Mark Thatcher
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199245680
- eISBN:
- 9780191715273
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199245680.003.0014
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
This final chapter summarises the findings of the book and relates them to broader debates about internationalisation of markets and domestic institutional reform. It presents a policy analysis ...
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This final chapter summarises the findings of the book and relates them to broader debates about internationalisation of markets and domestic institutional reform. It presents a policy analysis approach of market internationalisation and economic institutions that builds on, but develops, second image reversed and comparative institutionalist approaches. The framework put forward differs from these last two by adopting a broader definition of internationalisation, one that includes international policy decisions. It suggests that carriers of internationalisation are not just socio-economic interests but also political and state actors, especially governments. It argues that internationalisation affects national decisions through a broader range of mechanisms than economic efficiency or distributional conflicts, and highlights those mechanisms that feed in directly to the domestic policy process and involve governments. It suggests that nations that represent very different varieties of capitalism can adopt similar sectoral institutions, but that they do so through diverse routes that reflect their domestic politics.Less
This final chapter summarises the findings of the book and relates them to broader debates about internationalisation of markets and domestic institutional reform. It presents a policy analysis approach of market internationalisation and economic institutions that builds on, but develops, second image reversed and comparative institutionalist approaches. The framework put forward differs from these last two by adopting a broader definition of internationalisation, one that includes international policy decisions. It suggests that carriers of internationalisation are not just socio-economic interests but also political and state actors, especially governments. It argues that internationalisation affects national decisions through a broader range of mechanisms than economic efficiency or distributional conflicts, and highlights those mechanisms that feed in directly to the domestic policy process and involve governments. It suggests that nations that represent very different varieties of capitalism can adopt similar sectoral institutions, but that they do so through diverse routes that reflect their domestic politics.
Mark Thatcher
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199245680
- eISBN:
- 9780191715273
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199245680.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
This chapter shows how and why policy forms of internationalisation helped to undermine well-entrenched institutions in France, Germany, and Italy that had survived previous attempts at reform. ...
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This chapter shows how and why policy forms of internationalisation helped to undermine well-entrenched institutions in France, Germany, and Italy that had survived previous attempts at reform. Policy makers feared regulatory competition from Britain after its reforms of 1984 while EU regulation from 1988 offered occasions for change, arguments to legitimate reform, and opportunities for national champions to become international ones. Aided by these two international factors, governments and national suppliers formed broader reform coalitions that were able to overcome strong resistance and introduce sweeping institutional changes, notably privatisation of incumbent suppliers, termination of monopolies, and delegation of powers to independent sectoral agencies. Thus, by 2005, France, Germany, and Italy had broken with deeply-rooted domestic institutions that protected national suppliers from competition. Instead, they had adopted an institutional model of a liberalised market with private suppliers and independent regulatory agencies, which was similar to that in Britain but reached through a different route.Less
This chapter shows how and why policy forms of internationalisation helped to undermine well-entrenched institutions in France, Germany, and Italy that had survived previous attempts at reform. Policy makers feared regulatory competition from Britain after its reforms of 1984 while EU regulation from 1988 offered occasions for change, arguments to legitimate reform, and opportunities for national champions to become international ones. Aided by these two international factors, governments and national suppliers formed broader reform coalitions that were able to overcome strong resistance and introduce sweeping institutional changes, notably privatisation of incumbent suppliers, termination of monopolies, and delegation of powers to independent sectoral agencies. Thus, by 2005, France, Germany, and Italy had broken with deeply-rooted domestic institutions that protected national suppliers from competition. Instead, they had adopted an institutional model of a liberalised market with private suppliers and independent regulatory agencies, which was similar to that in Britain but reached through a different route.
Mark Thatcher
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199245680
- eISBN:
- 9780191715273
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199245680.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
This chapter argues that Britain followed its own distinct route to reform in telecommunications, in similar fashion to securities trading. Despite large-scale failures of supply, arising in part ...
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This chapter argues that Britain followed its own distinct route to reform in telecommunications, in similar fashion to securities trading. Despite large-scale failures of supply, arising in part because of transnational technological and economic developments, only limited changes were introduced in 1969 and thereafter inertia reigned. This position altered dramatically in the 1980s. A determined government pushed through privatisation of the incumbent operator, British Telecom, ended its monopoly and transferred important regulatory powers to a newly created independent sectoral regulatory agency. The policies were initiated for domestic reasons, but thereafter examples of institutions in the US were used selectively to legitimate new arrangements. Hence, as in securities, the US example was important in the policy process but EU regulation played very little role in British decisions.Less
This chapter argues that Britain followed its own distinct route to reform in telecommunications, in similar fashion to securities trading. Despite large-scale failures of supply, arising in part because of transnational technological and economic developments, only limited changes were introduced in 1969 and thereafter inertia reigned. This position altered dramatically in the 1980s. A determined government pushed through privatisation of the incumbent operator, British Telecom, ended its monopoly and transferred important regulatory powers to a newly created independent sectoral regulatory agency. The policies were initiated for domestic reasons, but thereafter examples of institutions in the US were used selectively to legitimate new arrangements. Hence, as in securities, the US example was important in the policy process but EU regulation played very little role in British decisions.
