Robin Archer
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295389
- eISBN:
- 9780191598722
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295383.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Appeals to widely held values of individual freedom and equality in order to derive some basic principles of democracy. It also shows that these values constitute the moral basis of socialism. The ...
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Appeals to widely held values of individual freedom and equality in order to derive some basic principles of democracy. It also shows that these values constitute the moral basis of socialism. The chapter defends an autonomy‐based conception of liberty and shows that all those, and only those, who are subject to the authority of an association should exercise direct decision‐making control over it. Other affected individuals should exercise indirect control, such as that which consumers exercise through the market.Less
Appeals to widely held values of individual freedom and equality in order to derive some basic principles of democracy. It also shows that these values constitute the moral basis of socialism. The chapter defends an autonomy‐based conception of liberty and shows that all those, and only those, who are subject to the authority of an association should exercise direct decision‐making control over it. Other affected individuals should exercise indirect control, such as that which consumers exercise through the market.
Terryl C. Givens
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195167115
- eISBN:
- 9780199785599
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195167115.003.0002
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
The Mormon church is authoritarian, hierarchical, and rigid. Priesthood correlation and obedience are watchwords. Politics and individualism can collide. The Prophet is absolute spiritual leader. ...
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The Mormon church is authoritarian, hierarchical, and rigid. Priesthood correlation and obedience are watchwords. Politics and individualism can collide. The Prophet is absolute spiritual leader. Mormon theology, on the other hand, emphasizes moral agency, human freedom, individual initiative, and spiritual independence.Less
The Mormon church is authoritarian, hierarchical, and rigid. Priesthood correlation and obedience are watchwords. Politics and individualism can collide. The Prophet is absolute spiritual leader. Mormon theology, on the other hand, emphasizes moral agency, human freedom, individual initiative, and spiritual independence.
Stephen Macedo
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199253661
- eISBN:
- 9780191601972
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199253668.003.0016
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The essays in Part III of the book, on liberal constraints and traditionalist education, argue for a more regulatory conception of liberal education and emphasize the need for some controls over ...
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The essays in Part III of the book, on liberal constraints and traditionalist education, argue for a more regulatory conception of liberal education and emphasize the need for some controls over cultural and religious educational authority. In the last chapter, on liberalism and group rights, according to Stephen Macedo, while the commitment of liberalism to individual freedom and equality is far more easily reconciled with group-based remedies for group-based inequalities than the critics of liberalism allow, the liberal commitment to freedom of association imposes limits on group recognition by insisting on intragroup openness and diversity. The chapter has two main parts. Section 15.1, Liberalism, Education, and Group Identities, rebuts the charge that a liberal public philosophy embraces a narrow individualism that is incompatible with tackling group-based forms of inequality, and surveys some of the myriad liberal reforms of the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s that promoted more equal respect for differing group identities, especially in schools. Section 15.2, Special Exemptions and the Rights of Traditional Communities, focuses on the difficulties raised by “traditionalistic” groups that seek special accommodations in part because they reject liberal values of equal freedom for all, and makes the point that a liberal regime should not seek to be equally hospitable or accommodating to groups that accept and those that reject educational policies designed to promote the equal freedom of all persons; various examples are presented and discussed.Less
The essays in Part III of the book, on liberal constraints and traditionalist education, argue for a more regulatory conception of liberal education and emphasize the need for some controls over cultural and religious educational authority. In the last chapter, on liberalism and group rights, according to Stephen Macedo, while the commitment of liberalism to individual freedom and equality is far more easily reconciled with group-based remedies for group-based inequalities than the critics of liberalism allow, the liberal commitment to freedom of association imposes limits on group recognition by insisting on intragroup openness and diversity. The chapter has two main parts. Section 15.1, Liberalism, Education, and Group Identities, rebuts the charge that a liberal public philosophy embraces a narrow individualism that is incompatible with tackling group-based forms of inequality, and surveys some of the myriad liberal reforms of the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s that promoted more equal respect for differing group identities, especially in schools. Section 15.2, Special Exemptions and the Rights of Traditional Communities, focuses on the difficulties raised by “traditionalistic” groups that seek special accommodations in part because they reject liberal values of equal freedom for all, and makes the point that a liberal regime should not seek to be equally hospitable or accommodating to groups that accept and those that reject educational policies designed to promote the equal freedom of all persons; various examples are presented and discussed.
