Edward C. Page and Vincent Wright (eds)
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294467
- eISBN:
- 9780191600067
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294468.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Presents a comparative study of the senior civil service in Britain, France, Germany, Italy, Spain, Belgium, the Netherlands, Austria, Greece, Denmark, and Sweden, which provides information about ...
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Presents a comparative study of the senior civil service in Britain, France, Germany, Italy, Spain, Belgium, the Netherlands, Austria, Greece, Denmark, and Sweden, which provides information about the structures and the composition of the higher civil service, and its position in the political structure. Explores how the higher civil service has developed in the light of the massive changes in European societies over the past thirty years. These changes include the size of the top level of the civil service, the growing social diversity of its ranks, and the tendency to recruit from outside the civil service. Also examines whether wider social changes, such as the democratization of education, the growth of interest groups, and the increasing importance of the European Union have an impact on the higher levels of bureaucracy and produce similar patterns of change throughout Europe.Less
Presents a comparative study of the senior civil service in Britain, France, Germany, Italy, Spain, Belgium, the Netherlands, Austria, Greece, Denmark, and Sweden, which provides information about the structures and the composition of the higher civil service, and its position in the political structure. Explores how the higher civil service has developed in the light of the massive changes in European societies over the past thirty years. These changes include the size of the top level of the civil service, the growing social diversity of its ranks, and the tendency to recruit from outside the civil service. Also examines whether wider social changes, such as the democratization of education, the growth of interest groups, and the increasing importance of the European Union have an impact on the higher levels of bureaucracy and produce similar patterns of change throughout Europe.
Michael O. Emerson and George Yancey
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199742684
- eISBN:
- 9780199943388
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199742684.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
Despite recent progress against racial inequalities, American society continues to produce attitudes and outcomes that reinforce the racial divide. This book offers a fresh perspective on how to ...
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Despite recent progress against racial inequalities, American society continues to produce attitudes and outcomes that reinforce the racial divide. This book offers a fresh perspective on how to combat racial division. The chapters document the historical move from white supremacy to institutional racism, and then look at modern efforts to overcome the racialized nature of our society. They argue that both conservative and progressive approaches have failed, as they continually fall victim to forces of ethnocentrism and group interest. They then explore group interest and possible ways to account for the perspectives of both majority and minority group members. They also look to multiracial congregations, multiracial families, the military, and sports teams—all situations in which group interests have been overcome before. In each context they find the development of a core set of values that binds together different racial groups, along with the flexibility to express racially-based cultural uniqueness that does not conflict with this critical core. The book offers what is at once a balanced approach towards dealing with racial alienation and a bold step forward in the debate about the steps necessary to overcome present-day racism.Less
Despite recent progress against racial inequalities, American society continues to produce attitudes and outcomes that reinforce the racial divide. This book offers a fresh perspective on how to combat racial division. The chapters document the historical move from white supremacy to institutional racism, and then look at modern efforts to overcome the racialized nature of our society. They argue that both conservative and progressive approaches have failed, as they continually fall victim to forces of ethnocentrism and group interest. They then explore group interest and possible ways to account for the perspectives of both majority and minority group members. They also look to multiracial congregations, multiracial families, the military, and sports teams—all situations in which group interests have been overcome before. In each context they find the development of a core set of values that binds together different racial groups, along with the flexibility to express racially-based cultural uniqueness that does not conflict with this critical core. The book offers what is at once a balanced approach towards dealing with racial alienation and a bold step forward in the debate about the steps necessary to overcome present-day racism.
John Parkinson
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199291113
- eISBN:
- 9780191604133
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019929111X.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter explores the ideas of representation, the first broad solution to the legitimacy problems in deliberative democracy. It considers the nature, strengths, and weaknesses of three different ...
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This chapter explores the ideas of representation, the first broad solution to the legitimacy problems in deliberative democracy. It considers the nature, strengths, and weaknesses of three different types of representation claims made by participants in the cases, namely random selection, self-selection, and elected representation. It argues that elected representatives have the strongest claims simply because they can be removed from decision-making posts, but this strength depends on there being strong communicative relationships between representatives and the represented. It concludes that while representation claims are important, no one kind of representative has perfectly legitimate authority.Less
This chapter explores the ideas of representation, the first broad solution to the legitimacy problems in deliberative democracy. It considers the nature, strengths, and weaknesses of three different types of representation claims made by participants in the cases, namely random selection, self-selection, and elected representation. It argues that elected representatives have the strongest claims simply because they can be removed from decision-making posts, but this strength depends on there being strong communicative relationships between representatives and the represented. It concludes that while representation claims are important, no one kind of representative has perfectly legitimate authority.