Jens Borchert
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199260362
- eISBN:
- 9780191601873
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199260362.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
If we are to compare professional politicians in different political systems, we need a conceptual tool that enables us to study functionally equivalent structures and patterns of behaviour in vastly ...
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If we are to compare professional politicians in different political systems, we need a conceptual tool that enables us to study functionally equivalent structures and patterns of behaviour in vastly different institutional settings. This chapter argues that the concept of ‘political class’ is very much suited for that role. It goes on to look at different levels of political professionalization (individual, office, institutional, systemic). Setting the frame for the country chapters to follow, it outlines the historical pathway to political professionalism, the institutional context, the size of the political class, patterns of recruitment and political careers, the remuneration of politicians, and recent reform debates as the principal issues to be dealt with.Less
If we are to compare professional politicians in different political systems, we need a conceptual tool that enables us to study functionally equivalent structures and patterns of behaviour in vastly different institutional settings. This chapter argues that the concept of ‘political class’ is very much suited for that role. It goes on to look at different levels of political professionalization (individual, office, institutional, systemic). Setting the frame for the country chapters to follow, it outlines the historical pathway to political professionalism, the institutional context, the size of the political class, patterns of recruitment and political careers, the remuneration of politicians, and recent reform debates as the principal issues to be dealt with.
Andrew Kuper
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- November 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199274901
- eISBN:
- 9780191601552
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199274908.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
How can the theory of Responsive Democracy guide and be implemented in political practice? This chapter proposes significant reforms to: (1) the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court; (2) ...
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How can the theory of Responsive Democracy guide and be implemented in political practice? This chapter proposes significant reforms to: (1) the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court; (2) the jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice; (3) membership in, and decision procedures of, the UN General Assembly and Security Council; and (4) structures and methods of corruption control by Transparency International. Along the way, the chapter refutes those arguments about funding and sovereignty that hamper the establishment of stronger World Courts; it develops nine criteria for including non-state actors in institutions of global governance; it suggests new ideas for holding corporations and nongovernmental organizations accountable; and it explores how short-term and long-term obstacles to reform can be overcome.Less
How can the theory of Responsive Democracy guide and be implemented in political practice? This chapter proposes significant reforms to: (1) the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court; (2) the jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice; (3) membership in, and decision procedures of, the UN General Assembly and Security Council; and (4) structures and methods of corruption control by Transparency International. Along the way, the chapter refutes those arguments about funding and sovereignty that hamper the establishment of stronger World Courts; it develops nine criteria for including non-state actors in institutions of global governance; it suggests new ideas for holding corporations and nongovernmental organizations accountable; and it explores how short-term and long-term obstacles to reform can be overcome.
Mark Thatcher
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199245680
- eISBN:
- 9780191715273
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199245680.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
Examining airlines allows for a detailed study of the effects of EU regulation and international regulatory competition on national institutions. Transnational technological and economic developments ...
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Examining airlines allows for a detailed study of the effects of EU regulation and international regulatory competition on national institutions. Transnational technological and economic developments in airlines were subdued in the 1990s, but the US undertook sweeping reforms in the 1970s and 1980s that both offered an example of reform and altered direct competition in the world market, while EU regulation grew in the 1990s. The chapter argues that the two policy forms of internationalisation aided domestic institutional reforms, confirming the findings of the electricity case. It also underlines that overseas reforms operate through regulatory competition rather than mimetism. In particular, changes in American domestic institutions altered the competitive advantages of US airlines, creating pressures on institutions in Europe. However, when the American example clashed with domestic interests, it was not followed. Thus, the ideational power of overseas reforms is less important than fears of loss of competitive advantage. As in other sectors, Britain followed its own specific reform path.Less
Examining airlines allows for a detailed study of the effects of EU regulation and international regulatory competition on national institutions. Transnational technological and economic developments in airlines were subdued in the 1990s, but the US undertook sweeping reforms in the 1970s and 1980s that both offered an example of reform and altered direct competition in the world market, while EU regulation grew in the 1990s. The chapter argues that the two policy forms of internationalisation aided domestic institutional reforms, confirming the findings of the electricity case. It also underlines that overseas reforms operate through regulatory competition rather than mimetism. In particular, changes in American domestic institutions altered the competitive advantages of US airlines, creating pressures on institutions in Europe. However, when the American example clashed with domestic interests, it was not followed. Thus, the ideational power of overseas reforms is less important than fears of loss of competitive advantage. As in other sectors, Britain followed its own specific reform path.
