Frédéric Mérand
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199533244
- eISBN:
- 9780191714474
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199533244.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, European Union
This book explains the creation of the European Union's Security and Defense Policy—to this day the most ambitious project of peacetime military integration. Whether hailed as a vital step in the ...
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This book explains the creation of the European Union's Security and Defense Policy—to this day the most ambitious project of peacetime military integration. Whether hailed as a vital step in the integration of Europe or berated as a wasteful threat to US power, European citizens are increasingly interested in the common defense policy. Today, “European Defense” is more popular than the European Union itself, even in Great Britain. This book addresses the fundamental challenge posed by military integration to the way we think about the state in the 21st century. Looking back over the past fifty years, it shows how statesmen, diplomats, and soldiers have converged towards Brussels as a “natural” solution to their concerns but also as something worth fighting over. The actors most closely associated to the formation of nation-states are now shaping a transgovernmental security and defense arena. As a result, defense policy is being denationalized. Exploring the complex relations between the state, the military, and citizenship in today's Europe, the book argues that European Defense is a symptom, but not a cause, of the transformation of the state. This book is an original contribution to the theory of European integration. Drawing on the work of Pierre Bourdieu, the book develops a political sociology of international relations which seeks to bridge institutionalism and constructivism. This careful study of practices, social representations, and power structures sheds new light on security and defense cooperation, but also on European cooperation more generally.Less
This book explains the creation of the European Union's Security and Defense Policy—to this day the most ambitious project of peacetime military integration. Whether hailed as a vital step in the integration of Europe or berated as a wasteful threat to US power, European citizens are increasingly interested in the common defense policy. Today, “European Defense” is more popular than the European Union itself, even in Great Britain. This book addresses the fundamental challenge posed by military integration to the way we think about the state in the 21st century. Looking back over the past fifty years, it shows how statesmen, diplomats, and soldiers have converged towards Brussels as a “natural” solution to their concerns but also as something worth fighting over. The actors most closely associated to the formation of nation-states are now shaping a transgovernmental security and defense arena. As a result, defense policy is being denationalized. Exploring the complex relations between the state, the military, and citizenship in today's Europe, the book argues that European Defense is a symptom, but not a cause, of the transformation of the state. This book is an original contribution to the theory of European integration. Drawing on the work of Pierre Bourdieu, the book develops a political sociology of international relations which seeks to bridge institutionalism and constructivism. This careful study of practices, social representations, and power structures sheds new light on security and defense cooperation, but also on European cooperation more generally.
Colin Crouch (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197263426
- eISBN:
- 9780191734298
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197263426.003.0010
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Research and Statistics
The history of sociology can be likened to the history of the Habsburg Empire, which claimed to have legitimate sovereignty over the whole of Europe but eventually became a discontented jumble of ...
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The history of sociology can be likened to the history of the Habsburg Empire, which claimed to have legitimate sovereignty over the whole of Europe but eventually became a discontented jumble of margins. In the same way, Talcott Parsons tried to claim that sociology was the empress of the social sciences; economics, political science, and the others being allocated their places within its realm. But sociology could not match the tougher, tighter theoretical structures of political science, economics, psychology, and even possibly anthropology. It became an internally divided subject, cultivating the margins. There is a field called neo-institutionalism in which an increasing amount of good research is being done and which is challenging some of the orthodoxies of the neo-classical economics and neo-liberal political science which have come to dominate the intellectual world since the decline of Keynesianism in the 1970s.Less
The history of sociology can be likened to the history of the Habsburg Empire, which claimed to have legitimate sovereignty over the whole of Europe but eventually became a discontented jumble of margins. In the same way, Talcott Parsons tried to claim that sociology was the empress of the social sciences; economics, political science, and the others being allocated their places within its realm. But sociology could not match the tougher, tighter theoretical structures of political science, economics, psychology, and even possibly anthropology. It became an internally divided subject, cultivating the margins. There is a field called neo-institutionalism in which an increasing amount of good research is being done and which is challenging some of the orthodoxies of the neo-classical economics and neo-liberal political science which have come to dominate the intellectual world since the decline of Keynesianism in the 1970s.
