Omer Bartov
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195079036
- eISBN:
- 9780199854455
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195079036.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This study shows that the Wehrmacht was systematically involved in atrocities against the civilian population on the Eastern Front. Including quotes from letters, diaries, and military reports, this ...
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This study shows that the Wehrmacht was systematically involved in atrocities against the civilian population on the Eastern Front. Including quotes from letters, diaries, and military reports, this book aims to challenge the notion that the German army during World War II was apolitical and to reveal how thoroughly permeated it was by Nazi ideology. Focusing on ordinary German soldiers on the Eastern front, the book shows how government propaganda and indoctrination motivated the troops not only to fight well but to commit unprecedented crimes against humanity. This institutionalized brainwashing revolved around two interrelated elements: the radical demonization of the Soviet enemy and the deification of the führer. Consequently, most of the troops believed the war in the Eastern theater was a struggle to dam the Jewish/Bolshevik/Asiatic flood that threatened Western civilization. This book demonstrates how Germany's soldiers were transformed into brutal instruments of a barbarous policy.Less
This study shows that the Wehrmacht was systematically involved in atrocities against the civilian population on the Eastern Front. Including quotes from letters, diaries, and military reports, this book aims to challenge the notion that the German army during World War II was apolitical and to reveal how thoroughly permeated it was by Nazi ideology. Focusing on ordinary German soldiers on the Eastern front, the book shows how government propaganda and indoctrination motivated the troops not only to fight well but to commit unprecedented crimes against humanity. This institutionalized brainwashing revolved around two interrelated elements: the radical demonization of the Soviet enemy and the deification of the führer. Consequently, most of the troops believed the war in the Eastern theater was a struggle to dam the Jewish/Bolshevik/Asiatic flood that threatened Western civilization. This book demonstrates how Germany's soldiers were transformed into brutal instruments of a barbarous policy.
Gregory Starrett
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520209268
- eISBN:
- 9780520919303
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520209268.001.0001
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Middle Eastern Cultural Anthropology
The development of mass education and the mass media have transformed the Islamic tradition in contemporary Egypt and the wider Muslim world. This book focuses on the historical interplay of power ...
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The development of mass education and the mass media have transformed the Islamic tradition in contemporary Egypt and the wider Muslim world. This book focuses on the historical interplay of power and public culture, showing how these new forms of communication and a growing state interest in religious instruction have changed the way the Islamic tradition is reproduced. During the twentieth century, new styles of religious education, based not on the recitation of sacred texts but on moral indoctrination, have been harnessed for use in economic, political, and social development programs. More recently they have become part of the Egyptian government's strategy for combating Islamist political opposition. But in the course of this struggle, the western-style educational techniques that were adopted to generate political stability have instead resulted in a rapid Islamization of public space, the undermining of traditional religious-authority structures, and a crisis of political legitimacy. Using historical, textual, and ethnographic evidence, the author demonstrates that today's Islamic resurgence is rooted in new ways of thinking about Islam which are based in the market, the media, and the school.Less
The development of mass education and the mass media have transformed the Islamic tradition in contemporary Egypt and the wider Muslim world. This book focuses on the historical interplay of power and public culture, showing how these new forms of communication and a growing state interest in religious instruction have changed the way the Islamic tradition is reproduced. During the twentieth century, new styles of religious education, based not on the recitation of sacred texts but on moral indoctrination, have been harnessed for use in economic, political, and social development programs. More recently they have become part of the Egyptian government's strategy for combating Islamist political opposition. But in the course of this struggle, the western-style educational techniques that were adopted to generate political stability have instead resulted in a rapid Islamization of public space, the undermining of traditional religious-authority structures, and a crisis of political legitimacy. Using historical, textual, and ethnographic evidence, the author demonstrates that today's Islamic resurgence is rooted in new ways of thinking about Islam which are based in the market, the media, and the school.
Stephen Haliczer
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195148633
- eISBN:
- 9780199869923
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195148630.003.0003
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity
In response to fears of heterodoxy arising from Protestant, Jewish, and Islamic influences, the Spanish Counter‐Reformation sought, through education and indoctrination, to create a new vernacular ...