Debra L. Dodson
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780198296744
- eISBN:
- 9780191603709
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296746.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The ratings of ten interest groups, along with party unity and presidential support scores, are analyzed to explore the broader evidence of change and stability in gender difference and women’s ...
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The ratings of ten interest groups, along with party unity and presidential support scores, are analyzed to explore the broader evidence of change and stability in gender difference and women’s impact across the strikingly different environments of the 103rd and 104th Congresses. Although the results suggest that increased descriptive representation will enhance substantive representation of women, these findings of gender difference coexist with evidence that descriptive representation might not necessarily contribute to increased substantive representation of women. Gender differences narrowed in the 104th, primarily due to the influx of a new cohort of Republican women who were in some cases even more conservative than their male colleagues, but also due to ‘conversion’ effects, as veteran Republican women shifted rightward in an institutional environment where the cost of difference increased. With Democratic men on average being more feminist/liberal than Republican women on average, the question is raised whether substantive representation of women would be better served by increasing the proportional presence of Democrats (regardless of gender) or by increasing women’s presence regardless of party.Less
The ratings of ten interest groups, along with party unity and presidential support scores, are analyzed to explore the broader evidence of change and stability in gender difference and women’s impact across the strikingly different environments of the 103rd and 104th Congresses. Although the results suggest that increased descriptive representation will enhance substantive representation of women, these findings of gender difference coexist with evidence that descriptive representation might not necessarily contribute to increased substantive representation of women. Gender differences narrowed in the 104th, primarily due to the influx of a new cohort of Republican women who were in some cases even more conservative than their male colleagues, but also due to ‘conversion’ effects, as veteran Republican women shifted rightward in an institutional environment where the cost of difference increased. With Democratic men on average being more feminist/liberal than Republican women on average, the question is raised whether substantive representation of women would be better served by increasing the proportional presence of Democrats (regardless of gender) or by increasing women’s presence regardless of party.
Lisa L. Miller
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195331684
- eISBN:
- 9780199867967
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195331684.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter introduces the core themes of the book: that federalism structures the representation of interest groups; that groups with broad public interest concerns have difficulty operating in ...
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This chapter introduces the core themes of the book: that federalism structures the representation of interest groups; that groups with broad public interest concerns have difficulty operating in state and national legislative venues; and that the local level can sometimes offer the most pluralistic, competitive policy environment. The central argument of the book is that the federalization of crime control has resulted in a mobilization of bias in favor of governmental bureaucracies and narrow citizen interests and at the expense of broad citizen groups with a wide range of interests, particularly those that represent the communities most devastated by crime. Drawing on research on federalism, interest groups, and racial politics, this chapter suggests that understanding the environment available for interest groups at each level of government reveals how public debate on crime control is atrophied when the rich mix of loosely organized interests at the local level is absent from state and national political environments. This chapter also lays out the methodology for the research and offers a typology for understanding citizen participation in crime politics at each level of government.Less
This chapter introduces the core themes of the book: that federalism structures the representation of interest groups; that groups with broad public interest concerns have difficulty operating in state and national legislative venues; and that the local level can sometimes offer the most pluralistic, competitive policy environment. The central argument of the book is that the federalization of crime control has resulted in a mobilization of bias in favor of governmental bureaucracies and narrow citizen interests and at the expense of broad citizen groups with a wide range of interests, particularly those that represent the communities most devastated by crime. Drawing on research on federalism, interest groups, and racial politics, this chapter suggests that understanding the environment available for interest groups at each level of government reveals how public debate on crime control is atrophied when the rich mix of loosely organized interests at the local level is absent from state and national political environments. This chapter also lays out the methodology for the research and offers a typology for understanding citizen participation in crime politics at each level of government.
Stefano Bartolini
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199286430
- eISBN:
- 9780191603242
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199286434.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Any configuration of boundaries is relevant for the level and type of confinement of actors and resources within the new system. Chapters Five and Six analyse the implications of the EU boundary ...