Desmond King
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296294
- eISBN:
- 9780191599668
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296290.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
King argues that liberal democratic policies assume illiberal characteristics insofar as they violate what he views as two core principles of liberalism: equality of treatment and respect for ...
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King argues that liberal democratic policies assume illiberal characteristics insofar as they violate what he views as two core principles of liberalism: equality of treatment and respect for individual freedom. King asserts that such illiberal policies are usually justified within a threefold typology; first, through ‘liberal unreason’, the notion that government must make judgements about the mental competence and reasoning powers necessary for citizenship. Second, through ‘liberal amelioration and collectivism’, an idea by which governments have applied collectivist solutions to social problems. Finally, King contends that under the premises of a ‘liberal coercive contract’, governments have required specific activities of welfare recipients.Less
King argues that liberal democratic policies assume illiberal characteristics insofar as they violate what he views as two core principles of liberalism: equality of treatment and respect for individual freedom. King asserts that such illiberal policies are usually justified within a threefold typology; first, through ‘liberal unreason’, the notion that government must make judgements about the mental competence and reasoning powers necessary for citizenship. Second, through ‘liberal amelioration and collectivism’, an idea by which governments have applied collectivist solutions to social problems. Finally, King contends that under the premises of a ‘liberal coercive contract’, governments have required specific activities of welfare recipients.
George P. Fletcher
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195156287
- eISBN:
- 9780199872169
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195156285.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter argues that the Civil War began with one set of purposes, and ended with another. The original motive for resisting Southern secession was preserving the Union, but the final goal was to ...
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This chapter argues that the Civil War began with one set of purposes, and ended with another. The original motive for resisting Southern secession was preserving the Union, but the final goal was to abolish slavery and reinvent the United States on the basis of a new set of principles – at the heart of which lay the Reconstruction Amendments. The principles of this new legal regime are so radically different from our original constitution that they deserve to be recognized as a second American constitution. Where the first constitution was based on principles of nationhood as a voluntary association, individual freedom, and republican elitism, the guiding premises of the second constitution are organic nationhood, equality of all persons, and popular democracy – all themes signaled in Lincoln's famous Gettysburg Address.Less
This chapter argues that the Civil War began with one set of purposes, and ended with another. The original motive for resisting Southern secession was preserving the Union, but the final goal was to abolish slavery and reinvent the United States on the basis of a new set of principles – at the heart of which lay the Reconstruction Amendments. The principles of this new legal regime are so radically different from our original constitution that they deserve to be recognized as a second American constitution. Where the first constitution was based on principles of nationhood as a voluntary association, individual freedom, and republican elitism, the guiding premises of the second constitution are organic nationhood, equality of all persons, and popular democracy – all themes signaled in Lincoln's famous Gettysburg Address.
Wendy L. Wall
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195329100
- eISBN:
- 9780199870226
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195329100.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Most of those who invoked a unifying set of American values between the mid-1930s and the mid-1960s shared some common ground: they emphasized individual freedoms not majoritarian democracy and ...