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In response to fears of heterodoxy arising from Protestant, Jewish, and Islamic influences, the Spanish Counter‐Reformation sought, through education and indoctrination, to create a new vernacular culture of religion. This led to a surge in interest in the lives of saints and mystics and a proliferation of the publication of hagiographies, which became readily available to the literate middle and upper‐middle classes as well as to the less educated. The monarchy openly supported canonization movements for many of these saints when it was perceived to be politically expedient. Study of the spiritual biographies of female saints and mystics became especially popular among both educated and less‐privileged women, leading to their imitation of devotional lifestyles and inspiring their own new mystical experiences. Although concerned with the need to control such female religious fervor, male theologians did not wish to diminish the growing Catholic enthusiasm.Less
In response to fears of heterodoxy arising from Protestant, Jewish, and Islamic influences, the Spanish Counter‐Reformation sought, through education and indoctrination, to create a new vernacular culture of religion. This led to a surge in interest in the lives of saints and mystics and a proliferation of the publication of hagiographies, which became readily available to the literate middle and upper‐middle classes as well as to the less educated. The monarchy openly supported canonization movements for many of these saints when it was perceived to be politically expedient. Study of the spiritual biographies of female saints and mystics became especially popular among both educated and less‐privileged women, leading to their imitation of devotional lifestyles and inspiring their own new mystical experiences. Although concerned with the need to control such female religious fervor, male theologians did not wish to diminish the growing Catholic enthusiasm.
Debbie Pinfold
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199245659
- eISBN:
- 9780191697487
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199245659.003.0002
- Subject:
- Literature, European Literature, 20th-century and Contemporary Literature
The concept of a fallen child depicts how a child can be corrupted without necessarily incurring guilt and how far a child’s ‘guilt’ is determined by subjective adult attitudes. In discussing the ...
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The concept of a fallen child depicts how a child can be corrupted without necessarily incurring guilt and how far a child’s ‘guilt’ is determined by subjective adult attitudes. In discussing the sexual corruption of a child, this chapter deals with Freud’s emphasis on the potential sexual nature of children. This chapter also demonstrates how authors and educators alike display a highly ambivalent attitude to schools as imparters of knowledge and as socializing instruments, and this idea forms an important socio-historical background to what went on in German schools between 1933 and 1945. Further, an overview of the role of schools and youth organizations in the Third Reich is given to show the extent of children’s practical, intellectual, and emotional involvement in the regime and thus facilitate an understanding of the fictional perspectives of those subjected to Nazi indoctrination.Less
The concept of a fallen child depicts how a child can be corrupted without necessarily incurring guilt and how far a child’s ‘guilt’ is determined by subjective adult attitudes. In discussing the sexual corruption of a child, this chapter deals with Freud’s emphasis on the potential sexual nature of children. This chapter also demonstrates how authors and educators alike display a highly ambivalent attitude to schools as imparters of knowledge and as socializing instruments, and this idea forms an important socio-historical background to what went on in German schools between 1933 and 1945. Further, an overview of the role of schools and youth organizations in the Third Reich is given to show the extent of children’s practical, intellectual, and emotional involvement in the regime and thus facilitate an understanding of the fictional perspectives of those subjected to Nazi indoctrination.
Mona Abaza
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781526145116
- eISBN:
- 9781526152114
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7765/9781526145123.00007
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Middle Eastern Cultural Anthropology
Chapter 2 narrates the personal meanderings and wanderings and descriptions of billboards advertising massive real-estate projects of compounds and gated communities along the commute to the Eastern ...
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Chapter 2 narrates the personal meanderings and wanderings and descriptions of billboards advertising massive real-estate projects of compounds and gated communities along the commute to the Eastern Desert towards the district of New Cairo. It also addresses one Ramadan television serial and three dystopian novels, which portray imagined and real depictions of the gated communities’ lifestyles of the rich and apocalyptic images of the city of Cairo.Less
Chapter 2 narrates the personal meanderings and wanderings and descriptions of billboards advertising massive real-estate projects of compounds and gated communities along the commute to the Eastern Desert towards the district of New Cairo. It also addresses one Ramadan television serial and three dystopian novels, which portray imagined and real depictions of the gated communities’ lifestyles of the rich and apocalyptic images of the city of Cairo.
Warren A. Nord
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199766888
- eISBN:
- 9780199895038
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199766888.003.0004
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter argues that there are three related potential problems with how religion is treated in the curricula of public schools and universities. First, education leaves students religiously ...
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This chapter argues that there are three related potential problems with how religion is treated in the curricula of public schools and universities. First, education leaves students religiously ignorant. Second, public schools and universities are not religiously neutral; rather, they take sides, privileging secular over religious ways of making sense of the world and living our lives. Third, public education borders on secular indoctrination.Less
This chapter argues that there are three related potential problems with how religion is treated in the curricula of public schools and universities. First, education leaves students religiously ignorant. Second, public schools and universities are not religiously neutral; rather, they take sides, privileging secular over religious ways of making sense of the world and living our lives. Third, public education borders on secular indoctrination.