Debra L. Dodson
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780198296744
- eISBN:
- 9780191603709
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296746.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter deconstructs women’s words of connection to women, focusing on the connection women members of Congress feel towards other political women. Content analysis of transcripts shows that ...
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This chapter deconstructs women’s words of connection to women, focusing on the connection women members of Congress feel towards other political women. Content analysis of transcripts shows that women members of Congress seem to conceptualize political women as a group with shared experiences and comradery, common concerns, and/or interrelated fates. However, the data also show that beneath the veneer of unity and connectedness revealed in women’s words is considerable complexity, driven not only by individual level forces — ideology, life experiences, race, etc. — but also shaped by the institutional environment of Congress and the constraints posed by its partisan structure.Less
This chapter deconstructs women’s words of connection to women, focusing on the connection women members of Congress feel towards other political women. Content analysis of transcripts shows that women members of Congress seem to conceptualize political women as a group with shared experiences and comradery, common concerns, and/or interrelated fates. However, the data also show that beneath the veneer of unity and connectedness revealed in women’s words is considerable complexity, driven not only by individual level forces — ideology, life experiences, race, etc. — but also shaped by the institutional environment of Congress and the constraints posed by its partisan structure.
Debra L. Dodson
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780198296744
- eISBN:
- 9780191603709
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296746.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The analysis of women’s self-described roles as representatives of women finds both convincing evidence of consensus among women members over time and across parties as well as an abundance of ...
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The analysis of women’s self-described roles as representatives of women finds both convincing evidence of consensus among women members over time and across parties as well as an abundance of complexity, pointing once again to the importance of going beyond what women say to other factors that give practical meaning to their words: perceptions of women as a group, resentment of perceived gender-related problems facing women, commitment to advancing women, and differences in the relative priority of working on behalf of women. Deconstructing ‘women’ and ‘women’s issues’ reveals differences in meanings that may contribute to different actions on different issues, benefiting different women. A closer look at partisan differences in the institutional and extra-institutional environments reveals challenges and opportunities for surrogate representation of women, which contribute to disunity among women in practice and perhaps diversity in the way feminist protest is manifested.Less
The analysis of women’s self-described roles as representatives of women finds both convincing evidence of consensus among women members over time and across parties as well as an abundance of complexity, pointing once again to the importance of going beyond what women say to other factors that give practical meaning to their words: perceptions of women as a group, resentment of perceived gender-related problems facing women, commitment to advancing women, and differences in the relative priority of working on behalf of women. Deconstructing ‘women’ and ‘women’s issues’ reveals differences in meanings that may contribute to different actions on different issues, benefiting different women. A closer look at partisan differences in the institutional and extra-institutional environments reveals challenges and opportunities for surrogate representation of women, which contribute to disunity among women in practice and perhaps diversity in the way feminist protest is manifested.
Debra L. Dodson
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780198296744
- eISBN:
- 9780191603709
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296746.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The ratings of ten interest groups, along with party unity and presidential support scores, are analyzed to explore the broader evidence of change and stability in gender difference and women’s ...
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The ratings of ten interest groups, along with party unity and presidential support scores, are analyzed to explore the broader evidence of change and stability in gender difference and women’s impact across the strikingly different environments of the 103rd and 104th Congresses. Although the results suggest that increased descriptive representation will enhance substantive representation of women, these findings of gender difference coexist with evidence that descriptive representation might not necessarily contribute to increased substantive representation of women. Gender differences narrowed in the 104th, primarily due to the influx of a new cohort of Republican women who were in some cases even more conservative than their male colleagues, but also due to ‘conversion’ effects, as veteran Republican women shifted rightward in an institutional environment where the cost of difference increased. With Democratic men on average being more feminist/liberal than Republican women on average, the question is raised whether substantive representation of women would be better served by increasing the proportional presence of Democrats (regardless of gender) or by increasing women’s presence regardless of party.Less
The ratings of ten interest groups, along with party unity and presidential support scores, are analyzed to explore the broader evidence of change and stability in gender difference and women’s impact across the strikingly different environments of the 103rd and 104th Congresses. Although the results suggest that increased descriptive representation will enhance substantive representation of women, these findings of gender difference coexist with evidence that descriptive representation might not necessarily contribute to increased substantive representation of women. Gender differences narrowed in the 104th, primarily due to the influx of a new cohort of Republican women who were in some cases even more conservative than their male colleagues, but also due to ‘conversion’ effects, as veteran Republican women shifted rightward in an institutional environment where the cost of difference increased. With Democratic men on average being more feminist/liberal than Republican women on average, the question is raised whether substantive representation of women would be better served by increasing the proportional presence of Democrats (regardless of gender) or by increasing women’s presence regardless of party.
