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This chapter examines the meaning of the concepts of ‘race’, ethnicity, and racism in the enlarged European Union. Drawing upon sociological literature, it analyzes the meaning of these terms and examines their use in legal texts. It considers the principal groups vulnerable to racism in Europe and the relevance of intersectionality (where discrimination is encountered on more than one ground).

This chapter argues that racism determines new forms and its eradication or adequate control is highly problematic. The focus is placed on how institutional racism and, later, ‘covert racism’, a term used by respondents, structure a view of police employment that, from Black Police Association (BPA) officials' and Assistant Chief Constables' (ACC) perspectives, finds signs, symbols, and other indicators of ‘institutional’ and ‘covert’ racism within police employment. More specifically, the research has been concerned with an analysis of the schemas used by BPA officials and, to a lesser extent, ACCs, when identifying and understanding institutional and covert racism within constabularies. It begins with a discussion on institutional racism. Various aspects of constructions, their relationship to different positions held within constabularies, and their consequences for policy and practice are also assessed. The past of overt and, now, covert racism in constabularies has refined an essentialism of sole relevance to BPA officials and, by implication, their minority colleagues.

This chapter explores sociological theories concerning racial diversity on college campuses in general and how such theories may predict racial diversity in Protestant colleges and universities. The development of Protestant institutions of higher education provides insight into the type of barriers these colleges and universities may have in becoming racially diverse. This chapter also documents some of the recent efforts these campuses have made toward diversity.

When someone speaks but is not heard because of their accent, or their sex, or the color of their skin, they suffer a distinctive form of injustice—they are undermined as a knower. This kind of injustice, which I call testimonial injustice, is not only an ethical problem but also a political one, for citizens are not free unless they get a fair hearing when they try to contest wrongful treatment. I shall argue that not only individuals but also public institutions need to have the virtue of testimonial justice. If our police, our juries, our complaints panels lack that virtue, then some groups cannot contest. And if you can’t do that, you do not have political freedom.

This chapter traces the origins of the term ‘institutional racism’ in the 1960s in the Black Power movement, and its adoption and then rejection by policy makers and the academy. This history reflects the rise and fall of institutional racism over at least four decades from the 1960s. Nevertheless, it is a term and an idea that refuses to go away, as events in 2014–16 show. The chapter then links the public face of institutional racism — in relation to the police — with an ‘internal’ view of how it was utilised to critique the whiteness of sociology, itself something that has been revived to denounce universities and the social sciences through campaigns such as ‘Rhodes must fall’.

By analyzing initiatives related to institutional racism and the collection of color/race data, this chapter elucidates the ways in which discourses on race, racism, and racial identity have taken shape in the Brazilian health sector. The analysis examines how the concept of institutional racism informed programmatic initiatives in cities such as Salvador and Recife during the early and mid 2000s. This chapter also discusses efforts to encourage collection of color/race data in the state of São Paulo and the complexities of promoting discussions of racial identity and racial health disparities among health professionals in Brazil.

Beginning in the 1960s the UK government has developed the policy area of ‘race relations’. This chapter examines the intellectual antecedents of this policy area from its initial development in the USA at the end of the First World War, through its internationalisation after the Second World War (via the United Nations), to its place in UK ‘race relations’ policy. The chapter also outlines some of the key features of Race Relations theory and policy.

This chapter looks at an employment tribunal case by a senior Asian police officer whose complaint of racial discrimination did not draw on, or refer to, institutional racism at all. It also studies the Race and Faith inquiry, where institutional racism could also have been expected to feature as a key issue but did so in a low-key and awkward way. In exploring these cases, the chapter stresses the significance of contextual factors — meaning the political environment in which they occurred. The relationship between knowledge production and policies requires acts of translation. Thus, it is not enough to say that knowledge and politics interact; it is the form in which they do — and do not — combine in each context that matters.

This chapter examines the Macpherson inquiry to analyse links between academic work and the politics of race and policing. It explores some of the significant academic evidence on institutional racism and on racial attacks presented to the Macpherson inquiry. While it is possible, particularly with institutional racism, to chart a connection between some of that and the conclusions of the inquiry, there is also a significant disconnection that provides a more nuanced idea of what impact is and how it occurs, as shown via the discussion of the internal politics of the Macpherson inquiry. An additional factor is that ‘real time’ events the police respond to indicates that they had, in some ways, already ‘moved on’ from institutional racism as early as 1999, even though that mostly precedes a decade of concerted policy implementation around racism.

This chapter reviews the analysis of Black Police Associations (BPAs), firstly considering more theoretically how they have realized change. ‘Institutional racism’—to continue the point—captured the attention of BPA officials and chief officers alike. BPAs have developed in ways that are very similar to social movements but have done so from within rather than outside the formal structures of a state organization or institution. BPAs have in many ways been social movements emerging within constabularies. The theoretical perspective is further addressed, as are its implications for understanding race and ethnicity within criminological research. BPAs within English and Welsh constabularies, and BPAs in the USA are shown. BPAs are remarkable in many ways, having been established from nothing other than a small number of minority officers' commitment, strength, and will to resist gross discrimination.

‘Institutional racism’ had reference points for relationships between the police and ethnic-minority communities and between ethnic-minority and ethnic-majority members of the police workforce, between black and white police officers. This book is about the development of Black Police Associations (BPAs); their role within constabularies; their understanding of race and its articulation within constabularies; and related subjects. In particular, this chapter describes the context and perspective of BPAs. In addition, a discussion on race and ethnicity, as well as the ethnic-minority officers is provided. Ethnic-minority officers have mostly found their own way to address prejudice and discrimination without assistance or learning from their more experienced peers. The development of BPAs is also shown.