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Most of those who invoked a unifying set of American values between the mid-1930s and the mid-1960s shared some common ground: they emphasized individual freedoms not majoritarian democracy and believed America had a message for the globe. At the same time, they were split by a chasmal divide: some used the language of consensus to preach civility and shore up the social, economic and political status quo; others deployed that language to promote equality and social change. The competition between these two visions—as well as the ground they shared—structured national debates in powerful ways. Corporate America and the interfaith movement reaped particular benefits, and even civil rights activists were able to use the language of consensus to make limited gains. At the same time, consensus politics helped to take economic inequality off the table as a political issue and proved inadequate to addressing the long-term effects of white supremacy. The politics of consensus finally fractured in the mid-1960s for a variety of reasons, including the Vietnam War. Its legacy survives, however, in institutions, political rhetoric and assumptions about the past that continue to inform political debates.Less
Most of those who invoked a unifying set of American values between the mid-1930s and the mid-1960s shared some common ground: they emphasized individual freedoms not majoritarian democracy and believed America had a message for the globe. At the same time, they were split by a chasmal divide: some used the language of consensus to preach civility and shore up the social, economic and political status quo; others deployed that language to promote equality and social change. The competition between these two visions—as well as the ground they shared—structured national debates in powerful ways. Corporate America and the interfaith movement reaped particular benefits, and even civil rights activists were able to use the language of consensus to make limited gains. At the same time, consensus politics helped to take economic inequality off the table as a political issue and proved inadequate to addressing the long-term effects of white supremacy. The politics of consensus finally fractured in the mid-1960s for a variety of reasons, including the Vietnam War. Its legacy survives, however, in institutions, political rhetoric and assumptions about the past that continue to inform political debates.
Gilles Saint-Paul
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691128177
- eISBN:
- 9781400838899
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691128177.001.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, History of Economic Thought
The general assumption that social policy should be utilitarian—that society should be organized to yield the greatest level of welfare—leads inexorably to increased government interventions. ...
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The general assumption that social policy should be utilitarian—that society should be organized to yield the greatest level of welfare—leads inexorably to increased government interventions. Historically, however, the science of economics has advocated limits to these interventions for utilitarian reasons and because of the assumption that people know what is best for themselves. But more recently, behavioral economics has focused on biases and inconsistencies in individual behavior. Based on these developments, governments now prescribe the foods we eat, the apartments we rent, and the composition of our financial portfolios. This book takes on this rise of paternalism and its dangers for individual freedoms, and examines how developments in economics and the social sciences are leading to greater government intrusion in our private lives. The book posits that the utilitarian foundations of individual freedom promoted by traditional economics are fundamentally flawed. When combined with developments in social science that view the individual as incapable of making rational and responsible choices, utilitarianism seems to logically call for greater governmental intervention in our lives. Arguing that this cannot be defended on purely instrumental grounds, the book calls for individual liberty to be restored as a central value in our society. Exploring how behavioral economics is contributing to the excessive rise of paternalistic interventions, this book presents a controversial challenge to the prevailing currents in economic and political discourse.Less
The general assumption that social policy should be utilitarian—that society should be organized to yield the greatest level of welfare—leads inexorably to increased government interventions. Historically, however, the science of economics has advocated limits to these interventions for utilitarian reasons and because of the assumption that people know what is best for themselves. But more recently, behavioral economics has focused on biases and inconsistencies in individual behavior. Based on these developments, governments now prescribe the foods we eat, the apartments we rent, and the composition of our financial portfolios. This book takes on this rise of paternalism and its dangers for individual freedoms, and examines how developments in economics and the social sciences are leading to greater government intrusion in our private lives. The book posits that the utilitarian foundations of individual freedom promoted by traditional economics are fundamentally flawed. When combined with developments in social science that view the individual as incapable of making rational and responsible choices, utilitarianism seems to logically call for greater governmental intervention in our lives. Arguing that this cannot be defended on purely instrumental grounds, the book calls for individual liberty to be restored as a central value in our society. Exploring how behavioral economics is contributing to the excessive rise of paternalistic interventions, this book presents a controversial challenge to the prevailing currents in economic and political discourse.
Robert H. Myers
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199256594
- eISBN:
- 9780191698316
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199256594.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This book presents an original moral theory which charts a course between the extremes of consequentialism and contractualism. It puts forward a radically new case for the existence of both ...