Adrienne Héritier
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199298129
- eISBN:
- 9780191711633
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199298129.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter presents theories of institutional change. It begins with a discussion of the definition of institutions. It then discusses the concepts of institutional change, rational choice ...
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This chapter presents theories of institutional change. It begins with a discussion of the definition of institutions. It then discusses the concepts of institutional change, rational choice institutionalism, and distributional rational choice institutionalism.Less
This chapter presents theories of institutional change. It begins with a discussion of the definition of institutions. It then discusses the concepts of institutional change, rational choice institutionalism, and distributional rational choice institutionalism.
Berthold Rittberger
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- July 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199273423
- eISBN:
- 9780191602764
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199273421.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Reviews the new institutionalist literature on institution-building and derives expectations based on rational choice and sociological institutionalism for explaining the empowerment of the European ...
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Reviews the new institutionalist literature on institution-building and derives expectations based on rational choice and sociological institutionalism for explaining the empowerment of the European Parliament. Since concerns about ‘democratic legitimacy’ are cited frequently in the literature on European integration as ad hoc-explanations for the empowerment of the European Parliament, this chapter will also turn to work on the ‘democratic deficit’ and inquire whether this literature offers any cues to improve our understanding of the existence and empowerment of the European Parliament.Less
Reviews the new institutionalist literature on institution-building and derives expectations based on rational choice and sociological institutionalism for explaining the empowerment of the European Parliament. Since concerns about ‘democratic legitimacy’ are cited frequently in the literature on European integration as ad hoc-explanations for the empowerment of the European Parliament, this chapter will also turn to work on the ‘democratic deficit’ and inquire whether this literature offers any cues to improve our understanding of the existence and empowerment of the European Parliament.
Mark Bevir and R. A. W. Rhodes
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199580750
- eISBN:
- 9780191723179
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199580750.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Theory
This chapter examines the leading present-day expression of modernist-empiricism: the new institutionalism. First, it challenges the belief of new institutionalists that they have a shared new ...
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This chapter examines the leading present-day expression of modernist-empiricism: the new institutionalism. First, it challenges the belief of new institutionalists that they have a shared new paradigm. Instead, we suggest it is varied, containing strands that can scarcely be reconciled with one another. Second, it argues that historical institutionalism exists primarily as a counter to rational choice institutionalism but its inductive, modernist-empiricist logic lacks a micro-level theory for explaining historical change and awareness grows that it is not a distinctive approach. Third, it argues that ideational or constructivist institutionalism offers a promising way forward provided it develops a micro-theory that appeals to the beliefs and desires of actors and it breaks with the ahistorical forms of explanation of modernist-empiricism.Less
This chapter examines the leading present-day expression of modernist-empiricism: the new institutionalism. First, it challenges the belief of new institutionalists that they have a shared new paradigm. Instead, we suggest it is varied, containing strands that can scarcely be reconciled with one another. Second, it argues that historical institutionalism exists primarily as a counter to rational choice institutionalism but its inductive, modernist-empiricist logic lacks a micro-level theory for explaining historical change and awareness grows that it is not a distinctive approach. Third, it argues that ideational or constructivist institutionalism offers a promising way forward provided it develops a micro-theory that appeals to the beliefs and desires of actors and it breaks with the ahistorical forms of explanation of modernist-empiricism.
Gary Herrigel
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199557738
- eISBN:
- 9780191720871
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199557738.003.0009
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Political Economy
The conclusion addresses three areas of theoretical interest posed by empirical and theoretical arguments made in the substantive chapters of Manufacturing Possibilities. First it elaborates more ...