Michael E. Smith
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199247967
- eISBN:
- 9780191601088
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924796X.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The focus of this chapter is on the institutionalization of a space for the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), and on efforts since the signing of the Maastricht Treaty on European Union ...
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The focus of this chapter is on the institutionalization of a space for the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), and on efforts since the signing of the Maastricht Treaty on European Union (TEU) to link the CFSP with other European Union (EU) domains under a principle of coherence. In the light of unfavourable perceptions about institutional performance in the conduct of EU external relations, and the perceived need for change, two major questions are addressed: the kinds of institutional problems that have resulted from the TEU’s provisions on external relations; and the extent to which, and how, these problems have been resolved. The chapter first maps out the EU’s institutional space in the policy domains most directly concerned with external relations, and then shows how these mechanisms created new problems, and thus pressures for institutional change, once the TEU came into effect. These problems are defined primarily in terms of institutional gaps and contradictions across the EU’s external policy domains. Finally, the attempts of the EU to resolve these problems through two sets of institutional reforms, one informal and the other formal, are described.Less
The focus of this chapter is on the institutionalization of a space for the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), and on efforts since the signing of the Maastricht Treaty on European Union (TEU) to link the CFSP with other European Union (EU) domains under a principle of coherence. In the light of unfavourable perceptions about institutional performance in the conduct of EU external relations, and the perceived need for change, two major questions are addressed: the kinds of institutional problems that have resulted from the TEU’s provisions on external relations; and the extent to which, and how, these problems have been resolved. The chapter first maps out the EU’s institutional space in the policy domains most directly concerned with external relations, and then shows how these mechanisms created new problems, and thus pressures for institutional change, once the TEU came into effect. These problems are defined primarily in terms of institutional gaps and contradictions across the EU’s external policy domains. Finally, the attempts of the EU to resolve these problems through two sets of institutional reforms, one informal and the other formal, are described.
Andrew Kuper
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- November 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199274901
- eISBN:
- 9780191601552
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199274908.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Global organizations are exercising unprecedented power–from the hallowed halls of the UN to the closed boardrooms of multinational corporations. Yet their leaders are often scandalously ...
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Global organizations are exercising unprecedented power–from the hallowed halls of the UN to the closed boardrooms of multinational corporations. Yet their leaders are often scandalously unaccountable to the people they claim to serve. How can we ensure that global leaders act responsively, and effectively, in the interests of the world’s people? In this lucid and provocative book, Andrew Kuper develops persuasive and practical answers.Democracy Beyond Borders criticizes conventional theories of justice and democracy that focus almost exclusively on the state and its electoral cycles. Kuper shows how non-state actors, such as corporations and civil society advocates, can be brought into multi-level government as partners with states. He presents an original theory of representation to answer the problem of accountability. At the core of this vision is a new separation of powers, in which different global actors check and balance one another in a complex harmony. This innovative framework complements electoral accountability and enables Kuper to recommend far-reaching reforms to the World Courts, the UN, and advocacy agencies including Transparency International.Democracy Beyond Borders stands at the forefront of a new generation of political thought, for which globalization is the challenge and deepening democracy the solution.Less
Global organizations are exercising unprecedented power–from the hallowed halls of the UN to the closed boardrooms of multinational corporations. Yet their leaders are often scandalously unaccountable to the people they claim to serve. How can we ensure that global leaders act responsively, and effectively, in the interests of the world’s people? In this lucid and provocative book, Andrew Kuper develops persuasive and practical answers.Democracy Beyond Borders criticizes conventional theories of justice and democracy that focus almost exclusively on the state and its electoral cycles. Kuper shows how non-state actors, such as corporations and civil society advocates, can be brought into multi-level government as partners with states. He presents an original theory of representation to answer the problem of accountability. At the core of this vision is a new separation of powers, in which different global actors check and balance one another in a complex harmony. This innovative framework complements electoral accountability and enables Kuper to recommend far-reaching reforms to the World Courts, the UN, and advocacy agencies including Transparency International.Democracy Beyond Borders stands at the forefront of a new generation of political thought, for which globalization is the challenge and deepening democracy the solution.