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This book presents an original moral theory which charts a course between the extremes of consequentialism and contractualism. It puts forward a radically new case for the existence of both agent-neutral and agent-relative values, and gives an innovative answer to the question how such disparate values can be weighed against each other. Practical judgement is shown to be guided in this by two very different ideals: an ideal of cooperation, which is held to shape the content of morality's demands, and one of self-governance, which is held to determine the nature of reason's requirements. Examination of the ideal of cooperation reveals that principles of impartial beneficence and rights protecting individual freedoms are equally fundamental to morality. Examination of the ideal of self-governance reveals that morality's dictates, though not necessarily overriding, are always in an important sense inescapable.Less
This book presents an original moral theory which charts a course between the extremes of consequentialism and contractualism. It puts forward a radically new case for the existence of both agent-neutral and agent-relative values, and gives an innovative answer to the question how such disparate values can be weighed against each other. Practical judgement is shown to be guided in this by two very different ideals: an ideal of cooperation, which is held to shape the content of morality's demands, and one of self-governance, which is held to determine the nature of reason's requirements. Examination of the ideal of cooperation reveals that principles of impartial beneficence and rights protecting individual freedoms are equally fundamental to morality. Examination of the ideal of self-governance reveals that morality's dictates, though not necessarily overriding, are always in an important sense inescapable.
Prasanta K. Pattanaik
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199290420
- eISBN:
- 9780191710506
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199290420.003.0014
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Public and Welfare
Though utilitarianism has been highly influential as a normative theory of public action, it has faced many searching criticisms throughout its history. In welfare economics, where the dominant ...
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Though utilitarianism has been highly influential as a normative theory of public action, it has faced many searching criticisms throughout its history. In welfare economics, where the dominant conceptual framework was basically utilitarian for a long time, many distinctly non‐utilitarian ethical concerns have been explored in the last few decades. This chapter provides a review of some of the arguments advanced by the critics of utilitarianism as the basis of public action. The chapter starts with a discussion of some basic features of utilitarianism and then reviews a number of objections to utilitarianism, grouping them in three categories: (i) “problems of exclusion” (ii) “problems of inclusion” and (iii) “problems of aggregation”.Less
Though utilitarianism has been highly influential as a normative theory of public action, it has faced many searching criticisms throughout its history. In welfare economics, where the dominant conceptual framework was basically utilitarian for a long time, many distinctly non‐utilitarian ethical concerns have been explored in the last few decades. This chapter provides a review of some of the arguments advanced by the critics of utilitarianism as the basis of public action. The chapter starts with a discussion of some basic features of utilitarianism and then reviews a number of objections to utilitarianism, grouping them in three categories: (i) “problems of exclusion” (ii) “problems of inclusion” and (iii) “problems of aggregation”.
Gilles Saint-Paul
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691128177
- eISBN:
- 9781400838899
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691128177.003.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, History of Economic Thought
This introductory chapter provides a background to the rise of paternalistic policies. The recent development of paternalism is not devoid of intellectual apparatus. Of all the social sciences, ...
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This introductory chapter provides a background to the rise of paternalistic policies. The recent development of paternalism is not devoid of intellectual apparatus. Of all the social sciences, economics is the one that has traditionally stuck to the individualistic values of the Enlightenment. However, in recent years, a new brand of economics (labeled “behavioral”) departs from those foundations and brings new ammunition to state involvement in private lives. The aim of this book is to explain what behavioral economics is and whether it is dangerous for those who believe in individual freedom and limited government. The chapter also explains utilitarianism. Utilitarianism states that “society” should be organized so as to yield the greatest possible level of welfare, where it is assumed that there is some way of comparing and adding welfare across individuals.Less
This introductory chapter provides a background to the rise of paternalistic policies. The recent development of paternalism is not devoid of intellectual apparatus. Of all the social sciences, economics is the one that has traditionally stuck to the individualistic values of the Enlightenment. However, in recent years, a new brand of economics (labeled “behavioral”) departs from those foundations and brings new ammunition to state involvement in private lives. The aim of this book is to explain what behavioral economics is and whether it is dangerous for those who believe in individual freedom and limited government. The chapter also explains utilitarianism. Utilitarianism states that “society” should be organized so as to yield the greatest possible level of welfare, where it is assumed that there is some way of comparing and adding welfare across individuals.
