Yoichi Miyamoto
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199644933
- eISBN:
- 9780191741609
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199644933.003.0014
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Theoretical Linguistics, Syntax and Morphology
This chapter shows that adjuncts are sometimes transparent in Japanese. The case examined is comparative deletion in Japanese where the Japanese equivalent of the English than-clause, the ...
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This chapter shows that adjuncts are sometimes transparent in Japanese. The case examined is comparative deletion in Japanese where the Japanese equivalent of the English than-clause, the yori-clause, is adjoined to the floating quantifier (FQ) oozei/takusan “many.” The chapter shows that, the yori-clause can be scrambled out of the complex FQ formed by the yori-clause and oozei/takusan despite the adjunct status of this complex FQ. Adopting MacDonald’s (2006, 2008a, b, 2009) proposal on inner aspect, the chapter argues that only when this complex FQ establishes an Agree relation with Asp can the yori-clause move out of this complex FQ. The chapter concludes that to examine the presence/absence of adjunct condition effects, and to address the question of whether adjuncts are inherent barriers for movement, we need to examine the structural level where adjuncts are merged, and any establishment of Agree relationship with the elements in the matrix clause.Less
This chapter shows that adjuncts are sometimes transparent in Japanese. The case examined is comparative deletion in Japanese where the Japanese equivalent of the English than-clause, the yori-clause, is adjoined to the floating quantifier (FQ) oozei/takusan “many.” The chapter shows that, the yori-clause can be scrambled out of the complex FQ formed by the yori-clause and oozei/takusan despite the adjunct status of this complex FQ. Adopting MacDonald’s (2006, 2008a, b, 2009) proposal on inner aspect, the chapter argues that only when this complex FQ establishes an Agree relation with Asp can the yori-clause move out of this complex FQ. The chapter concludes that to examine the presence/absence of adjunct condition effects, and to address the question of whether adjuncts are inherent barriers for movement, we need to examine the structural level where adjuncts are merged, and any establishment of Agree relationship with the elements in the matrix clause.
Martina Wiltschko
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199654277
- eISBN:
- 9780191746048
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199654277.003.0009
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Semantics and Pragmatics, Syntax and Morphology
This chapter establishes that not all languages have a grammaticized mass/count distinction and consequently we have to distinguish between ontological properties associated with nouns and ...
More
This chapter establishes that not all languages have a grammaticized mass/count distinction and consequently we have to distinguish between ontological properties associated with nouns and categorical properties associated with a functional category dominating these nouns. It is argued that the categorical properties associated with the mass/count distinction are tied to a functional category identified as nominal inner aspect. This category can host the feature responsible for the mass/count distinction (i.e, [± bounded]). It is further shown that languages lacking a categorical mass/count distinction come in at least two varieties. They can lack the functional category which may host the [±bounded] feature (Halkomelem). Alternatively, they can associated a different feature with inner aspect. In particular, it is shown that in Blackfoot [±animate] associates with inner aspect. Consequently, in this language, it is animacy, rather than mass/count which serves as the nominal classification device.Less
This chapter establishes that not all languages have a grammaticized mass/count distinction and consequently we have to distinguish between ontological properties associated with nouns and categorical properties associated with a functional category dominating these nouns. It is argued that the categorical properties associated with the mass/count distinction are tied to a functional category identified as nominal inner aspect. This category can host the feature responsible for the mass/count distinction (i.e, [± bounded]). It is further shown that languages lacking a categorical mass/count distinction come in at least two varieties. They can lack the functional category which may host the [±bounded] feature (Halkomelem). Alternatively, they can associated a different feature with inner aspect. In particular, it is shown that in Blackfoot [±animate] associates with inner aspect. Consequently, in this language, it is animacy, rather than mass/count which serves as the nominal classification device.