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The conclusion addresses three areas of theoretical interest posed by empirical and theoretical arguments made in the substantive chapters of Manufacturing Possibilities. First it elaborates more precisely the ways that pragmatist notions of creative action and recomposition are superior to various forms of institutionalism (sociological, rational choice and historical institutionalism). Second it more explicitly elaborates the non-structural, relational and contextual understanding of power that undergirds the analysis of industrial change. Thirdly it points out that pragmatism involves a distinctive approach to social science : It encourages the search for interesting possibilities, rather than determinate forms of causality which tend to place undue attention on constraint. Pragmatist social science, ultimately, is science in the interest of greater democracyLess
The conclusion addresses three areas of theoretical interest posed by empirical and theoretical arguments made in the substantive chapters of Manufacturing Possibilities. First it elaborates more precisely the ways that pragmatist notions of creative action and recomposition are superior to various forms of institutionalism (sociological, rational choice and historical institutionalism). Second it more explicitly elaborates the non-structural, relational and contextual understanding of power that undergirds the analysis of industrial change. Thirdly it points out that pragmatism involves a distinctive approach to social science : It encourages the search for interesting possibilities, rather than determinate forms of causality which tend to place undue attention on constraint. Pragmatist social science, ultimately, is science in the interest of greater democracy
Jeffrey Stacey
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199584765
- eISBN:
- 9780191723506
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199584765.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, European Union
Whereas Chapter 1 reviews general theories of European integration, Chapter 2 contains a review of theories of institutional change with a particular emphasis on a troika of institutionalist ...
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Whereas Chapter 1 reviews general theories of European integration, Chapter 2 contains a review of theories of institutional change with a particular emphasis on a troika of institutionalist theories: Rational Choice Institutionalism (RCI), Historical Institutionalism (HI), and Sociological Institutionalism (SI). RCI is this book's theory of choice, essentially amounting to an assumption that institutions are fairly easy to change and an explanation that actors compete to change them when status quo institutions prevent them from achieving their preferences. The book's RCI‐based argument claims that power‐changing informal accords get created in the EU when constraints on the EU's primary political actors change, the actors being the Council of Ministers, the European Commission, and the European Parliament. It predicts that the Parliament as the weakest actor succeeds in bargaining for advantageous informal accords with its stronger counterparts when one or more of a serious of specific conditions temporarily empower it.Less
Whereas Chapter 1 reviews general theories of European integration, Chapter 2 contains a review of theories of institutional change with a particular emphasis on a troika of institutionalist theories: Rational Choice Institutionalism (RCI), Historical Institutionalism (HI), and Sociological Institutionalism (SI). RCI is this book's theory of choice, essentially amounting to an assumption that institutions are fairly easy to change and an explanation that actors compete to change them when status quo institutions prevent them from achieving their preferences. The book's RCI‐based argument claims that power‐changing informal accords get created in the EU when constraints on the EU's primary political actors change, the actors being the Council of Ministers, the European Commission, and the European Parliament. It predicts that the Parliament as the weakest actor succeeds in bargaining for advantageous informal accords with its stronger counterparts when one or more of a serious of specific conditions temporarily empower it.
Markus Haverland
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199252091
- eISBN:
- 9780191599224
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199252092.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Focusing on environmental policies, this chapter aims to contribute to the debate on the politics of Europeanization by presenting the conceptual and theoretical state of the art of research into ...