Zoltan J. Acs
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691148625
- eISBN:
- 9781400846818
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691148625.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Public Policy
This book examines the interplay between entrepreneurship and philanthropy, on the one hand, and wealth creation and opportunity, on the other. Using historical and institutional evidence, it traces ...
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This book examines the interplay between entrepreneurship and philanthropy, on the one hand, and wealth creation and opportunity, on the other. Using historical and institutional evidence, it traces the story of American philanthropy through the centuries. It shows that many philanthropists had humble beginnings, worked hard to make something of themselves, and later used their money to help improve the world. It also demonstrates how most Americans, wealthy and otherwise, historically have exemplified an unstated principle that lies at the heart of American-style capitalism: that those who amass wealth must continually create opportunities by investing in society. The book makes a distinction between philanthropy and charity and argues that philanthropy has the potential to mitigate inequalities as it softens the hard edges of the free market. Finally, it describes philanthropy as consistent with the self-made American values of individual freedom.Less
This book examines the interplay between entrepreneurship and philanthropy, on the one hand, and wealth creation and opportunity, on the other. Using historical and institutional evidence, it traces the story of American philanthropy through the centuries. It shows that many philanthropists had humble beginnings, worked hard to make something of themselves, and later used their money to help improve the world. It also demonstrates how most Americans, wealthy and otherwise, historically have exemplified an unstated principle that lies at the heart of American-style capitalism: that those who amass wealth must continually create opportunities by investing in society. The book makes a distinction between philanthropy and charity and argues that philanthropy has the potential to mitigate inequalities as it softens the hard edges of the free market. Finally, it describes philanthropy as consistent with the self-made American values of individual freedom.
Anna Wierzbicka
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195137330
- eISBN:
- 9780199867905
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195137337.003.0020
- Subject:
- Religion, Biblical Studies
This chapter argues that the parable of the Talents is aimed at all people rather than at this or that particular group, as has often been argued in the literature. It points out that as in a number ...
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This chapter argues that the parable of the Talents is aimed at all people rather than at this or that particular group, as has often been argued in the literature. It points out that as in a number of other parables, Jesus uses the narrative strategy of comparing God to a morally dubious character – here, a harsh and merciless master – while at the same time conveying the message that God is merciful and can be trusted, and that people should use their God‐given gifts with courage and in freedom. The chapter discusses the impact of the metaphor of the talents on European civilization and links that metaphor with the Western emphasis on enterprise, initiative, individual freedom of action, and personal responsibility. Some of the key components of the parable's message are articulated as follows:I know: I can do some good thingsbecause God does good things for meI know: God wants me to do these thingsI want to do these things because of thisLess
This chapter argues that the parable of the Talents is aimed at all people rather than at this or that particular group, as has often been argued in the literature. It points out that as in a number of other parables, Jesus uses the narrative strategy of comparing God to a morally dubious character – here, a harsh and merciless master – while at the same time conveying the message that God is merciful and can be trusted, and that people should use their God‐given gifts with courage and in freedom. The chapter discusses the impact of the metaphor of the talents on European civilization and links that metaphor with the Western emphasis on enterprise, initiative, individual freedom of action, and personal responsibility. Some of the key components of the parable's message are articulated as follows:
I know: I can do some good things
because God does good things for me
I know: God wants me to do these things
I want to do these things because of this
Paul Spicker
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9781861348418
- eISBN:
- 9781447302704
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781861348418.003.0002
- Subject:
- Sociology, Comparative and Historical Sociology
Liberty is commonly represented in terms of ‘negative’ and ‘positive’ approaches. Negative freedom refers mainly to freedom from restraint. The weaknesses in the idea of negative freedom point in the ...