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Any configuration of boundaries is relevant for the level and type of confinement of actors and resources within the new system. Chapters Five and Six analyse the implications of the EU boundary redrawing for the different types of actors and resources active in the territorial, corporate and political-electoral channels of representation. The chapters also discuss the consequences for established national political structures and the prospects for the development of new, European-wide political structures. In the territorial channel, the European integration is likely to foster processes of sub-state territorial differentiation, generate accrued sub-state territorial competition and a renewed awareness of it, and contribute towards a rebirth of (sub-state) territorially-based politics in Europe. In the corporate channel, it is suggested that the existing interest groups experience declining interest compatibility or declining solidarity ties. This is likely to generate further pluralization and fragmentation, declining cohesion of national groups, and a destructuring of national patterns of interest intermediation associated with a predominant lobbyist incorporation into the European techno-bureaucratic decision-making processes.Less
Any configuration of boundaries is relevant for the level and type of confinement of actors and resources within the new system. Chapters Five and Six analyse the implications of the EU boundary redrawing for the different types of actors and resources active in the territorial, corporate and political-electoral channels of representation. The chapters also discuss the consequences for established national political structures and the prospects for the development of new, European-wide political structures. In the territorial channel, the European integration is likely to foster processes of sub-state territorial differentiation, generate accrued sub-state territorial competition and a renewed awareness of it, and contribute towards a rebirth of (sub-state) territorially-based politics in Europe. In the corporate channel, it is suggested that the existing interest groups experience declining interest compatibility or declining solidarity ties. This is likely to generate further pluralization and fragmentation, declining cohesion of national groups, and a destructuring of national patterns of interest intermediation associated with a predominant lobbyist incorporation into the European techno-bureaucratic decision-making processes.
Lisa L. Miller
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195331684
- eISBN:
- 9780199867967
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195331684.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This book compares interest group participation in the development of crime and justice policy across the local, state and national levels of government and has three main contributions to law, ...
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This book compares interest group participation in the development of crime and justice policy across the local, state and national levels of government and has three main contributions to law, policy and criminology scholarship. First, it provides a detailed analysis of the narrow and often parochial nature of national and state crime politics, in contrast to the active and intense local political mobilization on crime by racial minorities and the urban poor. The book illustrates the ways the structure of U.S. federalism has contributed to the current situation in which national policy responses to crime overlook black and poor victims of violence and how highly organized, narrowly focused interest groups, such as the National Rifle Association, have a disproportionate influence in crime politics. This study also demonstrates that urban minorities and the poor mobilize locally to address crime as one of many social ills, though their tactics are often unconventional and their resources limited. Second, it illustrates how the absence of these groups from the policy process at the state and national levels has encouraged the development of policy frames that are highly skewed in favor of police, prosecutors, and narrow citizen interests, whose policy preferences often converge on increasing punishments for offenders. That this is true even at the national level, where policy scholars often assume the policy process is more open and porous than at subregional levels, is a major contribution of the book. Finally, the comparison of group participation across legislative venues on a single policy issue contributes to our understanding of group theory.Less
This book compares interest group participation in the development of crime and justice policy across the local, state and national levels of government and has three main contributions to law, policy and criminology scholarship. First, it provides a detailed analysis of the narrow and often parochial nature of national and state crime politics, in contrast to the active and intense local political mobilization on crime by racial minorities and the urban poor. The book illustrates the ways the structure of U.S. federalism has contributed to the current situation in which national policy responses to crime overlook black and poor victims of violence and how highly organized, narrowly focused interest groups, such as the National Rifle Association, have a disproportionate influence in crime politics. This study also demonstrates that urban minorities and the poor mobilize locally to address crime as one of many social ills, though their tactics are often unconventional and their resources limited. Second, it illustrates how the absence of these groups from the policy process at the state and national levels has encouraged the development of policy frames that are highly skewed in favor of police, prosecutors, and narrow citizen interests, whose policy preferences often converge on increasing punishments for offenders. That this is true even at the national level, where policy scholars often assume the policy process is more open and porous than at subregional levels, is a major contribution of the book. Finally, the comparison of group participation across legislative venues on a single policy issue contributes to our understanding of group theory.
John Parkinson
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199291113
- eISBN:
- 9780191604133
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019929111X.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter explores the context of the cases, setting out the history of patient involvement initiatives and deliberative experiments in the UK. It highlights the antipathy to interest groups and ...
