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The chapter is divided into three sections. The first shows what consociationalists can learn from Northern Ireland. The second shows what critics of consociational theory can learn from Northern Ireland. The authors argue that a revised consociational theory provides the most sensible basis for understanding and prescribing for Northern Ireland and similar conflict zones. The third section suggests a number of ways in which Northern Ireland's Agreement may be best stabilised following the uncertainty of the first phase in efforts to implement it (1998-2003)

The chapter discusses the use of the comparative method by Northern Ireland's political partisans and academics. It shows how analogies with other conflicts have been used by partisans to further their political agendas. These analogies are tied to important international norms, and their use by Northern Ireland's politicians are an attempt to influence international opinion, as well as cement group solidarity. The second part of the chapter summarizes how Northern Ireland has been analysed by academics employing important comparative political theories, including consociationalism and integrationism.

Addresses the integrationist complaint that academics focus too much on political elites and not enough on civil society. Cochrane gives a comprehensive analysis of the role that peace and conflict resolution organizations have played in Northern Ireland. He shows, in a conclusion that is at odds with integrationist thinking, that many of these organizations are as divided as political elites along national lines, and are committed to a solution that accommodates both communities rather than to one that transcends one. The chapter is a useful reminder that one can want peace without wanting a merger of identities.

Strategy research is increasingly influenced by economic theories of the firm, particularly modern organizational economics (OE) and a host of currents classified as ‘knowledge-based view of the firm’ (KBV). There is a tendency in strategy research to draw on only one of these two approaches: ‘isolationism’ and ‘integrationism’. Isolationism implies that the strategic theory of the firm should be found in either the KBV or on OE. Integrationism implies that research on the strategic theory of the firm should be based on ideas from both OE and KBV. An argument in favour of integrationism is presented.

This chapter assesses the impact of the black hospital movement and discusses the status of the contemporary black hospital using the historical perspective developed throughout the book. Due to the predominance of integrationism as the major strategy for racial advancement in the years following World War II, the establishments of separate black institutions were increasingly renounced. This chapter looks at how the energies of black medical organizations, even the previously separatist National Medical Association (NMA), shifted from the creation of black hospitals to the dismantlement of the “Negro medical ghetto” of which black hospitals were a major component. This, in turn, posed new challenges for black hospitals and their need for existence.

This chapter considers an argument which states that the community-cohesion agenda represents a neoliberal governance programme of integrationism. It is in this programme that particular norms and values are prioritised. The chapter uses the case study of Bradford as a basis, and shows how community cohesion has become entwined with the search for urban renaissance, regeneration, and modernity believed to be necessary to ensure the economic prosperity of cities and neighbourhoods.

Prophetic thinkers disputed whether the nation could ever overcome its sin of oppression. These differences affected agendas for change and debates over emigration. The majority, reflecting redemptive strands in biblical prophecy, foresaw a bright if distant future within the United States and oriented their congregants to a generations-long struggle for equality.

African American prophecy has provided a means of flaying an unjust society, altered the meaning of Christianity, and shown that religion need not respect the status quo. But is it more than a proud legacy? Today’s conditions challenge African American prophecy’s achievements and test its ideas as never before.

We describe the world of social-political thought in which physiological integration emerged and its influence on theories of communication in anthropology, cybernetics, and philosophy. We examine the rise of the political, legal, and internationalist language of the integration-crisis dyad in the 1920s. As integration became a key category, so did crisis, collapse, disintegration. Biological thought framed this discussion by offering many of its principal metaphors, updating the parallel of the physical body with the body politic, offering an easily comprehensible model of cooperation and crisis, and insisting on the priority of the totality of a system under threat. Second, we trace Cannon’s political and anthropological thought in the 1930s, both because of its postulate of social homeostasis and its part in the development of Wiener’s cybernetics and Lévi-Strauss’s structural anthropology. Both retained versions of Cannon’s social thought that made possible the transposition of his conception of the body onto theories of communication and social control. Third, following Mauss, we analyze the emergence of a concept of the symbolic in philosophy and anthropology, explicitly based on the neurological theories of Goldstein and Head. By redirecting metaphors of the body in political, economic, and anthropological thought, these revisions redirected social-political thought.