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Liberty is commonly represented in terms of ‘negative’ and ‘positive’ approaches. Negative freedom refers mainly to freedom from restraint. The weaknesses in the idea of negative freedom point in the direction of a counterbalancing idea, ‘positive’ freedom. This can refer to the freedom to act, or to self-determination. The chapter also discusses individual and social concepts of freedom. The idea of individual freedom starts from the premise that each person should be self-determining. Social freedom, on the other hand, starts from a different set of moral premises. It sees freedom, not as a property of individuals, but as a relationship between people. Opposition to liberty is sometimes described in terms of ‘paternalism’. This chapter enumerates three strong moral reasons for limiting liberty.Less
Liberty is commonly represented in terms of ‘negative’ and ‘positive’ approaches. Negative freedom refers mainly to freedom from restraint. The weaknesses in the idea of negative freedom point in the direction of a counterbalancing idea, ‘positive’ freedom. This can refer to the freedom to act, or to self-determination. The chapter also discusses individual and social concepts of freedom. The idea of individual freedom starts from the premise that each person should be self-determining. Social freedom, on the other hand, starts from a different set of moral premises. It sees freedom, not as a property of individuals, but as a relationship between people. Opposition to liberty is sometimes described in terms of ‘paternalism’. This chapter enumerates three strong moral reasons for limiting liberty.
Fred Dallmayr
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780813165783
- eISBN:
- 9780813165813
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813165783.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Chapter 6 examines some variations and examples of conflicts between community and freedom, starting from the glorification of radical self-interest in social Darwinism and proceeding to more ...
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Chapter 6 examines some variations and examples of conflicts between community and freedom, starting from the glorification of radical self-interest in social Darwinism and proceeding to more ethically nurtured dissent (such as the resistance movement against the Nazi regime in Germany). In opposition to the “possessive” or property-centered idea of freedom in social Darwinism and neoliberalism, the chapter turns to socially engaged conceptions of individual freedom, civil disobedience, and dissent—conceptions articulated especially in the works of Henry David Thoreau, Mahatma Gandhi, and Albert Camus. Their views and actions cast a very different light on the possible antagonism between individualism and society, presenting the radical dissenter as an agent seeking to raise social or community life to a higher ethical level.Less
Chapter 6 examines some variations and examples of conflicts between community and freedom, starting from the glorification of radical self-interest in social Darwinism and proceeding to more ethically nurtured dissent (such as the resistance movement against the Nazi regime in Germany). In opposition to the “possessive” or property-centered idea of freedom in social Darwinism and neoliberalism, the chapter turns to socially engaged conceptions of individual freedom, civil disobedience, and dissent—conceptions articulated especially in the works of Henry David Thoreau, Mahatma Gandhi, and Albert Camus. Their views and actions cast a very different light on the possible antagonism between individualism and society, presenting the radical dissenter as an agent seeking to raise social or community life to a higher ethical level.
Richard M. Titmuss
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781447349570
- eISBN:
- 9781447349587
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781447349570.003.0014
- Subject:
- Social Work, Social Policy
This concluding chapter provides some interpretative comment on the responses of the voluntary blood donors recorded in the preceding chapter and relates certain issues of principle and practice ...
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This concluding chapter provides some interpretative comment on the responses of the voluntary blood donors recorded in the preceding chapter and relates certain issues of principle and practice raised in this book's study to the potential role that governmental social policy can play in preserving and extending the freedom of the individual. Practically all the voluntary donors employed a moral vocabulary to explain their reasons for giving blood. They acknowledged that they could not and should not live entirely as they may have liked if they had paid regard solely to their own immediate gratifications. However, none of the donors' answers was purely altruistic. The chapter then argues that policy and processes should enable men to be free to choose to give to unnamed strangers. They should not be coerced or constrained by the market.Less
This concluding chapter provides some interpretative comment on the responses of the voluntary blood donors recorded in the preceding chapter and relates certain issues of principle and practice raised in this book's study to the potential role that governmental social policy can play in preserving and extending the freedom of the individual. Practically all the voluntary donors employed a moral vocabulary to explain their reasons for giving blood. They acknowledged that they could not and should not live entirely as they may have liked if they had paid regard solely to their own immediate gratifications. However, none of the donors' answers was purely altruistic. The chapter then argues that policy and processes should enable men to be free to choose to give to unnamed strangers. They should not be coerced or constrained by the market.