Alexandra Barahona de Brito
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240906
- eISBN:
- 9780191598869
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240906.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter examines how Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay and Chile fared with truth and justice policies after the transition from authoritarian rule, looking at the issue from an institutional and ...
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This chapter examines how Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay and Chile fared with truth and justice policies after the transition from authoritarian rule, looking at the issue from an institutional and political angle, and at the social politics of memory. Efforts to deal with the past and their significance in the overall politics of transition to democracy are shaped by country-specific historical conditions and developments: the nature and legacies of repression and authoritarian rule; and the nature of the transition process and the various political, institutional and legal factors conditioning the post-transitional period, among which are the nature of repression, the presence and strength of a human rights movement, inherited legal or constitutional limitations, relations between political parties and Human Rights Organizations (HROs), the degree of executive or party commitment to policies of truth and justice, the unity of democratic parties, the ability of the military to mobilise against any policies of accountability as well as their relations with the democratic executive, the attitude of the judiciary to past violations, the presence of a strong legislative right, and the degree to which repression penetrated the social fabric. The way in which the first democratically elected authorities deal with the past, together with the relative strength of the human rights movement in the post-transitional period, sets the agenda for the subsequent evolution of the issue; more specifically, the past remains a source of open conflict if there are loopholes in official policies that preclude full closure or amnesty, and if transnational groups or regional and international human rights bodies challenge national policies favouring impunity. The past also remains a source of conflict if there are strong HROs that continue to contest official decisions on how to deal with the past, and have allies in the formal political arena or the courts. Official policies to deal with the past are not of themselves directly relevant to the process of democratisation, and what is more, during the first transitional period, truth and justice policies are unrelated to (or may even place obstacles in the way of) wider institutional reform; the reverse is also true, but whatever the case, the past becomes part of the dynamic of democratic politics. Indeed, although the continued pursuit of truth and justice and its links to wider reforms may be difficult to establish across the board, the politics of memory more widely conceived are important for a process of democratization in all four countries examined here, as it is about how a society interprets and appropriates its past, in an attempt to mould its future, and as such it is an integral part of any political process, including progress towards deeper democracy.Less
This chapter examines how Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay and Chile fared with truth and justice policies after the transition from authoritarian rule, looking at the issue from an institutional and political angle, and at the social politics of memory. Efforts to deal with the past and their significance in the overall politics of transition to democracy are shaped by country-specific historical conditions and developments: the nature and legacies of repression and authoritarian rule; and the nature of the transition process and the various political, institutional and legal factors conditioning the post-transitional period, among which are the nature of repression, the presence and strength of a human rights movement, inherited legal or constitutional limitations, relations between political parties and Human Rights Organizations (HROs), the degree of executive or party commitment to policies of truth and justice, the unity of democratic parties, the ability of the military to mobilise against any policies of accountability as well as their relations with the democratic executive, the attitude of the judiciary to past violations, the presence of a strong legislative right, and the degree to which repression penetrated the social fabric. The way in which the first democratically elected authorities deal with the past, together with the relative strength of the human rights movement in the post-transitional period, sets the agenda for the subsequent evolution of the issue; more specifically, the past remains a source of open conflict if there are loopholes in official policies that preclude full closure or amnesty, and if transnational groups or regional and international human rights bodies challenge national policies favouring impunity. The past also remains a source of conflict if there are strong HROs that continue to contest official decisions on how to deal with the past, and have allies in the formal political arena or the courts. Official policies to deal with the past are not of themselves directly relevant to the process of democratisation, and what is more, during the first transitional period, truth and justice policies are unrelated to (or may even place obstacles in the way of) wider institutional reform; the reverse is also true, but whatever the case, the past becomes part of the dynamic of democratic politics. Indeed, although the continued pursuit of truth and justice and its links to wider reforms may be difficult to establish across the board, the politics of memory more widely conceived are important for a process of democratization in all four countries examined here, as it is about how a society interprets and appropriates its past, in an attempt to mould its future, and as such it is an integral part of any political process, including progress towards deeper democracy.
Rachel Sieder
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240906
- eISBN:
- 9780191598869
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240906.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter considers the role of ‘memory politics’ – understood as the combination of official and unofficial attempts to deal with the legacy of past violations – in the struggle for ...