This chapter examines the history of the Jewish Museum in Berlin, Germany and its role in the sustaining and defending of a particular concept of urban Jewish culture. It explains that the history of the museum can be traced back to the late 19th century with the 1887 Anglo-Jewish Historical Exhibition and Isaac Strauss' collection of Judaica in 1878. It highlights the success of the museum in reconciling Jewish particularism and integrationism and in serving as workshop for an alternative concept of Jewishness that would be able to stand the test of modernity.

This chapter introduces our subject and describes the book’s methodological approach. It distinguishes between ideal and non-ideal approaches, and between integrationist and isolationist approaches. It also identifies those who may bear trade-related duties of justice. Finally, it outlines the book’s contents.

The introduction offers a critical history of writings about the “poetry of the Americas,” with emphases on the poetics of Octavio Paz, and on poetry by José Martí, Salomón de la Selva, Charles Olson, Pablo Neruda, and others. It presents a method for understanding this hemispheric literary history in relation to the inequities of the inter-American political system, braiding together hemispheric geopolitics in the Good Neighbor era and the early Cold War with formalist interpretation and “integrationist” ideas of literary community. The introduction defines an “era of inter-American cultural diplomacy” as a literary-historical moment in which the poetry of the Americas invested heavily in the project of critiquing as well as organizing American states, and it closes with synopses of the book’s six chapters, charting the inter-American poetry of World War II, the abandonment of inter-Americanism in the early Cold War, and its reconfigurations and renewals in the 1960s.

This chapter introduces climate change as a problem of natural resource justice by outlining some real-world examples of resource conflicts that are being generated, or exacerbated, by climate change. It then provides some necessary background for the discussion to follow. The science and predicted impacts of climate change are explained, along with the options for responding to this problem, such as mitigation and adaptation. The chapter then briefly introduces the debate about global justice and climate change, as it has appeared in the political philosophy literature, looking at the human rights approach, the distributive justice approach, and the key methodological distinctions between integrationism and isolationism and ideal versus nonideal theory. After providing further characterization of, and motivation for, the natural resources approach to climate justice that is taken in the work, it concludes with an outline of the chapters to follow.

This chapter reconsiders the global emissions budget using the conception of natural resource justice defended previously. Noting that this is to adopt a method of partial integrationism, it is shown that the two principles can at least be applied not only to the problem of sharing the emissions budget, but also the prior matter of setting it. Applying the principle of collective self-determination to these problems is found to be more difficult, because it grounds many conflicting claims. This difficulty is addressed by formulating guidelines for adjudicating between self-determination claims. It is concluded that the emissions budget should be set within the parameters of enabling basic needs satisfaction for current and future individuals and protecting collectives from climate impacts that threaten the legitimate exercise of self-determination through territorial displacement. If this allows for more than subsistence emissions, fair international negotiations will be required to distribute any such secondary emissions entitlements.

This chapter summarizes the argument of the work. It situates the conception of natural resource justice that has been defended between the (egalitarian) principle of equal division and the (statist) principle of resource sovereignty. As an interpretation of relational egalitarianism concerning natural resources, the view is shown to avoid three of the most common objections to global egalitarianism. This is because the view is compatible with collective self-determination, protects cultural diversity, and avoids the metric problem. The chapter concludes that the method of partial integrationism adopted in the work, considering questions of climate justice by reference to a conception of justice for natural resources alone, has been productive. A remaining task is to integrate this conception of natural resource justice with a more general theory of global justice, encompassing other important goods, institutions, practices, and relations.

This chapter presents an authoritative case for the abolition of the insanity defense. It argues that, both morally and practically, the most appropriate manner of recognizing the mitigating impact of mental illness in criminal cases is to recast it as a factor relevant to the general defenses, rather than treat it as a predicate for a special defense. It first considers the retributive principle that blameworthiness should be the predominate guidepost of the criminal law's attempt to define the scope of liability. It then examines the limitations of existing and proposed tests for insanity, including the volitional test, the appreciation test, and the rationality test. It also discusses the role that mental illness should play when negligence is the mens rea and when, if ever, ignorance of the criminal law due to mental disorder should be an excuse. The chapter includes comments by some of the nation's top legal scholars from the field of criminal law, tackling topics such as cognition, integrationism, and justification of defenses.