Omer Bartov
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195079036
- eISBN:
- 9780199854455
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195079036.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter presents how the troops' perception of reality and understanding of their actions was distorted by the conditions and circumstances of their existence. The extent to which Nazi ideology ...
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This chapter presents how the troops' perception of reality and understanding of their actions was distorted by the conditions and circumstances of their existence. The extent to which Nazi ideology shaped the Wehrmacht into Hitler's army is illustrated. The chapter also highlights that it was the years of premilitary and army indoctrination which molded the soldiers' state of mind, prepared them for the horrors of war, and instilled into them such determination and ruthlessness. The chapter displays how Wehrmacht's propaganda relied on a radical demonization of the enemy and on a similarly extreme deification of the Führer. The astonishing efficacy of these images is shown by reference to a wide array of evidence presented and these played an important role in the distorted reconstruction of the memory and history of the war.Less
This chapter presents how the troops' perception of reality and understanding of their actions was distorted by the conditions and circumstances of their existence. The extent to which Nazi ideology shaped the Wehrmacht into Hitler's army is illustrated. The chapter also highlights that it was the years of premilitary and army indoctrination which molded the soldiers' state of mind, prepared them for the horrors of war, and instilled into them such determination and ruthlessness. The chapter displays how Wehrmacht's propaganda relied on a radical demonization of the enemy and on a similarly extreme deification of the Führer. The astonishing efficacy of these images is shown by reference to a wide array of evidence presented and these played an important role in the distorted reconstruction of the memory and history of the war.
Warren A. Nord
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199766888
- eISBN:
- 9780199895038
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199766888.003.0013
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter summarizes the book's arguments and presents some concluding thoughts. Education in public schools and universities leaves students ignorant of religion. More problematic for ...
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This chapter summarizes the book's arguments and presents some concluding thoughts. Education in public schools and universities leaves students ignorant of religion. More problematic for constitutional reasons, such education is not neutral with regard to religion. Indeed, it borders on secular indoctrination. Given what education should be, this is scandalous. A truly liberal education would devote sufficient time and effort to religions to enable students to understand them, from the inside, as live options for making sense of the world, and would be allowed to contend with secular positions.Less
This chapter summarizes the book's arguments and presents some concluding thoughts. Education in public schools and universities leaves students ignorant of religion. More problematic for constitutional reasons, such education is not neutral with regard to religion. Indeed, it borders on secular indoctrination. Given what education should be, this is scandalous. A truly liberal education would devote sufficient time and effort to religions to enable students to understand them, from the inside, as live options for making sense of the world, and would be allowed to contend with secular positions.
Roger Trigg
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199543670
- eISBN:
- 9780191701313
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199543670.003.0010
- Subject:
- Religion, Philosophy of Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter is divided into the following sections: should religion be taught?; indoctrination or self-development?; celebrating diversity; the role of tradition; and Australian individualism. The ...
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This chapter is divided into the following sections: should religion be taught?; indoctrination or self-development?; celebrating diversity; the role of tradition; and Australian individualism. The issue of whether religion is a public or private matter becomes particularly controversial when its place in schools is considered. The second section examines the fear of indoctrination as opposed to developing understanding of a religion. The third section argues that the celebration of diversity may be a political aim in society where a government may be afraid of smouldering racial and religious tensions. The fourth section argues that one's own traditions, beliefs, and conceptions of society should be the starting point of finding the truth. The last section of the chapter examines an Australian educationalist's concerns on teaching religion.Less
This chapter is divided into the following sections: should religion be taught?; indoctrination or self-development?; celebrating diversity; the role of tradition; and Australian individualism. The issue of whether religion is a public or private matter becomes particularly controversial when its place in schools is considered. The second section examines the fear of indoctrination as opposed to developing understanding of a religion. The third section argues that the celebration of diversity may be a political aim in society where a government may be afraid of smouldering racial and religious tensions. The fourth section argues that one's own traditions, beliefs, and conceptions of society should be the starting point of finding the truth. The last section of the chapter examines an Australian educationalist's concerns on teaching religion.
George P. Fletcher
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195098327
- eISBN:
- 9780199852901
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195098327.003.0006
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy
This chapter proposes that a revised version of the Pledge of Allegiance be recited in the classroom as a ritual expression of loyalty and a means for instilling patriotism. Sanctions should not be ...