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Focusing on environmental policies, this chapter aims to contribute to the debate on the politics of Europeanization by presenting the conceptual and theoretical state of the art of research into this specific sector of potential European Union (EU) impact on domestic political systems. The chapter first provides some background information on the essential properties of environmental policy and on the development of EU environmental policy; this is done to explicate the defining characteristics of this sector vis-é-vis other sectors. Next, three recent comparative case studies on the determinants of national adaptation to EU environmental policy requirements are reviewed; these are theoretically informed by either sociological institutionalism or rational choice institutionalism, and arrive at different and partially competing explanations for the variation in national adaptation to European environmental policies. Despite disagreement about the relative importance of the factors and mechanisms of Europeanization, the results of the comparative case studies offer elements for a theory about the conditions of policy adaptation and, by implication, about convergence. Building upon these findings, elements are suggested for a future research agenda based on theoretically informed comparative case studies that gradually include new policy sectors and countries; in addition, the use of counterfactual arguments is proposed to isolate the causal impact of the European Union.Less
Focusing on environmental policies, this chapter aims to contribute to the debate on the politics of Europeanization by presenting the conceptual and theoretical state of the art of research into this specific sector of potential European Union (EU) impact on domestic political systems. The chapter first provides some background information on the essential properties of environmental policy and on the development of EU environmental policy; this is done to explicate the defining characteristics of this sector vis-é-vis other sectors. Next, three recent comparative case studies on the determinants of national adaptation to EU environmental policy requirements are reviewed; these are theoretically informed by either sociological institutionalism or rational choice institutionalism, and arrive at different and partially competing explanations for the variation in national adaptation to European environmental policies. Despite disagreement about the relative importance of the factors and mechanisms of Europeanization, the results of the comparative case studies offer elements for a theory about the conditions of policy adaptation and, by implication, about convergence. Building upon these findings, elements are suggested for a future research agenda based on theoretically informed comparative case studies that gradually include new policy sectors and countries; in addition, the use of counterfactual arguments is proposed to isolate the causal impact of the European Union.
Michael Koß
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199572755
- eISBN:
- 9780191595103
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199572755.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Economy
This chapter discusses existing hypotheses about the reasons for the introduction of state funding to political parties and links them to one of the main new institutionalist approaches. From a ...
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This chapter discusses existing hypotheses about the reasons for the introduction of state funding to political parties and links them to one of the main new institutionalist approaches. From a rational choice perspective, state funding to political parties is a response to rising costs of political competition. However, these costs have risen in all democracies, no matter whether state funding has been introduced. From a historical institutionalist perspective, the introduction of state funding is, for instance, linked to étatiste traditions. This explanation fails to explain why, in some countries, no state funding exists despite influential étatiste traditions, or why state funding was only introduced when these traditions were actually eroding. Normative institutionalist approaches link the introduction of state funding with a specific logic of appropriateness which, for instance, prompted a perception of parties as ‘public utilities’. In order to avoid such barely falsifiable arguments, the next chapter refers to actor-based institutionalism.Less
This chapter discusses existing hypotheses about the reasons for the introduction of state funding to political parties and links them to one of the main new institutionalist approaches. From a rational choice perspective, state funding to political parties is a response to rising costs of political competition. However, these costs have risen in all democracies, no matter whether state funding has been introduced. From a historical institutionalist perspective, the introduction of state funding is, for instance, linked to étatiste traditions. This explanation fails to explain why, in some countries, no state funding exists despite influential étatiste traditions, or why state funding was only introduced when these traditions were actually eroding. Normative institutionalist approaches link the introduction of state funding with a specific logic of appropriateness which, for instance, prompted a perception of parties as ‘public utilities’. In order to avoid such barely falsifiable arguments, the next chapter refers to actor-based institutionalism.
Jeffrey Stacey
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199584765
- eISBN:
- 9780191723506
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199584765.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, European Union
In Integrating Europe: Informal Politics and Institutional Change the author explains why the European Union (EU) Member States actively surrender policy‐making power to supranational authorities in ...
