMfP). Some groups relied heavily on their identity as women and mothers, others not at all. Regardless of how much or little they emphasized a special feminine disposition toward peace, these activists believed that their common experiences as women and mothers united them across national, ideological, and religious divides. Gendered language in the Cold War discourse on peace reinforced the notion that women had a special predisposition toward peace. The gendering of peace empowered women in the political realm, but it also allowed male-dominated political elites to marginalize peace as a women’s issue.

For many decades after the Civil War, the Republican Party claimed the majority of black votes. Its legacy as the party of Abraham Lincoln and its leadership in securing the Reconstruction Amendments outweighed its failure to enforce them, as well as its unwillingness to pass federal anti-lynching legislation. Robert Terrell was appointed a justice of the peace by the Republican President Theodore Roosevelt in 1901 and Mollie Terrell, a member of the National League of Republican Colored Women (NLRCW) secured campaign jobs from the RNC beginning in 1920, once women secured the right to vote with the 19th Amendment. Nor could Terrell forgive the Democrats’ role as the party of secession and its continued embrace of segregation and white supremacy. Terrell was a pro-peace member of the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF) and an anti-colonialist, advocating the self-determination of nations. Focusing on the status of what she termed the “darker races of the world,” Terrell approached race and equality from a transnational perspective.

This chapter presents a positive case for a basic human right to freedom of international movement. It first considers Christopher Heath Wellman's argument that states have the right to exclude people from crossing their boundaries (civic and territorial) based on the premise that those states are legitimate, and legitimacy was measured by their protection of and respect for human rights. It then turns to David Miller's claim that the value of movement is not strong enough to ground a universal human right, with particular emphasis on its minimalist and “sufficientarian” features. It also suggests that we should see the right to mobility as an essential component of a holistic view of human agency, and this involves seeing certain rights as conditions of empowerment. Finally, it contends that immigration should be treated in the same way as emigration.

Since the end of the Cold War religion has increasingly become an organized subject and object of American foreign policy. This has been notable with the emergence of four religious foreign policy regimes—International Religious Freedom, Faith-Based Foreign Aid, Muslim and Islamic Interventions, and Religious Engagement—which together constitute an American foreign policy regime complex on religion. The introduction poses the book’s three guiding questions. First, why and how did these different, yet closely related, religious foreign policy regimes emerge? Second, have the boundaries between religion and state been redefined by these regimes, and if so, how? Third, what are the global effects of the growing entanglement between faith and American foreign policy? The chapter introduces the concepts and arguments that are central to answering these questions. It also highlights the contributions made to the existing literature, discusses some definitional and methodological issues, and presents the plan of the book.