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This chapter proposes that a revised version of the Pledge of Allegiance be recited in the classroom as a ritual expression of loyalty and a means for instilling patriotism. Sanctions should not be taken against teachers and students who dissent on religious grounds. Although some consider the pledge a form of indoctrination, the author concludes that teaching values, including a shared national identity, is inherent to an educational system. In Gobitis (1940) the Supreme Court ruled that the pledge is a neutral law not intended to impinge on religious beliefs. In Barnette (1943), the court ruled that children have the right not to recite the pledge. Barnette was initially perceived as a defense of religious freedom and a rejection of classroom indoctrination and later reinterpreted as defense of freedom of speech. In determining the scope of freedom of conscience, the author distinguishes between loyalty to a religious community and personal convictions.Less
This chapter proposes that a revised version of the Pledge of Allegiance be recited in the classroom as a ritual expression of loyalty and a means for instilling patriotism. Sanctions should not be taken against teachers and students who dissent on religious grounds. Although some consider the pledge a form of indoctrination, the author concludes that teaching values, including a shared national identity, is inherent to an educational system. In Gobitis (1940) the Supreme Court ruled that the pledge is a neutral law not intended to impinge on religious beliefs. In Barnette (1943), the court ruled that children have the right not to recite the pledge. Barnette was initially perceived as a defense of religious freedom and a rejection of classroom indoctrination and later reinterpreted as defense of freedom of speech. In determining the scope of freedom of conscience, the author distinguishes between loyalty to a religious community and personal convictions.
Nerija Putinaitė
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780823267309
- eISBN:
- 9780823272334
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823267309.003.0004
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
For fifty years, the Soviet ideological apparatus sought to erase the influence of Christianity from the Lithuanian people. Putinaitė outlines two ways this policy was pursued: by stressing Marx’s ...
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For fifty years, the Soviet ideological apparatus sought to erase the influence of Christianity from the Lithuanian people. Putinaitė outlines two ways this policy was pursued: by stressing Marx’s notion of religion as the ‘opium of the people’ and by emphasizing Lithuania’s pre-Christian cultural identity. Now, over twenty years after Lithuanian independence, the effects of this atheistic indoctrination are evident in the weak attachment young people have to Christianity and the ineffectual role of Christian political parties, leaders, churches in the new democracy. This complex and weakened relationship between Christianity and contemporary Lithuania politics was illustrated in the national debate over the ‘National Concept of Family Policy.’ Here, a ‘traditional’ understanding of marriage and family was defeated by an anti-Christian rhetoric devoid of reasoned, civil debate.Less
For fifty years, the Soviet ideological apparatus sought to erase the influence of Christianity from the Lithuanian people. Putinaitė outlines two ways this policy was pursued: by stressing Marx’s notion of religion as the ‘opium of the people’ and by emphasizing Lithuania’s pre-Christian cultural identity. Now, over twenty years after Lithuanian independence, the effects of this atheistic indoctrination are evident in the weak attachment young people have to Christianity and the ineffectual role of Christian political parties, leaders, churches in the new democracy. This complex and weakened relationship between Christianity and contemporary Lithuania politics was illustrated in the national debate over the ‘National Concept of Family Policy.’ Here, a ‘traditional’ understanding of marriage and family was defeated by an anti-Christian rhetoric devoid of reasoned, civil debate.
Benjamin Ginsberg
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- November 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780199782444
- eISBN:
- 9780197563151
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780199782444.003.0007
- Subject:
- Education, Higher and Further Education
It is Certainly no secret that professors tend to have liberal political orientations. Most academics, especially but not exclusively those in the humanities and ...