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In Integrating Europe: Informal Politics and Institutional Change the author explains why the European Union (EU) Member States actively surrender policy‐making power to supranational authorities in unconventional ways. In light of the general antipathy toward giving up national sovereignty in European societies—even where “pro‐European” sentiment thrives, why do national governments allow the creation of any new EU laws or policies whose effects they cannot keep under their general control? Why do EU Member States allow any sovereignty transfer to occur outside of intergovernmental treaties that are the only legitimate EU bargains found in the EU's formal sphere? Deploying the tools of rational choice institutionalist theory, the author argues that informal bargains struck between the EU's primary organizational actors—the European Council, European Commission, and European Parliament—have paradoxically resulted in increased integration. As the EU is an ideal laboratory for testing different institutionalist hypotheses for explaining institutional change, the author focuses on the ongoing competition to alter the EU rules that allocate power, and, with an approach that allows for feedback loops among agents and structures, makes an argument that flies in the face of realist and Intergovernmentalist theories. While some have shed light on the importance of informal dynamics in the legal sphere of the EU, this book does the same for the policy‐making sphere.Less
In Integrating Europe: Informal Politics and Institutional Change the author explains why the European Union (EU) Member States actively surrender policy‐making power to supranational authorities in unconventional ways. In light of the general antipathy toward giving up national sovereignty in European societies—even where “pro‐European” sentiment thrives, why do national governments allow the creation of any new EU laws or policies whose effects they cannot keep under their general control? Why do EU Member States allow any sovereignty transfer to occur outside of intergovernmental treaties that are the only legitimate EU bargains found in the EU's formal sphere? Deploying the tools of rational choice institutionalist theory, the author argues that informal bargains struck between the EU's primary organizational actors—the European Council, European Commission, and European Parliament—have paradoxically resulted in increased integration. As the EU is an ideal laboratory for testing different institutionalist hypotheses for explaining institutional change, the author focuses on the ongoing competition to alter the EU rules that allocate power, and, with an approach that allows for feedback loops among agents and structures, makes an argument that flies in the face of realist and Intergovernmentalist theories. While some have shed light on the importance of informal dynamics in the legal sphere of the EU, this book does the same for the policy‐making sphere.
Mark Thatcher
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199245680
- eISBN:
- 9780191715273
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199245680.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
This chapter sets out the analytical framework used in the book. It offers a critique of two major relevant literatures that study internationalisation and domestic institutions, namely the second ...
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This chapter sets out the analytical framework used in the book. It offers a critique of two major relevant literatures that study internationalisation and domestic institutions, namely the second image reversed approach and comparative institutionalism (historical institutionalism and varieties of capitalism). It argues that while both offer valuable elements, they pay too much attention to economic forms of internationalisation and underestimate the potential for institutional reform. Instead, the chapter offers a policy analysis approach that pays attention to policymaking at both international and domestic levels. It defines and discusses three forms of market internationalisation that are used in the study: transnational technological and economic developments; and two policy forms: reforms in a significant overseas nation (in this case, the US) and supranational regulation (by the EU). It then discusses possible mechanisms whereby these different forms of internationalisation can influence domestic decisions about national institutions.Less
This chapter sets out the analytical framework used in the book. It offers a critique of two major relevant literatures that study internationalisation and domestic institutions, namely the second image reversed approach and comparative institutionalism (historical institutionalism and varieties of capitalism). It argues that while both offer valuable elements, they pay too much attention to economic forms of internationalisation and underestimate the potential for institutional reform. Instead, the chapter offers a policy analysis approach that pays attention to policymaking at both international and domestic levels. It defines and discusses three forms of market internationalisation that are used in the study: transnational technological and economic developments; and two policy forms: reforms in a significant overseas nation (in this case, the US) and supranational regulation (by the EU). It then discusses possible mechanisms whereby these different forms of internationalisation can influence domestic decisions about national institutions.
Berthold Rittberger
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- July 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199273423
- eISBN:
- 9780191602764
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199273421.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Why have national governments of EU member states created and, over the past fifty years, successively endowed the European Parliament with supervisory, budgetary, and legislative powers? This book ...