This chapter introduces Worcester, Massachusetts, Park Central School, and the project through the lens of a critical childhood studies perspective. A key tenet of critical childhood studies is to take children seriously as witnesses to their experiences, no matter where they “fit” into child development discourses. A critical childhood perspective interrogates the changing meanings of childhood—including who counts as a child, when this status begins and ends—and recognizes that these meanings are contingent on historical, economic, cultural, and institutional contexts. Children's new identities as “learners” were intertwined with schooling practices developed to manage, control, and orient them to fitting into society. In addition, a critical childhood perspective must take account of how the legacy of slavery, institutional racism, and colorism shape who is afforded the protected status of “child” to begin with. In adopting a critical childhood perspective, then, this study aims to address multiple challenges—avoiding “adultist” and neoliberal viewpoints and placing young people's agency, voices, and images at its center; rethinking how children's value and worth is assigned, especially in schooling; maintaining a focus on parallels and intersections between women's and children's experiences of structural oppression; and accounting for how the legacy of slavery, structural racism, and anti-Blackness inform views of childhood, gender, discipline/punishment, and learning.

This chapter explores the emergence of the BSS movement. First, in order to understand the intellectual and political influences on the late-twentieth-century black politic, the historical and political genealogy of black resistance is examined. Second, contextualising the emergence of the BSS movement within broader of black politics. This chapter explores the historical circumstances that led to the inception and consequent proliferation of BSSs across England, including the institutional racism of state schooling. Finally, exploring the projection of a black community and selfhood, the placement of ‘blackness’ as a foundational conceptual tenet of BSSs, and the collective cultures they fostered, is considered. In this discussion BSS curricula and schooling practices are examined, revealing diverse experiences and understandings of class, race and gender in the creation – and projection – of collective black cultures in BSSs.

Moving from the macro to the meso level, this chapter contextualises contemporary penal climates in relation to the management of race in US and UK prisons. In England and Wales, the pivotal role of the Macpherson Report (1999) and its exposure of institutional racism in the criminal justice system, the public inquiry into the racist murder of Zahid Mubarek in prison in 2000 and the damning Commission for Racial Equality (2003) formal investigation into Her Majesty's Prison Service, are all considered. The chapter then outlines a new race equality agenda which can be seen alongside broader transformations in the Prison Service's organizational management of prisoners articulated through moral discourses of decency, fairness, and respect. The chapter recognises that social relations in prison, as in wider society, must also be understood in the context of ‘new ethnicities’, new social divisions of whiteness, nationality and religion, as well as racialization, identity and multiculture.

Chapter 4 demonstrates how the unification of racial democracy and socialism creates a racial ideology in Cuba that is distinct from other Latin American countries. By supporting racial democracy at the start of the revolution and officially declaring the end of racism, the government ensured that the influence of racial democracy in Cuba is particularly strong. The initial advances that the revolution was able to make provided a formidable claim by the government that race was no longer relevant. The economic crisis that followed the fall of the Soviet Union marked the first serious challenge to racial ideology in Cuba. The chapter examines the change in rhetoric among the leadership and how ideological discourse was adjusted during this time, and outlines the various theoretical components of racial ideology. Interviews are included to show how support for the revolution is tied to racial attitudes and belief in Cuban racial democracy.

This chapter focuses on John Lindsay’s appointment of Robert O. Lowery to serve as the FDNY’s Fire Commissioner during the onset of one of the most tumultuous periods in the department’s history, “the War Years.” Within the department itself, the first half of “the War years were characterized by a highly racialized, contentious, internal struggle for institutional control that escalated throughout John Lindsay’s and Robert Lowery’s two terms in office. Efforts to reform departmental race relations, increase minority access and representation, and maintain fire protection levels were complicated by budget problems, escalating racial, political, and cultural conflicts; rising workloads; labor militancy; and white backlash.

This chapter picks up the narrative history regarding the three class action suits filed in the 1970s by the ACWA as disparate impact cases under Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act. While Chapter 5 outlined the “political” mobilization around the lawsuits, Chapter 6 follows what happened in the courts. First, we expand on the activists’ jurisgenetic vision mobilizing disparate impact claims for radical challenges to institutional racism. Second, the chapter explores what happened to the three lawsuits in federal court, and especially to how the Wards Cove v Atonio case lost at trial, won on appeal several times, and ultimately was crushed in dismissive fashion by a five justice majority at the Supreme Court, illustrating our claim about the power of “racial innocence.” Third, we document the extra-judicial politics that shaped the court decision, Reagan administration legal policy, subsequent legislation to override the opinion, and special legislation that excluded the original Filipino plaintiffs from relief under the new 1991 Civil Rights Act. The chapter ends by invoking extant empirical studies about the dramatic impact on workers of the jurispathic ruling in Wards Cove and other lawsuits as well as neoliberal corporate strategies of co-opting civil rights.

This chapter asks what the pressing racial inequalities are in contemporary British society and to what extent is social policy as a discipline equipped to analyse and respond to these. It provides an overview of some contemporary outcomes in the key areas of labour market participation, education, and criminal justice, summarising some prevailing features and patterns, before going on to explore in more detail whether social solicy as it is presently configured, focusing as it does on the concern with a redistributive notion of equality, is sufficiently well placed to grasp these. The chapter then develops a fascinating argument based on the observation of the need to fully incorporate an account of institutional racism and ‘everyday bordering’, as well as a critical understanding of the so-called ‘progressives dilemma’ set out by David Goodhart. The history of social policy as a disciplinary practice may stymie the kinds of foci that are needed. This analysis demands a recognition that mainstream social policy inquiry is parochial, but also that the object of inquiry is shaped by historical racism.