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It is Certainly no secret that professors tend to have liberal political orientations. Most academics, especially but not exclusively those in the humanities and social sciences, strongly support racial and gender equality, social justice, protection of the environment, constraints on the use of force in international affairs, and other elements of America’s liberal Democratic agenda. Faculty generally explain the academy’s ideological imbalance, especially marked at elite universities, as a natural consequence of the fact that liberals are smarter than conservatives. In recent years, unfortunately, on many campuses the political commitments of the faculty have been hijacked and perverted by administrators. Issues that to many professors represent moral imperatives have been transformed into powerful instruments of administrative aggrandizement. Ironically, administrators have brought about this transformation by forging what amount to tactical alliances with representatives of minority groups as well as activist groups on their campuses. Indeed, since it was not so long ago that campus administrators responded to the legitimate grievances of minority groups and liberal activists by calling the police, it is fascinating to observe the apparent sympathy shown for these same groups by university administrators today. At my university, for example, the administration strongly supported liberal activists’ protests in response to what some termed a fraternity’s racial insensitivity. The fraternity had called its 2006 All Hallow’s Eve party, “Halloween in the Hood,” invited guests to wear their “bling,” and decorated its chapter house with a plastic skeleton in pirate garb dangling from a rope noose. The precise meaning of this display was far from clear. A noose might have a racist connotation, but skeletons and pirates would seem, at first blush, to be devoid of racial antecedents. Campus and community activists, however, chose to interpret the unfortunate skeleton as a symbolic affirmation of the idea of lynching black people. This understanding was vigorously contested by the fraternity, which boasted a multiethnic membership. The university administration, nevertheless, supported the activists’ interpretation and agreed with them that investigations, punishments, and policy changes would be required to prevent such events from occurring in the future.
Less
It is Certainly no secret that professors tend to have liberal political orientations. Most academics, especially but not exclusively those in the humanities and social sciences, strongly support racial and gender equality, social justice, protection of the environment, constraints on the use of force in international affairs, and other elements of America’s liberal Democratic agenda. Faculty generally explain the academy’s ideological imbalance, especially marked at elite universities, as a natural consequence of the fact that liberals are smarter than conservatives. In recent years, unfortunately, on many campuses the political commitments of the faculty have been hijacked and perverted by administrators. Issues that to many professors represent moral imperatives have been transformed into powerful instruments of administrative aggrandizement. Ironically, administrators have brought about this transformation by forging what amount to tactical alliances with representatives of minority groups as well as activist groups on their campuses. Indeed, since it was not so long ago that campus administrators responded to the legitimate grievances of minority groups and liberal activists by calling the police, it is fascinating to observe the apparent sympathy shown for these same groups by university administrators today. At my university, for example, the administration strongly supported liberal activists’ protests in response to what some termed a fraternity’s racial insensitivity. The fraternity had called its 2006 All Hallow’s Eve party, “Halloween in the Hood,” invited guests to wear their “bling,” and decorated its chapter house with a plastic skeleton in pirate garb dangling from a rope noose. The precise meaning of this display was far from clear. A noose might have a racist connotation, but skeletons and pirates would seem, at first blush, to be devoid of racial antecedents. Campus and community activists, however, chose to interpret the unfortunate skeleton as a symbolic affirmation of the idea of lynching black people. This understanding was vigorously contested by the fraternity, which boasted a multiethnic membership. The university administration, nevertheless, supported the activists’ interpretation and agreed with them that investigations, punishments, and policy changes would be required to prevent such events from occurring in the future.
S. P. MacKenzie
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199656028
- eISBN:
- 9780191744624
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199656028.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Military History
This chapter examines the initial Chinese efforts to convert their first British captives, a group of junior Royal Marines, in the winter of 1950-51 at Camp 10, through a mixture of indoctrination ...
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This chapter examines the initial Chinese efforts to convert their first British captives, a group of junior Royal Marines, in the winter of 1950-51 at Camp 10, through a mixture of indoctrination and blackmail. The focus is on the extreme physical hardships these men faced, the problems the Chinese encountered in trying to bridge a yawning cultural gap while attempting political instruction, the effect of negative British assessments of US servicemen, and the significance of the absence of any British officers or senior NCOs among the captive Royal Marines after the group was transferred to Camp 5.Less
This chapter examines the initial Chinese efforts to convert their first British captives, a group of junior Royal Marines, in the winter of 1950-51 at Camp 10, through a mixture of indoctrination and blackmail. The focus is on the extreme physical hardships these men faced, the problems the Chinese encountered in trying to bridge a yawning cultural gap while attempting political instruction, the effect of negative British assessments of US servicemen, and the significance of the absence of any British officers or senior NCOs among the captive Royal Marines after the group was transferred to Camp 5.
S. P. MacKenzie
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199656028
- eISBN:
- 9780191744624
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199656028.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Military History
This chapter deals with the second, larger group of British prisoners taken by the Chinese at the start of 1951, mostly from the Royal Ulster Rifles. Attention is paid to the effects of the grueling ...