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Why have national governments of EU member states created and, over the past fifty years, successively endowed the European Parliament with supervisory, budgetary, and legislative powers? This book presents a three-staged argument to explain how the European Parliament acquired this power ‘trias’. First, it is argued that the construction of a supranational polity induces political elites in the member states to reflect on the implications posed by transfers of national sovereignty for domestic processes of democratic accountability and interest representation. It is shown empirically that there exists a strong correlation between national governments’ decisions to transfer sovereignty and political elites’ perception of a ‘democratic legitimacy deficit’ that triggers a search for institutional solutions for its remedy. In a second step, it is argued that political elites, first and foremost, domestic political parties, advance different proposals to alleviate the perceived ‘legitimacy deficit’. These proposals are derived from ‘legitimating beliefs’ that vary cross-nationally and across political parties. Consequently, the creation and empowerment of a supranational parliamentary institution plays a prominent but not exclusive role as potential remedy to the ‘democratic legitimacy deficit’. Third, the book illuminates the mechanisms through which ‘legitimating beliefs’ expressed by political elites and the behaviour of national governments who negotiate and decide on the creation and potential empowerment of the European Parliament are linked. What logic of action best captures national governments’ decisions to empower the European Parliament? The explanatory power of the theoretical argument will be explored by looking at three landmark cases in the European Parliament’s history: its creation as ‘Common Assembly’ of the ECSC Treaty and the concomitant acquisition of supervisory powers vis-à-vis the High Authority, the acquisition of budgetary powers (Treaty of Luxembourg of 1970) and of legislative powers (Single European Act signed in 1986). The developments ranging from the Maastricht Treaty to the adoption of the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe will also be analysed in the light of the theory.Less
Why have national governments of EU member states created and, over the past fifty years, successively endowed the European Parliament with supervisory, budgetary, and legislative powers? This book presents a three-staged argument to explain how the European Parliament acquired this power ‘trias’. First, it is argued that the construction of a supranational polity induces political elites in the member states to reflect on the implications posed by transfers of national sovereignty for domestic processes of democratic accountability and interest representation. It is shown empirically that there exists a strong correlation between national governments’ decisions to transfer sovereignty and political elites’ perception of a ‘democratic legitimacy deficit’ that triggers a search for institutional solutions for its remedy. In a second step, it is argued that political elites, first and foremost, domestic political parties, advance different proposals to alleviate the perceived ‘legitimacy deficit’. These proposals are derived from ‘legitimating beliefs’ that vary cross-nationally and across political parties. Consequently, the creation and empowerment of a supranational parliamentary institution plays a prominent but not exclusive role as potential remedy to the ‘democratic legitimacy deficit’. Third, the book illuminates the mechanisms through which ‘legitimating beliefs’ expressed by political elites and the behaviour of national governments who negotiate and decide on the creation and potential empowerment of the European Parliament are linked. What logic of action best captures national governments’ decisions to empower the European Parliament? The explanatory power of the theoretical argument will be explored by looking at three landmark cases in the European Parliament’s history: its creation as ‘Common Assembly’ of the ECSC Treaty and the concomitant acquisition of supervisory powers vis-à-vis the High Authority, the acquisition of budgetary powers (Treaty of Luxembourg of 1970) and of legislative powers (Single European Act signed in 1986). The developments ranging from the Maastricht Treaty to the adoption of the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe will also be analysed in the light of the theory.
Jochen Clasen
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199270712
- eISBN:
- 9780191603266
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199270716.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
The chapter introduces the book conceptualisation of s framework for the causal analysis of welfare state reform. It introduces relevant actors and their interests in the two welfare states, ...
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The chapter introduces the book conceptualisation of s framework for the causal analysis of welfare state reform. It introduces relevant actors and their interests in the two welfare states, institutional structures, as well as changing socio-economic contexts within which actors have operated since the late 1970s. Three sets of different institutional contexts are discussed: formal policy making structures, programme-specific features of unemployment and pension and family policy, and institutional complementarities linking social protection programmes to national political economy structures. The chapter concludes with a historical account of socio-economic trends in the two countries, covering about 25 years.Less
The chapter introduces the book conceptualisation of s framework for the causal analysis of welfare state reform. It introduces relevant actors and their interests in the two welfare states, institutional structures, as well as changing socio-economic contexts within which actors have operated since the late 1970s. Three sets of different institutional contexts are discussed: formal policy making structures, programme-specific features of unemployment and pension and family policy, and institutional complementarities linking social protection programmes to national political economy structures. The chapter concludes with a historical account of socio-economic trends in the two countries, covering about 25 years.
Milada Anna Vachudova
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199241194
- eISBN:
- 9780191602382
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199241198.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The quality of political competition at the moment of regime change determined whether East European states embarked on a liberal or an illiberal pattern of political change after 1989. It was ...