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This chapter considers the role of ‘memory politics’ – understood as the combination of official and unofficial attempts to deal with the legacy of past violations – in the struggle for democratization in Central America: official initiatives can include truth commissions, amnesty dispensations, criminal investigations and prosecutions, and a range of institutional reforms aimed at redressing the previous failure of the state to guarantee human rights; unofficial initiatives developed by civil society actors to confront the past can include investigations of violations, legal actions, and different kinds of commemorative acts and exercises in collective memory. Memory politics operates at multiple levels and involves a diversity of agents, including local communities, national and international non-governmental human rights organizations (HROs), governments, the media, and, in the case of Central America, the UN; however, it is suggested here that its long-term effects in any national context depend on the interaction between official and unofficial efforts to address the legacies of the past. The experiences of memory politics analysed in this chapter are those of El Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala, the three Central American countries that during the 1990s undertook official processes of investigating past violations of human rights. The precise nature of memory politics and the impact it has had varied considerably in these three countries, and it is suggested that four interrelated factors are central to explaining differences between the respective national experiences: the first is the specific political and social legacies of human rights abuse in each country; the second concerns the circumstances of the transition from war to peace, specifically the prevailing balance of forces and the trade-off between truth and justice that this engendered in each case; the third is the role of local HROs and civil society in general in the politics of memory; and the fourth is the role of international governmental and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in efforts to uncover the truth about the past and to address the consequences of violations. The first three sections of the chapter compare the legacies of human rights abuses, the transitional trade-offs between truth and justice, and the role of civil society organizations and international actors in the memory politics of El Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala; the final section considers the impact of memory politics on the prospects for democracy in these countries.Less
This chapter considers the role of ‘memory politics’ – understood as the combination of official and unofficial attempts to deal with the legacy of past violations – in the struggle for democratization in Central America: official initiatives can include truth commissions, amnesty dispensations, criminal investigations and prosecutions, and a range of institutional reforms aimed at redressing the previous failure of the state to guarantee human rights; unofficial initiatives developed by civil society actors to confront the past can include investigations of violations, legal actions, and different kinds of commemorative acts and exercises in collective memory. Memory politics operates at multiple levels and involves a diversity of agents, including local communities, national and international non-governmental human rights organizations (HROs), governments, the media, and, in the case of Central America, the UN; however, it is suggested here that its long-term effects in any national context depend on the interaction between official and unofficial efforts to address the legacies of the past. The experiences of memory politics analysed in this chapter are those of El Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala, the three Central American countries that during the 1990s undertook official processes of investigating past violations of human rights. The precise nature of memory politics and the impact it has had varied considerably in these three countries, and it is suggested that four interrelated factors are central to explaining differences between the respective national experiences: the first is the specific political and social legacies of human rights abuse in each country; the second concerns the circumstances of the transition from war to peace, specifically the prevailing balance of forces and the trade-off between truth and justice that this engendered in each case; the third is the role of local HROs and civil society in general in the politics of memory; and the fourth is the role of international governmental and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in efforts to uncover the truth about the past and to address the consequences of violations. The first three sections of the chapter compare the legacies of human rights abuses, the transitional trade-offs between truth and justice, and the role of civil society organizations and international actors in the memory politics of El Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala; the final section considers the impact of memory politics on the prospects for democracy in these countries.
Daniel Finke, Thomas König, Sven-Oliver Proksch, and George Tsebelis
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691153926
- eISBN:
- 9781400842506
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691153926.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This introductory chapter sets out the book's purpose, which is to study the reform of the European Union, which has been regularly attempted since the mid-1980s with little success. Reform has ...
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This introductory chapter sets out the book's purpose, which is to study the reform of the European Union, which has been regularly attempted since the mid-1980s with little success. Reform has become even more necessary due to enlargements that integrated twelve countries from Eastern and Southern Europe and brought the total number of EU countries to twenty-seven. The main reason for the slow rate of change was the opposition to far-reaching institutional reform from a minority of political leaders. Ultimately, reform was achieved by a lengthy and complex trial and error process. This book shows how political leaders pushing for reform were capable of controlling this process. The remainder of the chapter discusses the major obstacles to reform, the approach used in the present study, followed by an overview of the subsequent chapters.Less
This introductory chapter sets out the book's purpose, which is to study the reform of the European Union, which has been regularly attempted since the mid-1980s with little success. Reform has become even more necessary due to enlargements that integrated twelve countries from Eastern and Southern Europe and brought the total number of EU countries to twenty-seven. The main reason for the slow rate of change was the opposition to far-reaching institutional reform from a minority of political leaders. Ultimately, reform was achieved by a lengthy and complex trial and error process. This book shows how political leaders pushing for reform were capable of controlling this process. The remainder of the chapter discusses the major obstacles to reform, the approach used in the present study, followed by an overview of the subsequent chapters.