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This chapter deals with the second, larger group of British prisoners taken by the Chinese at the start of 1951, mostly from the Royal Ulster Rifles. Attention is paid to the effects of the grueling march northward to Pyoktong; initial conditions when the camp was under North Korean control; the impact of mixing with American prisoners whose cohesion had collapsed; the consequences of the transfer of camp responsibility from the North Koreans to the Chinese that took place later in 1951; the Chinese line on the inclusion of propaganda in order for outgoing mail to be sent; active indoctrination as well as more subtle propaganda; and the limited number of British officers and senior NCOs present. The chapter also illustrates the comparative malleability of the British prisoner population at Camp 5 down to the end of the war.Less
This chapter deals with the second, larger group of British prisoners taken by the Chinese at the start of 1951, mostly from the Royal Ulster Rifles. Attention is paid to the effects of the grueling march northward to Pyoktong; initial conditions when the camp was under North Korean control; the impact of mixing with American prisoners whose cohesion had collapsed; the consequences of the transfer of camp responsibility from the North Koreans to the Chinese that took place later in 1951; the Chinese line on the inclusion of propaganda in order for outgoing mail to be sent; active indoctrination as well as more subtle propaganda; and the limited number of British officers and senior NCOs present. The chapter also illustrates the comparative malleability of the British prisoner population at Camp 5 down to the end of the war.
S. P. MacKenzie
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199656028
- eISBN:
- 9780191744624
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199656028.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Military History
This chapter chronicles the efforts to resist indoctrination and generally make life difficult for the Chinese in the camps (Camp 2, Branch 1 and Camp 4) to which the Chinese sent first the officers ...
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This chapter chronicles the efforts to resist indoctrination and generally make life difficult for the Chinese in the camps (Camp 2, Branch 1 and Camp 4) to which the Chinese sent first the officers and then the senior NCOs in late 1951 and 1952 in an effort to counteract their influence on the rank and file in the main Yalu camps. Attention is paid to strategies for dealing with compulsory political education until it was abandoned, efforts to undermine Chinese confidence through various ruses, the relatively low-key approach towards resistance taken by the non-commissioned officers as compared to the commissioned officers, and the difficulties related to escaping successfully due to the presence of covert collaborators.Less
This chapter chronicles the efforts to resist indoctrination and generally make life difficult for the Chinese in the camps (Camp 2, Branch 1 and Camp 4) to which the Chinese sent first the officers and then the senior NCOs in late 1951 and 1952 in an effort to counteract their influence on the rank and file in the main Yalu camps. Attention is paid to strategies for dealing with compulsory political education until it was abandoned, efforts to undermine Chinese confidence through various ruses, the relatively low-key approach towards resistance taken by the non-commissioned officers as compared to the commissioned officers, and the difficulties related to escaping successfully due to the presence of covert collaborators.
Olga Kucherenko
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199585557
- eISBN:
- 9780191725043
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199585557.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Military History
This chapter investigates the work of various agents of socialization, namely family, school, youth organizations, the mass media, and celebrities, as they attempted to forge an identity that would ...
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This chapter investigates the work of various agents of socialization, namely family, school, youth organizations, the mass media, and celebrities, as they attempted to forge an identity that would correspond with state-defined parameters of collectivity and group membership. The state's insistence on the active involvement of children in economic and political life puts child-combatants' military experience in perspective. By bolstering children's social ‘sense of self’ at the expense of personal identity, by committing them to adult roles, and exploiting adolescent desire for approval and positive self-appraisal, Soviet educators unintentionally motivated many children to participate in the war effort.Less
This chapter investigates the work of various agents of socialization, namely family, school, youth organizations, the mass media, and celebrities, as they attempted to forge an identity that would correspond with state-defined parameters of collectivity and group membership. The state's insistence on the active involvement of children in economic and political life puts child-combatants' military experience in perspective. By bolstering children's social ‘sense of self’ at the expense of personal identity, by committing them to adult roles, and exploiting adolescent desire for approval and positive self-appraisal, Soviet educators unintentionally motivated many children to participate in the war effort.
Harvey Siegel
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190682675
- eISBN:
- 9780190682705
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190682675.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Metaphysics/Epistemology
This collection extends and further defends the “reasons conception” of critical thinking that Harvey Siegel has articulated and defended over the last three-plus decades. This conception analyzes ...