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The quality of political competition at the moment of regime change determined whether East European states embarked on a liberal or an illiberal pattern of political change after 1989. It was initially determined by the presence or absence of an opposition to communism strong enough to take power in 1989, and secondarily by the presence or absence of a reforming communist party. This chapter makes the theoretical case for why political competition is central to understanding variation in the domestic trajectories of post-communist states. It also presents a model of the causal mechanisms that translate different levels of political competition into liberal and illiberal political outcomes.Less
The quality of political competition at the moment of regime change determined whether East European states embarked on a liberal or an illiberal pattern of political change after 1989. It was initially determined by the presence or absence of an opposition to communism strong enough to take power in 1989, and secondarily by the presence or absence of a reforming communist party. This chapter makes the theoretical case for why political competition is central to understanding variation in the domestic trajectories of post-communist states. It also presents a model of the causal mechanisms that translate different levels of political competition into liberal and illiberal political outcomes.
Milada Anna Vachudova
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199241194
- eISBN:
- 9780191602382
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199241198.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter presents a theoretical framework for the EU’s passive leverage, defined as the traction that the EU has on the domestic politics of credible candidate states merely by virtue of its ...
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This chapter presents a theoretical framework for the EU’s passive leverage, defined as the traction that the EU has on the domestic politics of credible candidate states merely by virtue of its existence and its usual conduct. Passive leverage includes the political and economic benefits of EU membership, the costs of exclusion, and the way that the EU treats non-member states. The force of the EU’s passive leverage explains why the governments of virtually all credible future EU member states declare EU membership as their foremost foreign policy goal.Less
This chapter presents a theoretical framework for the EU’s passive leverage, defined as the traction that the EU has on the domestic politics of credible candidate states merely by virtue of its existence and its usual conduct. Passive leverage includes the political and economic benefits of EU membership, the costs of exclusion, and the way that the EU treats non-member states. The force of the EU’s passive leverage explains why the governments of virtually all credible future EU member states declare EU membership as their foremost foreign policy goal.
Alexander Ebner
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199231423
- eISBN:
- 9780191710865
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199231423.003.0013
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Political Economy
This chapter examines the co-evolutionary relationship between markets and states as a path-dependent process that reflects the social construction of institutional change. It reviews the major ...
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This chapter examines the co-evolutionary relationship between markets and states as a path-dependent process that reflects the social construction of institutional change. It reviews the major contributions to the governance approach, as originally provided by the new institutional economics and subsequently extended in the transdisciplinary discourse of the new institutionalism. Oliver E. Williamson's transaction cost approach to governance is examined, offering insights into the notion of private ordering as a governance device. Douglass C. North's theory of the institutional evolution of markets and states and, Mancur Olson's collective action approach to governance are then considered.Less
This chapter examines the co-evolutionary relationship between markets and states as a path-dependent process that reflects the social construction of institutional change. It reviews the major contributions to the governance approach, as originally provided by the new institutional economics and subsequently extended in the transdisciplinary discourse of the new institutionalism. Oliver E. Williamson's transaction cost approach to governance is examined, offering insights into the notion of private ordering as a governance device. Douglass C. North's theory of the institutional evolution of markets and states and, Mancur Olson's collective action approach to governance are then considered.
John Harriss
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199231423
- eISBN:
- 9780191710865
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199231423.003.0014
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Political Economy
This chapter examines the role of politics, power, and culture in the explanation of institutional change. It criticizes the rational choice framework of the new institutional economics for its ...
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This chapter examines the role of politics, power, and culture in the explanation of institutional change. It criticizes the rational choice framework of the new institutional economics for its apparent limitations in theorizing on these issues. It underlines the analytical advantages of historical institutionalism. The conflict among social classes and the institutional substance of power structures are of particular analytical significance. They are interrelated factors in the evolution of cultural values, as exemplified by the case of Indian economic development and its socio-political underpinnings.Less
This chapter examines the role of politics, power, and culture in the explanation of institutional change. It criticizes the rational choice framework of the new institutional economics for its apparent limitations in theorizing on these issues. It underlines the analytical advantages of historical institutionalism. The conflict among social classes and the institutional substance of power structures are of particular analytical significance. They are interrelated factors in the evolution of cultural values, as exemplified by the case of Indian economic development and its socio-political underpinnings.