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This chapter explores the context of the cases, setting out the history of patient involvement initiatives and deliberative experiments in the UK. It highlights the antipathy to interest groups and the ‘research orientation’ of those experiments, and the effects that orientation has had on limiting the scope and agenda of deliberation. It argues that whether deliberation occurs at the local level or at the centre matters a great deal, but that deliberative experiments tend to be at least as much about resource battles between the centre and the periphery as responding to citizens’ needs.Less
This chapter explores the context of the cases, setting out the history of patient involvement initiatives and deliberative experiments in the UK. It highlights the antipathy to interest groups and the ‘research orientation’ of those experiments, and the effects that orientation has had on limiting the scope and agenda of deliberation. It argues that whether deliberation occurs at the local level or at the centre matters a great deal, but that deliberative experiments tend to be at least as much about resource battles between the centre and the periphery as responding to citizens’ needs.
Bernhard Wessels
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296607
- eISBN:
- 9780191599620
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296606.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The sheer number of people represented by a single member of the EP means that a larger variety of interests and a higher complexity of problems need to be represented than in national governments. ...
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The sheer number of people represented by a single member of the EP means that a larger variety of interests and a higher complexity of problems need to be represented than in national governments. Interest groups might therefore prove to be the only means of compensating for the lack of direct contacts between EU institutions and citizens, in the framework of a two‐tier system of territorial and functional representation. The structure and channels of functional representatives is therefore explored, with the data suggesting that while interest groups and lobbying is very structured, a European corporatist system of interest intermediation is not yet emerging.Less
The sheer number of people represented by a single member of the EP means that a larger variety of interests and a higher complexity of problems need to be represented than in national governments. Interest groups might therefore prove to be the only means of compensating for the lack of direct contacts between EU institutions and citizens, in the framework of a two‐tier system of territorial and functional representation. The structure and channels of functional representatives is therefore explored, with the data suggesting that while interest groups and lobbying is very structured, a European corporatist system of interest intermediation is not yet emerging.
Lisa L. Miller
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195331684
- eISBN:
- 9780199867967
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195331684.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter summarizes the book's main findings and offers insights into its implications for federalism, political representation, crime, and governance. While federalism may provide multiple ...
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This chapter summarizes the book's main findings and offers insights into its implications for federalism, political representation, crime, and governance. While federalism may provide multiple pathways of access, it also divides and conquers, isolating poorly resourced groups from one another and making it difficult for them to hold legislators accountable to their interests. The federalization of crime control serves not only to promote the narrow interests of highly mobilized groups, it may also atrophy local civic engagement by reducing the opportunities for local groups to participate meaningfully in agenda setting and problem definition. The rich mix of interest group activity at the local level has implications for accountability and representation that are poorly served at the state and national levels. The groups at most risk of victimization—the poor and racial minorities—give voice to definitions of the problem that revitalize a broader discussion of the public sphere, the life conditions the most marginalized experience, and the capacity of collective efforts to ameliorate those conditions. This is particularly significant since state and national venues depoliticize and individualize the problems facing urban minorities today. This chapter also revisits the typology of group representation presented in Chapter 1.Less
This chapter summarizes the book's main findings and offers insights into its implications for federalism, political representation, crime, and governance. While federalism may provide multiple pathways of access, it also divides and conquers, isolating poorly resourced groups from one another and making it difficult for them to hold legislators accountable to their interests. The federalization of crime control serves not only to promote the narrow interests of highly mobilized groups, it may also atrophy local civic engagement by reducing the opportunities for local groups to participate meaningfully in agenda setting and problem definition. The rich mix of interest group activity at the local level has implications for accountability and representation that are poorly served at the state and national levels. The groups at most risk of victimization—the poor and racial minorities—give voice to definitions of the problem that revitalize a broader discussion of the public sphere, the life conditions the most marginalized experience, and the capacity of collective efforts to ameliorate those conditions. This is particularly significant since state and national venues depoliticize and individualize the problems facing urban minorities today. This chapter also revisits the typology of group representation presented in Chapter 1.
Sonia Mazey and Jeremy Richardson
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199247967
- eISBN:
- 9780191601088
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924796X.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The relationship between the European Commission and the various lobbying groups in Brussels is explored, and it is argued that there is now a ‘mature’ institutionalized policy-making style governing ...