JOSEPH RAZ
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198260691
- eISBN:
- 9780191682148
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198260691.003.0005
- Subject:
- Law, Philosophy of Law
This chapter considers liberalism, scepticism, and democracy. It starts by criticizing the view that moral scepticism or moral fallibility provides an important moral foundation for respecting ...
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This chapter considers liberalism, scepticism, and democracy. It starts by criticizing the view that moral scepticism or moral fallibility provides an important moral foundation for respecting individual liberty. It then criticizes a certain conception of democracy which has some intellectual affinities with the previously considered views. It concludes with a brief summary of an alternative view of defending liberty as a positive value, as an element in the moral ideal of the free person. It notes that the value of freedom of the individual depends on the freedom of others because the value of political freedom lies in providing the conditions for personal autonomy and because personal autonomy can be realized only in a society which maintains an appropriate public culture.Less
This chapter considers liberalism, scepticism, and democracy. It starts by criticizing the view that moral scepticism or moral fallibility provides an important moral foundation for respecting individual liberty. It then criticizes a certain conception of democracy which has some intellectual affinities with the previously considered views. It concludes with a brief summary of an alternative view of defending liberty as a positive value, as an element in the moral ideal of the free person. It notes that the value of freedom of the individual depends on the freedom of others because the value of political freedom lies in providing the conditions for personal autonomy and because personal autonomy can be realized only in a society which maintains an appropriate public culture.
Jonathan Bean
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813125459
- eISBN:
- 9780813135205
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813125459.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
During the civil rights era, federal courts ruled various forms of segregation unconstitutional, thus infuriating southern conservatives. A Republican Senate refused to seat a notorious racist, and ...
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During the civil rights era, federal courts ruled various forms of segregation unconstitutional, thus infuriating southern conservatives. A Republican Senate refused to seat a notorious racist, and subsequent congresses passed Civil Rights Acts protecting voting rights and overturning segregation. President Dwight D. Eisenhower played a great role in the desegregation of Washington, DC (1953), and the Brown v. Board decision (1954). President Lyndon B. Johnson signed the Civil Rights Act of 1964, a bill passed by a bipartisan congressional coalition, over the opposition of southern Democrats. Classical liberals believed state-sponsored discrimination was a problem. Federal laws that struck down such discrimination were not only constitutional but appropriate for achieving individual freedom from state interference. White supremacy by government fiat violated classical liberal principles. On the other hand, classical liberals opposed laws that limited an individual's freedom of association or that required him to prefer one race over another.Less
During the civil rights era, federal courts ruled various forms of segregation unconstitutional, thus infuriating southern conservatives. A Republican Senate refused to seat a notorious racist, and subsequent congresses passed Civil Rights Acts protecting voting rights and overturning segregation. President Dwight D. Eisenhower played a great role in the desegregation of Washington, DC (1953), and the Brown v. Board decision (1954). President Lyndon B. Johnson signed the Civil Rights Act of 1964, a bill passed by a bipartisan congressional coalition, over the opposition of southern Democrats. Classical liberals believed state-sponsored discrimination was a problem. Federal laws that struck down such discrimination were not only constitutional but appropriate for achieving individual freedom from state interference. White supremacy by government fiat violated classical liberal principles. On the other hand, classical liberals opposed laws that limited an individual's freedom of association or that required him to prefer one race over another.
Florian Schui
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199593965
- eISBN:
- 9780191750724
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199593965.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, History of Ideas
This chapter explores how the process of state building in Prussia changed the life of urban dwellers and how this resulted in the development of urban civil society. The Prussian state became more ...
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This chapter explores how the process of state building in Prussia changed the life of urban dwellers and how this resulted in the development of urban civil society. The Prussian state became more powerful and better structured in many areas after the Thirty Years's War. However, it is often overlooked that this process also resulted in the increasing withdrawal from certain areas. Most importantly the state left matters of religion and of commerce and industry increasingly to be governed by the initiatives of private individuals. As a result of the process of state building urban dwellers thus acquired a greater degree of autonomy and individual freedom.Less
This chapter explores how the process of state building in Prussia changed the life of urban dwellers and how this resulted in the development of urban civil society. The Prussian state became more powerful and better structured in many areas after the Thirty Years's War. However, it is often overlooked that this process also resulted in the increasing withdrawal from certain areas. Most importantly the state left matters of religion and of commerce and industry increasingly to be governed by the initiatives of private individuals. As a result of the process of state building urban dwellers thus acquired a greater degree of autonomy and individual freedom.