Jens Borchert and Jürgen Zeiss (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199260362
- eISBN:
- 9780191601873
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199260362.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Professional politicians have increasingly come under public attack in most democratic countries, yet they have received surprisingly little systematic attention in political science. This is the ...
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Professional politicians have increasingly come under public attack in most democratic countries, yet they have received surprisingly little systematic attention in political science. This is the first comprehensive overview of professional politicians in democratic countries.\par This book demonstrates that there are both striking similarities between professional politicians in different countries and notable national peculiarities. The introduction develops a common conceptual framework, which is put into use in the following chapters. Using Gaetano Mosca's term and Max Weber's seminal insights, it reconstructs the concept of political class to demonstrate the degree of common ground between politicians of different parties and institutions. The twenty country chapters written by scholars from sixteen countries provide information on professional politicians in their respective countries, as well as discussing the merits of the theoretical approach employed. Each chapter looks at the historical process of professionalization, the institutional context of professional politics, the size of the political class in each country, typical career paths, the remuneration of politicians, and recent reform debates.Less
Professional politicians have increasingly come under public attack in most democratic countries, yet they have received surprisingly little systematic attention in political science. This is the first comprehensive overview of professional politicians in democratic countries.\par This book demonstrates that there are both striking similarities between professional politicians in different countries and notable national peculiarities. The introduction develops a common conceptual framework, which is put into use in the following chapters. Using Gaetano Mosca's term and Max Weber's seminal insights, it reconstructs the concept of political class to demonstrate the degree of common ground between politicians of different parties and institutions. The twenty country chapters written by scholars from sixteen countries provide information on professional politicians in their respective countries, as well as discussing the merits of the theoretical approach employed. Each chapter looks at the historical process of professionalization, the institutional context of professional politics, the size of the political class in each country, typical career paths, the remuneration of politicians, and recent reform debates.
Masahiko Aoki
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780198294917
- eISBN:
- 9780191715501
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198294917.003.0008
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, South and East Asia
This chapter discusses nanoscopic, intra-organizational coordination. It argues that the spontaneous order of cross-task coordination based on information sharing within the firm is an important ...
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This chapter discusses nanoscopic, intra-organizational coordination. It argues that the spontaneous order of cross-task coordination based on information sharing within the firm is an important source of total factor productivity growth in postwar Japan. The institutional apparatus that the government originally designed for centralized control of wartime production did not work as intended, but evolved into a supporting framework for decentralized private coordination following democratic transformation during postwar reform.Less
This chapter discusses nanoscopic, intra-organizational coordination. It argues that the spontaneous order of cross-task coordination based on information sharing within the firm is an important source of total factor productivity growth in postwar Japan. The institutional apparatus that the government originally designed for centralized control of wartime production did not work as intended, but evolved into a supporting framework for decentralized private coordination following democratic transformation during postwar reform.
Russell J. Dalton
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199268436
- eISBN:
- 9780191708572
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199268436.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter first discusses the potential theoretical consequences of political support. It examines the individual consequences of distrust on patterns of political participation, compliance to the ...
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This chapter first discusses the potential theoretical consequences of political support. It examines the individual consequences of distrust on patterns of political participation, compliance to the rules of government, and allegiance to the government. Distrust in politicians but support for the democratic ideal stimulates calls for policy reforms, and this contributes to the recent history of democratic institutional reforms in the U.S. states and cross-nationally.Less
This chapter first discusses the potential theoretical consequences of political support. It examines the individual consequences of distrust on patterns of political participation, compliance to the rules of government, and allegiance to the government. Distrust in politicians but support for the democratic ideal stimulates calls for policy reforms, and this contributes to the recent history of democratic institutional reforms in the U.S. states and cross-nationally.
William M. Lafferty and James Meadowcroft
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199242016
- eISBN:
- 9780191599736
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242011.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Environmental Politics
This volume examines the response of governments in the industrialized countries to the challenge of sustainable development. It focuses on the response of central governments in Australia, Canada, ...