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The relationship between the European Commission and the various lobbying groups in Brussels is explored, and it is argued that there is now a ‘mature’ institutionalized policy-making style governing interactions between the Commission and interest groups. The formal and informal rules by which the Commission receives and seeks to organize lobbyist’s views, and interest groups influence the Commission’s development of legislative proposals are catalogued. It is found that there has been a steady evolution of some formal, but more often informal, rules and procedures for lobbying organizations. These include: willingness to participate in early discussions; presenting rational/technical arguments based on reliable data; viewing European policy as an opportunity, not a threat; formulating European, not national or particularistic, solutions; understanding the problems and perspectives of other stakeholders in the process; and investing in the entire policy-making process. This development of a stable system of interest group representation for the European Union (EU), sited in Brussels, impinges heavily not only on policy processes and outcomes but also on how democracy in the EU will be conceived and debated.Less
The relationship between the European Commission and the various lobbying groups in Brussels is explored, and it is argued that there is now a ‘mature’ institutionalized policy-making style governing interactions between the Commission and interest groups. The formal and informal rules by which the Commission receives and seeks to organize lobbyist’s views, and interest groups influence the Commission’s development of legislative proposals are catalogued. It is found that there has been a steady evolution of some formal, but more often informal, rules and procedures for lobbying organizations. These include: willingness to participate in early discussions; presenting rational/technical arguments based on reliable data; viewing European policy as an opportunity, not a threat; formulating European, not national or particularistic, solutions; understanding the problems and perspectives of other stakeholders in the process; and investing in the entire policy-making process. This development of a stable system of interest group representation for the European Union (EU), sited in Brussels, impinges heavily not only on policy processes and outcomes but also on how democracy in the EU will be conceived and debated.
John S. Dryzek, David Downes, Christian Hunold, David Schlosberg, and Hans‐Kristian Hernes
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199249022
- eISBN:
- 9780191599095
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199249024.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Environmental Politics
The experience of environmentalism in the US, UK, Germany, and Norway is introduced in detail, with special reference to the relationship between the state and the movement. The history of each ...
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The experience of environmentalism in the US, UK, Germany, and Norway is introduced in detail, with special reference to the relationship between the state and the movement. The history of each country in the modern environmental era is sketched. The movement took a very different form in each country. The oppositional public sphere confronting the state in Germany looks very different from the well‐behaved set of interest groups in the US or the Norwegian organizations that are tightly integrated into government. The shape and fortunes of environmentalism are heavily influenced by the state's orientation to societal interests, which can feature inclusion or exclusion, and be passive or active.Less
The experience of environmentalism in the US, UK, Germany, and Norway is introduced in detail, with special reference to the relationship between the state and the movement. The history of each country in the modern environmental era is sketched. The movement took a very different form in each country. The oppositional public sphere confronting the state in Germany looks very different from the well‐behaved set of interest groups in the US or the Norwegian organizations that are tightly integrated into government. The shape and fortunes of environmentalism are heavily influenced by the state's orientation to societal interests, which can feature inclusion or exclusion, and be passive or active.
Sonia Mazey and Jeremy Richardson
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199250158
- eISBN:
- 9780191599439
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199250154.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The chapter first discusses the logic of lobbying of the European Commission by interest groups. The rest of the discussion is divided into three parts. The first section highlights the ...
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The chapter first discusses the logic of lobbying of the European Commission by interest groups. The rest of the discussion is divided into three parts. The first section highlights the organizational and cultural characteristics of the Commission bureaucracy and the implications of these characteristics for groups seeking to develop effective lobbying strategies. The second section examines in detail recent attempts by the Commission to structure and institutionalize interest group consultation; this analysis highlights the increasing importance of both ‘thin’ and ‘thick’ consultative structures. The concluding section briefly considers the utility and limitations of group pluralism within the Commission and asks whether the neo–functionalist predictions have, in the event, turned out to be surprisingly accurate.Less
The chapter first discusses the logic of lobbying of the European Commission by interest groups. The rest of the discussion is divided into three parts. The first section highlights the organizational and cultural characteristics of the Commission bureaucracy and the implications of these characteristics for groups seeking to develop effective lobbying strategies. The second section examines in detail recent attempts by the Commission to structure and institutionalize interest group consultation; this analysis highlights the increasing importance of both ‘thin’ and ‘thick’ consultative structures. The concluding section briefly considers the utility and limitations of group pluralism within the Commission and asks whether the neo–functionalist predictions have, in the event, turned out to be surprisingly accurate.
Jeremy Richardson
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198280354
- eISBN:
- 9780191599422
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280351.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Not only have interest groups played a key role in representation and legitimization but have also begun to displace political parties as intermediaries between governing elites and governed peoples. ...