Eric T. Freyfogle
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813124391
- eISBN:
- 9780813134888
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813124391.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Environmental Politics
This chapter uses Wendell Berry's 2000 Novel Jayber Crow, to describe the challenges involved in living ethically within a small agrarian community. As responsible members of the community, Jayber ...
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This chapter uses Wendell Berry's 2000 Novel Jayber Crow, to describe the challenges involved in living ethically within a small agrarian community. As responsible members of the community, Jayber Crow and his neighbors strive to comply with the tenets of Christianity, especially the admonition to love all their neighbors. But because of their high regard for individual freedom, they were unable to organize themselves against the threat of bad land use. In the end, the novel implicitly claims that the key to moral growth is to love one another. However, a strong and effective democracy should have better enabled the community to deal with the tradeoffs between individual autonomy and secure social bonds. As the same attitude continues to exist in real-world landscapes, there is evidently a need for thoughtful citizen-leaders who can identify a sound path ahead and help move people down it.Less
This chapter uses Wendell Berry's 2000 Novel Jayber Crow, to describe the challenges involved in living ethically within a small agrarian community. As responsible members of the community, Jayber Crow and his neighbors strive to comply with the tenets of Christianity, especially the admonition to love all their neighbors. But because of their high regard for individual freedom, they were unable to organize themselves against the threat of bad land use. In the end, the novel implicitly claims that the key to moral growth is to love one another. However, a strong and effective democracy should have better enabled the community to deal with the tradeoffs between individual autonomy and secure social bonds. As the same attitude continues to exist in real-world landscapes, there is evidently a need for thoughtful citizen-leaders who can identify a sound path ahead and help move people down it.
CHRISTOPHER MORASH
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198182795
- eISBN:
- 9780191673887
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198182795.003.0004
- Subject:
- Literature, 19th-century and Victorian Literature
‘The torture of Tantalus’ was how William Drennan described the view of ‘the world's progressive lot’ from Famine Ireland: close enough to see the parade of progress, but not close enough to join the ...
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‘The torture of Tantalus’ was how William Drennan described the view of ‘the world's progressive lot’ from Famine Ireland: close enough to see the parade of progress, but not close enough to join the march. For those Irish men and women who were attempting to formulate a coherent definition of Irish nationality and culture during the middle years of the 19th century, this tantalised posture led to some excruciating ideological gymnastics. In the case of John Mitchel, it was to produce a group of texts which have been among the most important in shaping subsequent understandings of the Irish Famine, and which, at the same time, bear a strange affinity with that textual constellation which includes Friedrich Nietzsche and Michel Foucault. It is in the concept of individual freedom, necessary to all shades of nationalist ideology, that the textual strategies of John Mitchel took shape. What made Mitchel different from so many of his contemporaries is that he refused Enlightenment.Less
‘The torture of Tantalus’ was how William Drennan described the view of ‘the world's progressive lot’ from Famine Ireland: close enough to see the parade of progress, but not close enough to join the march. For those Irish men and women who were attempting to formulate a coherent definition of Irish nationality and culture during the middle years of the 19th century, this tantalised posture led to some excruciating ideological gymnastics. In the case of John Mitchel, it was to produce a group of texts which have been among the most important in shaping subsequent understandings of the Irish Famine, and which, at the same time, bear a strange affinity with that textual constellation which includes Friedrich Nietzsche and Michel Foucault. It is in the concept of individual freedom, necessary to all shades of nationalist ideology, that the textual strategies of John Mitchel took shape. What made Mitchel different from so many of his contemporaries is that he refused Enlightenment.