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This volume examines the response of governments in the industrialized countries to the challenge of sustainable development. It focuses on the response of central governments in Australia, Canada, Germany, Japan, Norway, the Netherlands, Sweden, the UK, the USA, and the EU. The study shows that sustainable development has been integrated into governmental idiom in most jurisdictions, and has come to be associated with a series of changes to the structures and approaches deployed to manage environmental problems. Yet, it also reveals significant differences of interpretation and priority across the governments surveyed. The study pays particular attention to various understandings of sustainable development, institutional reform, government engagement with other societal actors, national plans and strategies, and the policy areas of climate change and biodiversity.Less
This volume examines the response of governments in the industrialized countries to the challenge of sustainable development. It focuses on the response of central governments in Australia, Canada, Germany, Japan, Norway, the Netherlands, Sweden, the UK, the USA, and the EU. The study shows that sustainable development has been integrated into governmental idiom in most jurisdictions, and has come to be associated with a series of changes to the structures and approaches deployed to manage environmental problems. Yet, it also reveals significant differences of interpretation and priority across the governments surveyed. The study pays particular attention to various understandings of sustainable development, institutional reform, government engagement with other societal actors, national plans and strategies, and the policy areas of climate change and biodiversity.
Thandika Mkandawire
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199698561
- eISBN:
- 9780191738142
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199698561.003.0003
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
The failure of structural adjustment and, more specifically, the poor response of private investors to programs of market liberalization have led to the identification of poor institutions as the ...
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The failure of structural adjustment and, more specifically, the poor response of private investors to programs of market liberalization have led to the identification of poor institutions as the culprit. Consequently much of the reform agenda has evolved around institutions which aimed at ensuring property rights and attaining a degree of credibility of policies by reducing space for policy discretion. This, in turn, has not only led to “institutional monocropping,” which involves transplanting one highly stylized “Anglo-Saxon” model to developing countries, but also to “monotasking” which limits the role of institutions to that of stimulating investment. Because it ignores the specificity of different contexts and because it is aimed at restraining governments rather than enabling them to take on the developmental and transformative role that had been central to the success of “late industrializers,” this reform agenda has produced inappropriate institutions.Less
The failure of structural adjustment and, more specifically, the poor response of private investors to programs of market liberalization have led to the identification of poor institutions as the culprit. Consequently much of the reform agenda has evolved around institutions which aimed at ensuring property rights and attaining a degree of credibility of policies by reducing space for policy discretion. This, in turn, has not only led to “institutional monocropping,” which involves transplanting one highly stylized “Anglo-Saxon” model to developing countries, but also to “monotasking” which limits the role of institutions to that of stimulating investment. Because it ignores the specificity of different contexts and because it is aimed at restraining governments rather than enabling them to take on the developmental and transformative role that had been central to the success of “late industrializers,” this reform agenda has produced inappropriate institutions.
EDELTRAUND ROLLER
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199286423
- eISBN:
- 9780191603358
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199286426.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
This concluding chapter summarizes the most important results of this investigation into the development of political effectiveness in western democracies since 1974, and the impact of political ...
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This concluding chapter summarizes the most important results of this investigation into the development of political effectiveness in western democracies since 1974, and the impact of political institutions. The findings are discussed with respect to their theoretical and practical implications. The study stresses that the effect of institutions is more complicated than most of the neo-institutionalist approaches assume. No clear predictions can be made on the basis of institutional factors. Consequently, the analyses do not support the widely-held assumption that fundamental political problems can simply be resolved through institutional reforms of liberal democracies.Less
This concluding chapter summarizes the most important results of this investigation into the development of political effectiveness in western democracies since 1974, and the impact of political institutions. The findings are discussed with respect to their theoretical and practical implications. The study stresses that the effect of institutions is more complicated than most of the neo-institutionalist approaches assume. No clear predictions can be made on the basis of institutional factors. Consequently, the analyses do not support the widely-held assumption that fundamental political problems can simply be resolved through institutional reforms of liberal democracies.
Johan P. Olsen
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199593934
- eISBN:
- 9780191594632
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199593934.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, European Union
This book is about political organization and organizing. It is about the role of formally organized political institutions in contemporary democracies and the democratic‐instrumental vision that ...