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Not only have interest groups played a key role in representation and legitimization but have also begun to displace political parties as intermediaries between governing elites and governed peoples. There has been an increase in the groups involved in each policy and the erosion of boundaries between policy sectors. As policy‐making is Europeanized, interest groups are shifting their activities towards the EU. Far from lacking linkage processes, there has been an enormous proliferation of opportunity structures for citizen participation.Less
Not only have interest groups played a key role in representation and legitimization but have also begun to displace political parties as intermediaries between governing elites and governed peoples. There has been an increase in the groups involved in each policy and the erosion of boundaries between policy sectors. As policy‐making is Europeanized, interest groups are shifting their activities towards the EU. Far from lacking linkage processes, there has been an enormous proliferation of opportunity structures for citizen participation.
Denise L. Baer
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293484
- eISBN:
- 9780191598944
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293488.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter reviews existing research about women's participation in political parties and women's organizations, including both groups that developed as part of the contemporary women's movement ...
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This chapter reviews existing research about women's participation in political parties and women's organizations, including both groups that developed as part of the contemporary women's movement and more traditional groups. Baer suggests an agenda for future research that would help bridge the gap between the sub‐fields of women and politics and interest groups and parties, and that includes more attention to historical context and to issues of leadership, recruitment, and organizational culture.Less
This chapter reviews existing research about women's participation in political parties and women's organizations, including both groups that developed as part of the contemporary women's movement and more traditional groups. Baer suggests an agenda for future research that would help bridge the gap between the sub‐fields of women and politics and interest groups and parties, and that includes more attention to historical context and to issues of leadership, recruitment, and organizational culture.
Anne Phillips
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294153
- eISBN:
- 9780191600098
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294158.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Deliberative democrats are usually opposed to group representation, criticize models of politics that rely on the aggregation of individual or group interest, and reject strict mechanisms of ...
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Deliberative democrats are usually opposed to group representation, criticize models of politics that rely on the aggregation of individual or group interest, and reject strict mechanisms of accountability that would make it impossible for political representatives to change their minds in the process of deliberation. This chapter argues that the success of deliberation depends on some guarantee that the heterogeneity of the citizen body is adequately represented. The literature on deliberative democracy is the right to challenge strict notions of accountability. It needs, however, to address more fully the mechanisms for ensuring that all citizens have equal access to decision‐making assemblies, and to recognize the continuing importance of group interest and group advocacy in politics.Less
Deliberative democrats are usually opposed to group representation, criticize models of politics that rely on the aggregation of individual or group interest, and reject strict mechanisms of accountability that would make it impossible for political representatives to change their minds in the process of deliberation. This chapter argues that the success of deliberation depends on some guarantee that the heterogeneity of the citizen body is adequately represented. The literature on deliberative democracy is the right to challenge strict notions of accountability. It needs, however, to address more fully the mechanisms for ensuring that all citizens have equal access to decision‐making assemblies, and to recognize the continuing importance of group interest and group advocacy in politics.
Graeme Gill
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199544684
- eISBN:
- 9780191719912
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199544684.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory, Democratization
The integration of the new class into the political structure in Britain, France, Germany, and the USA is central to the questions that are the focus of this book. This chapter analyses the patterns ...
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The integration of the new class into the political structure in Britain, France, Germany, and the USA is central to the questions that are the focus of this book. This chapter analyses the patterns of class involvement in six major political institutions: legislature, executive, political parties, civil service, local/regional government, and structured interest groups. The chapter highlights how the pattern of bourgeois involvement is different in each country, with the greatest integration into the political system in Britain and the USA, and the least in Germany. These different patterns are related to the relative importance of different institutions, with the bourgeoisie seeming to concentrate its attention in each country on the more important institutions in the political structure.Less
The integration of the new class into the political structure in Britain, France, Germany, and the USA is central to the questions that are the focus of this book. This chapter analyses the patterns of class involvement in six major political institutions: legislature, executive, political parties, civil service, local/regional government, and structured interest groups. The chapter highlights how the pattern of bourgeois involvement is different in each country, with the greatest integration into the political system in Britain and the USA, and the least in Germany. These different patterns are related to the relative importance of different institutions, with the bourgeoisie seeming to concentrate its attention in each country on the more important institutions in the political structure.
Gianfranco Pasquino
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198280354
- eISBN:
- 9780191599422
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280351.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Because the powerless at least own their vote, their needs are more likely to be met by political parties than interest groups. Pluralist and neo‐corporatist theories do not provide satisfactory ...