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This collection extends and further defends the “reasons conception” of critical thinking that Harvey Siegel has articulated and defended over the last three-plus decades. This conception analyzes and emphasizes both the epistemic quality of candidate beliefs, and the dispositions and character traits that constitute the “critical spirit”, that are central to a proper account of critical thinking; argues that epistemic quality must be understood ultimately in terms of epistemic rationality; defends a conception of rationality that involves both rules and judgment; and argues that critical thinking has normative value over and above its instrumental tie to truth. Siegel also argues, contrary to currently popular multiculturalist thought, for both transcultural and universal philosophical ideals, including those of multiculturalism and critical thinking themselves. Over seventeen chapters, Siegel makes the case for regarding critical thinking, or the cultivation of rationality, as a preeminent educational ideal, and the fostering of it as a fundamental educational aim. A wide range of alternative views are critically examined. Important related topics, including indoctrination, moral education, open-mindedness, testimony, epistemological diversity, and cultural difference are treated. The result is a systematic account and defense of critical thinking, an educational ideal widely proclaimed but seldom submitted to critical scrutiny itself.Less
This collection extends and further defends the “reasons conception” of critical thinking that Harvey Siegel has articulated and defended over the last three-plus decades. This conception analyzes and emphasizes both the epistemic quality of candidate beliefs, and the dispositions and character traits that constitute the “critical spirit”, that are central to a proper account of critical thinking; argues that epistemic quality must be understood ultimately in terms of epistemic rationality; defends a conception of rationality that involves both rules and judgment; and argues that critical thinking has normative value over and above its instrumental tie to truth. Siegel also argues, contrary to currently popular multiculturalist thought, for both transcultural and universal philosophical ideals, including those of multiculturalism and critical thinking themselves. Over seventeen chapters, Siegel makes the case for regarding critical thinking, or the cultivation of rationality, as a preeminent educational ideal, and the fostering of it as a fundamental educational aim. A wide range of alternative views are critically examined. Important related topics, including indoctrination, moral education, open-mindedness, testimony, epistemological diversity, and cultural difference are treated. The result is a systematic account and defense of critical thinking, an educational ideal widely proclaimed but seldom submitted to critical scrutiny itself.
Kristina DuRocher
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813130019
- eISBN:
- 9780813135571
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813130019.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, Social History
During the Jim Crow era, white southerners struggled to maintain cultural, political, and economic control as African Americans and reformers began to gain ground in their fight to eliminate ...
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During the Jim Crow era, white southerners struggled to maintain cultural, political, and economic control as African Americans and reformers began to gain ground in their fight to eliminate segregation. With the absence of slavery, white adults feared that their children would grow up not knowing their proper racial and gender roles. Hence, southern adults focused on socializing white children into their racial beliefs by replicating and perpetuating the ideology and practices of white supremacy. The white community strengthened the race-related lessons learned at home as white youth attended segregated public schools and their newly published southern texts presented an idealized image of race relations and gender roles carefully crafted to reflect the concepts of white adults deemed appropriate for their children. White adults also took advantage of the emerging mass culture of youth, including advertising, toys, and games, to create an idealized image of white power by perpetuating racial caricatures of black bodies and suggestions that African Americans enjoyed their subservient roles. Because of their successful indoctrination into the mores of segregation and white supremacy, many white boys readily accepted mass mob lynching rituals and, at times, actively participated in them. White girls capitalized on their idealized image of passive, protected females to gain some measure of social power. The violent enforcement of segregation in the Jim Crow era began to fade in the early twentieth century and during World War II as African Americans succeeded in bringing the problem to national attention. Many white southerners stopped attempting to enforce white supremacy in 1939, and with the passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, they no longer had unchallenged exclusive access to southern institutions and society became increasingly intolerant of open examples of extralegal violence.Less
During the Jim Crow era, white southerners struggled to maintain cultural, political, and economic control as African Americans and reformers began to gain ground in their fight to eliminate segregation. With the absence of slavery, white adults feared that their children would grow up not knowing their proper racial and gender roles. Hence, southern adults focused on socializing white children into their racial beliefs by replicating and perpetuating the ideology and practices of white supremacy. The white community strengthened the race-related lessons learned at home as white youth attended segregated public schools and their newly published southern texts presented an idealized image of race relations and gender roles carefully crafted to reflect the concepts of white adults deemed appropriate for their children. White adults also took advantage of the emerging mass culture of youth, including advertising, toys, and games, to create an idealized image of white power by perpetuating racial caricatures of black bodies and suggestions that African Americans enjoyed their subservient roles. Because of their successful indoctrination into the mores of segregation and white supremacy, many white boys readily accepted mass mob lynching rituals and, at times, actively participated in them. White girls capitalized on their idealized image of passive, protected females to gain some measure of social power. The violent enforcement of segregation in the Jim Crow era began to fade in the early twentieth century and during World War II as African Americans succeeded in bringing the problem to national attention. Many white southerners stopped attempting to enforce white supremacy in 1939, and with the passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, they no longer had unchallenged exclusive access to southern institutions and society became increasingly intolerant of open examples of extralegal violence.