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This book is about political organization and organizing. It is about the role of formally organized political institutions in contemporary democracies and the democratic‐instrumental vision that citizens and their representatives might and ought to decide how they shall be organized and governed. The main argument is that to the extent that the future of democracies depends on the quality of their political institutions and deliberate institution-building capabilities, there is a need for an improved theoretical understanding of political institutions. There is a need for a better comprehension of the nature, architecture, dynamics of change, performance, and effects of institutions, and the possibilities and limitations of achieving intended, anticipated, and desired effects through institutional design and reform. The aspiration is to contribute to such an understanding. The book addresses the organization of government and public administration, the mechanisms through which these institutions change and the mechanisms through which they make a difference—in particular how institutions contribute to organized rule, orderly change, civilized coexistence, and the ability to accommodate and continuously balance rather than eliminate what John Stuart Mill called ‘standing antagonisms’. The book offers an organization theory‐based institutional approach and assumes that a fruitful route to improved understanding is to observe large-scale institutional reforms. The primary source of insight is the grand experiment in political integration through institution building and polity formation in Europe—the European Union. Yet the book relates to century‐long controversies concerning what is good government and how best to organize common affairs.Less
This book is about political organization and organizing. It is about the role of formally organized political institutions in contemporary democracies and the democratic‐instrumental vision that citizens and their representatives might and ought to decide how they shall be organized and governed. The main argument is that to the extent that the future of democracies depends on the quality of their political institutions and deliberate institution-building capabilities, there is a need for an improved theoretical understanding of political institutions. There is a need for a better comprehension of the nature, architecture, dynamics of change, performance, and effects of institutions, and the possibilities and limitations of achieving intended, anticipated, and desired effects through institutional design and reform. The aspiration is to contribute to such an understanding. The book addresses the organization of government and public administration, the mechanisms through which these institutions change and the mechanisms through which they make a difference—in particular how institutions contribute to organized rule, orderly change, civilized coexistence, and the ability to accommodate and continuously balance rather than eliminate what John Stuart Mill called ‘standing antagonisms’. The book offers an organization theory‐based institutional approach and assumes that a fruitful route to improved understanding is to observe large-scale institutional reforms. The primary source of insight is the grand experiment in political integration through institution building and polity formation in Europe—the European Union. Yet the book relates to century‐long controversies concerning what is good government and how best to organize common affairs.
Mona Lena Krook
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195375671
- eISBN:
- 9780199871605
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195375671.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter examines the implementation of gender quotas. The literature offers three explanations for variations in their effects: details of the policies themselves, the institutional frameworks ...
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This chapter examines the implementation of gender quotas. The literature offers three explanations for variations in their effects: details of the policies themselves, the institutional frameworks in which they are introduced, and the balance of actors for and against quota implementation. After evaluating the evidence, the chapter makes a case for reconciling these accounts to consider how structures, practices, and norms work together to produce the effects of quota policies. It develops an alternative model of candidate selection based on configurations of three categories of gendered institutions and argues that each category of quota attempts to reform a different kind of political institution. The resulting framework treats quota impact in relation to how policies affect existing institutional configurations in ways that facilitate or undermine transformation in women's political representation.Less
This chapter examines the implementation of gender quotas. The literature offers three explanations for variations in their effects: details of the policies themselves, the institutional frameworks in which they are introduced, and the balance of actors for and against quota implementation. After evaluating the evidence, the chapter makes a case for reconciling these accounts to consider how structures, practices, and norms work together to produce the effects of quota policies. It develops an alternative model of candidate selection based on configurations of three categories of gendered institutions and argues that each category of quota attempts to reform a different kind of political institution. The resulting framework treats quota impact in relation to how policies affect existing institutional configurations in ways that facilitate or undermine transformation in women's political representation.
Thomas König and Daniel Finke
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691153926
- eISBN:
- 9781400842506
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691153926.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter describes the positions of a diverse set of actors relevant to the analysis of the multistage reform process, which began in autumn 2003 and resulted in the Treaty of Lisbon in autumn ...
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This chapter describes the positions of a diverse set of actors relevant to the analysis of the multistage reform process, which began in autumn 2003 and resulted in the Treaty of Lisbon in autumn 2009. These include decision makers who actively shaped either the outcome or the decision-making process and the veto players who defined the set of feasible reforms. Using the issue-specific preferences of political leaders on sixty-five reform topics, the chapter identifies a two-dimensional space with one contested dimension on the expansion of the EU's jurisdiction and a second on the reform of institutional rules. Drawing on various data sets, it locates other domestic actors within this reform space. These positions are the starting point for the subsequent analysis of the decisions of political leaders to announce popular votes, to delegate bargaining power, and to perform their agenda-setting tasks in finding compromise solutions.Less
This chapter describes the positions of a diverse set of actors relevant to the analysis of the multistage reform process, which began in autumn 2003 and resulted in the Treaty of Lisbon in autumn 2009. These include decision makers who actively shaped either the outcome or the decision-making process and the veto players who defined the set of feasible reforms. Using the issue-specific preferences of political leaders on sixty-five reform topics, the chapter identifies a two-dimensional space with one contested dimension on the expansion of the EU's jurisdiction and a second on the reform of institutional rules. Drawing on various data sets, it locates other domestic actors within this reform space. These positions are the starting point for the subsequent analysis of the decisions of political leaders to announce popular votes, to delegate bargaining power, and to perform their agenda-setting tasks in finding compromise solutions.
