Sonia Mazey and Jeremy Richardson
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199247967
- eISBN:
- 9780191601088
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924796X.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The relationship between the European Commission and the various lobbying groups in Brussels is explored, and it is argued that there is now a ‘mature’ institutionalized policy-making style governing ...
More
The relationship between the European Commission and the various lobbying groups in Brussels is explored, and it is argued that there is now a ‘mature’ institutionalized policy-making style governing interactions between the Commission and interest groups. The formal and informal rules by which the Commission receives and seeks to organize lobbyist’s views, and interest groups influence the Commission’s development of legislative proposals are catalogued. It is found that there has been a steady evolution of some formal, but more often informal, rules and procedures for lobbying organizations. These include: willingness to participate in early discussions; presenting rational/technical arguments based on reliable data; viewing European policy as an opportunity, not a threat; formulating European, not national or particularistic, solutions; understanding the problems and perspectives of other stakeholders in the process; and investing in the entire policy-making process. This development of a stable system of interest group representation for the European Union (EU), sited in Brussels, impinges heavily not only on policy processes and outcomes but also on how democracy in the EU will be conceived and debated.Less
The relationship between the European Commission and the various lobbying groups in Brussels is explored, and it is argued that there is now a ‘mature’ institutionalized policy-making style governing interactions between the Commission and interest groups. The formal and informal rules by which the Commission receives and seeks to organize lobbyist’s views, and interest groups influence the Commission’s development of legislative proposals are catalogued. It is found that there has been a steady evolution of some formal, but more often informal, rules and procedures for lobbying organizations. These include: willingness to participate in early discussions; presenting rational/technical arguments based on reliable data; viewing European policy as an opportunity, not a threat; formulating European, not national or particularistic, solutions; understanding the problems and perspectives of other stakeholders in the process; and investing in the entire policy-making process. This development of a stable system of interest group representation for the European Union (EU), sited in Brussels, impinges heavily not only on policy processes and outcomes but also on how democracy in the EU will be conceived and debated.
Alec Stone Sweet, Wayne Sandholtz, and Neil Fligstein (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199247967
- eISBN:
- 9780191601088
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924796X.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
In 1950, a European political space existed, if only as a very primitive site of international governance. Now, at the beginning of the twenty-first century, the European Union governs in an ...
More
In 1950, a European political space existed, if only as a very primitive site of international governance. Now, at the beginning of the twenty-first century, the European Union governs in an ever-growing number of policy domains. Increasingly dense networks of transnational actors representing electorates, member state governments, firms, and specialized interests operate in arenas that are best understood as supranational. At the same time, the capacity of European organizations – the European Central Bank, the European Commission, and the European Court of Justice – to make authoritative policy decisions has steadily expanded, profoundly transforming the very nature of the European polity. This book, a companion volume and extension to European Integration and Supranational Governance (which was published in 1998), offers readers a sophisticated theoretical account of this transformation, as well as original empirical research. Like the earlier book, it was basically funded by a grant from the University of California (Berkeley) Center for German and European Studies, with additional support from the University of California (Irvine) Center for Global Peace and Conflict Studies, and the Robert Schumann Centre for Advanced Study at the European University Institute, San Domenico di Fiesole (partly through the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs). The authors, a small group of social scientists, collaborated for three years and met in four workshops, with penultimate versions of the papers presented at the final conference (at the Schumann Centre) forming the chapters of the book. The editors elaborate an innovative synthesis of institutionalist theory that contributors use to explain the sources and consequences of the emergence and institutionalization of European political arenas. Some chapters examine the evolution of integration and supranational governance across time and policy domain. Others recount more discrete episodes, including the development of women’s rights, the judicial review of administrative acts, a stable system of interest group representation, and enhanced cooperation in foreign policy and security; the creation of the European Central Bank; the emergence of new policy competences, such as for policing and immigration; and the multi-dimensional impact of European policies on national modes of governance.Less
In 1950, a European political space existed, if only as a very primitive site of international governance. Now, at the beginning of the twenty-first century, the European Union governs in an ever-growing number of policy domains. Increasingly dense networks of transnational actors representing electorates, member state governments, firms, and specialized interests operate in arenas that are best understood as supranational. At the same time, the capacity of European organizations – the European Central Bank, the European Commission, and the European Court of Justice – to make authoritative policy decisions has steadily expanded, profoundly transforming the very nature of the European polity. This book, a companion volume and extension to European Integration and Supranational Governance (which was published in 1998), offers readers a sophisticated theoretical account of this transformation, as well as original empirical research. Like the earlier book, it was basically funded by a grant from the University of California (Berkeley) Center for German and European Studies, with additional support from the University of California (Irvine) Center for Global Peace and Conflict Studies, and the Robert Schumann Centre for Advanced Study at the European University Institute, San Domenico di Fiesole (partly through the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs). The authors, a small group of social scientists, collaborated for three years and met in four workshops, with penultimate versions of the papers presented at the final conference (at the Schumann Centre) forming the chapters of the book. The editors elaborate an innovative synthesis of institutionalist theory that contributors use to explain the sources and consequences of the emergence and institutionalization of European political arenas. Some chapters examine the evolution of integration and supranational governance across time and policy domain. Others recount more discrete episodes, including the development of women’s rights, the judicial review of administrative acts, a stable system of interest group representation, and enhanced cooperation in foreign policy and security; the creation of the European Central Bank; the emergence of new policy competences, such as for policing and immigration; and the multi-dimensional impact of European policies on national modes of governance.
Rebecca Gumbrell-McCormick and Richard Hyman
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199644414
- eISBN:
- 9780191756290
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199644414.003.0006
- Subject:
- Business and Management, HRM / IR
Union political influence in most countries is declining. This stems in part from the constrained policy options of national governments in an era of neoliberal globalization, but also reflects a ...
More
Union political influence in most countries is declining. This stems in part from the constrained policy options of national governments in an era of neoliberal globalization, but also reflects a general weakening of unions’ organizational capacity. This in turn limits trade unions’ strategic options. Increased autonomy from their associated (and often ‘parent’) parties both requires, and enables, unions to rethink their social purpose. The whole idea of a labour movement implies a goal, a vision, which transcends the immediate task of representation in the workplace, however important this may be. Unions have increasingly attempted – albeit to varying degrees and with differing effectiveness – to develop new political resources through cultivating alliances with other progressive organizations and groups, and by taking more seriously the need to define a social vision and construct an effective language to propagate it.Less
Union political influence in most countries is declining. This stems in part from the constrained policy options of national governments in an era of neoliberal globalization, but also reflects a general weakening of unions’ organizational capacity. This in turn limits trade unions’ strategic options. Increased autonomy from their associated (and often ‘parent’) parties both requires, and enables, unions to rethink their social purpose. The whole idea of a labour movement implies a goal, a vision, which transcends the immediate task of representation in the workplace, however important this may be. Unions have increasingly attempted – albeit to varying degrees and with differing effectiveness – to develop new political resources through cultivating alliances with other progressive organizations and groups, and by taking more seriously the need to define a social vision and construct an effective language to propagate it.