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Because the powerless at least own their vote, their needs are more likely to be met by political parties than interest groups. Pluralist and neo‐corporatist theories do not provide satisfactory explanations of intermediation because they concentrate upon the satisfaction of only the organized interests of the relatively powerful. Single‐issue and public‐interest social movements offer an alternative channel for influence by the powerless within a democracy.Less
Because the powerless at least own their vote, their needs are more likely to be met by political parties than interest groups. Pluralist and neo‐corporatist theories do not provide satisfactory explanations of intermediation because they concentrate upon the satisfaction of only the organized interests of the relatively powerful. Single‐issue and public‐interest social movements offer an alternative channel for influence by the powerless within a democracy.
Bernhard Wessels
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296614
- eISBN:
- 9780191600227
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296614.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter is the fifth of six on the question of political representation in the EU. It analyses to what extent institutional differences between the member‐states of the EU are constraining the ...
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This chapter is the fifth of six on the question of political representation in the EU. It analyses to what extent institutional differences between the member‐states of the EU are constraining the attitudes of representatives in respect of one major aspect—whom to represent; this is done by exploring the role orientations of members of the European Parliament (MEPs) and comparing them with those of members of 11 national parliaments (MNPs). The first section of the chapter presents a brief conceptualization of representational roles by looking at general conclusions from previous research, and defining 5 representational foci in two dimensions: group specificity (party voters; specific (interest) groups) and regional scope (constituency; all people in the nation concerned; all people in Europe). The next section looks at the distributions of these five foci of representation across parliamentary levels (MEPs or MNPs) over the 15 member‐states of the EU; data are from the 1996 European Parliamentarians Study, and indicate striking differences between countries. The last (and largest) section of the chapter looks for explanations for these differences in foci of representation. These include personal factors (social background; political experience), institutional settings (the regional dimension—the relationship between role orientation, competitiveness and electoral systems; the group dimension—the relationship between role orientation and the encompassiveness and inclusiveness of interest group systems; and the European focus of representation in relation to the size and experience of a member‐state).Less
This chapter is the fifth of six on the question of political representation in the EU. It analyses to what extent institutional differences between the member‐states of the EU are constraining the attitudes of representatives in respect of one major aspect—whom to represent; this is done by exploring the role orientations of members of the European Parliament (MEPs) and comparing them with those of members of 11 national parliaments (MNPs). The first section of the chapter presents a brief conceptualization of representational roles by looking at general conclusions from previous research, and defining 5 representational foci in two dimensions: group specificity (party voters; specific (interest) groups) and regional scope (constituency; all people in the nation concerned; all people in Europe). The next section looks at the distributions of these five foci of representation across parliamentary levels (MEPs or MNPs) over the 15 member‐states of the EU; data are from the 1996 European Parliamentarians Study, and indicate striking differences between countries. The last (and largest) section of the chapter looks for explanations for these differences in foci of representation. These include personal factors (social background; political experience), institutional settings (the regional dimension—the relationship between role orientation, competitiveness and electoral systems; the group dimension—the relationship between role orientation and the encompassiveness and inclusiveness of interest group systems; and the European focus of representation in relation to the size and experience of a member‐state).
Michael Foley
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199232673
- eISBN:
- 9780191716362
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199232673.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter examines pluralism in the United States. In addition to being a descriptive summary of American politics, pluralism also ranks as a comprehensive system of cause and effect which serves ...
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This chapter examines pluralism in the United States. In addition to being a descriptive summary of American politics, pluralism also ranks as a comprehensive system of cause and effect which serves to account for all the relationships and processes between society and government. Thus, pluralism does not simply propound the existence of interest groups engaged in political decision-making. It assumes the property of a general law of political existence by presupposing that all the constituent elements of political activity are ultimately reducible to the base units of group interests, group motivations, and group demands. The limits of pluralism, and cultural pluralism and multiculturalism are discussed.Less
This chapter examines pluralism in the United States. In addition to being a descriptive summary of American politics, pluralism also ranks as a comprehensive system of cause and effect which serves to account for all the relationships and processes between society and government. Thus, pluralism does not simply propound the existence of interest groups engaged in political decision-making. It assumes the property of a general law of political existence by presupposing that all the constituent elements of political activity are ultimately reducible to the base units of group interests, group motivations, and group demands. The limits of pluralism, and cultural pluralism and multiculturalism are discussed.