Stanley Fish
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- November 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780195369021
- eISBN:
- 9780197563243
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780195369021.003.0011
- Subject:
- Education, Higher and Further Education
In conclusion, let me summarize my argument and the entailments it implies. The grounding proposition is that both the coherence and the value of a task depend on its ...
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In conclusion, let me summarize my argument and the entailments it implies. The grounding proposition is that both the coherence and the value of a task depend on its being distinctive. Beginning with that proposition, I ask: What is the distinctive task college and university professors are trained and paid to perform? What can they legitimately (as opposed to presumptuously) claim to be able to do? My answer is that college and university professors can introduce students to bodies of material new to them and equip those same students with the appropriate (to the discipline) analytical and research skills. From this professional competence follow both obligations and prohibitions. The obligations are the usual pedagogical ones—setting up a course, preparing a syllabus, devising exams, assigning papers or experiments, giving feedback, holding office hours, etc. The prohibitions are that an instructor should do neither less nor more. Doing less would mean not showing up to class or showing up unprepared, not being alert to the newest approaches and models in the field, failing to give back papers or to comment on them in helpful ways, etc. Doing more would be to take on tasks that belong properly to other agents—to preachers, political leaders, therapists, and gurus. The lure of these other (some would say larger or more noble) tasks is that they enhance, or at least seem to enhance, the significance of what a teacher does. But in fact, I argue, agendas imported into the classroom from foreign venues do not enrich the pedagogical task, but overwhelm it and erode its constitutive distinctiveness. Once you start preaching or urging a political agenda or engaging your students in discussions designed to produce action in the world, you are surely doing something, but it is not academic, even if you give it that name.
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In conclusion, let me summarize my argument and the entailments it implies. The grounding proposition is that both the coherence and the value of a task depend on its being distinctive. Beginning with that proposition, I ask: What is the distinctive task college and university professors are trained and paid to perform? What can they legitimately (as opposed to presumptuously) claim to be able to do? My answer is that college and university professors can introduce students to bodies of material new to them and equip those same students with the appropriate (to the discipline) analytical and research skills. From this professional competence follow both obligations and prohibitions. The obligations are the usual pedagogical ones—setting up a course, preparing a syllabus, devising exams, assigning papers or experiments, giving feedback, holding office hours, etc. The prohibitions are that an instructor should do neither less nor more. Doing less would mean not showing up to class or showing up unprepared, not being alert to the newest approaches and models in the field, failing to give back papers or to comment on them in helpful ways, etc. Doing more would be to take on tasks that belong properly to other agents—to preachers, political leaders, therapists, and gurus. The lure of these other (some would say larger or more noble) tasks is that they enhance, or at least seem to enhance, the significance of what a teacher does. But in fact, I argue, agendas imported into the classroom from foreign venues do not enrich the pedagogical task, but overwhelm it and erode its constitutive distinctiveness. Once you start preaching or urging a political agenda or engaging your students in discussions designed to produce action in the world, you are surely doing something, but it is not academic, even if you give it that name.
CHRISTINE AYORINDE
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813031927
- eISBN:
- 9780813038513
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813031927.003.0007
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Latin American Studies
This chapter examines the removal of religious intolerance in Cuba during the 1990s. This removal was the result of a rethinking of the Cuban revolutionary project that followed the collapse of the ...
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This chapter examines the removal of religious intolerance in Cuba during the 1990s. This removal was the result of a rethinking of the Cuban revolutionary project that followed the collapse of the Soviet bloc. The chapter discusses the visible increase in religious practice in Cuba despite the growing deprivation and ideological disorientation during the Special Period. It highlights the fact that in spite of several decades of atheist indoctrination, about 85 percent of Cubans were religious to some degree.Less
This chapter examines the removal of religious intolerance in Cuba during the 1990s. This removal was the result of a rethinking of the Cuban revolutionary project that followed the collapse of the Soviet bloc. The chapter discusses the visible increase in religious practice in Cuba despite the growing deprivation and ideological disorientation during the Special Period. It highlights the fact that in spite of several decades of atheist indoctrination, about 85 percent of Cubans were religious to some degree.
