Independent International Commission on Kosovo
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199243099
- eISBN:
- 9780191599538
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199243093.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The Kosovo Report is a final product of the work by the Independent International Commission on Kosovo, established to examine key developments prior to, during, and after the Kosovo war, including ...
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The Kosovo Report is a final product of the work by the Independent International Commission on Kosovo, established to examine key developments prior to, during, and after the Kosovo war, including systematic violations of human rights in the region. The report assesses effectiveness of diplomatic efforts to prevent the war, legality of the NATO bombing campaign against Yugoslavia, and the progress of the United Nations in post‐conflict reconstruction. The Report makes a recommendation for the future status of Kosovo and proposes a new general framework for humanitarian intervention based on principles of legitimacy. It argues that the intervention by the international community in the Kosovo conflict did not so much create a precedent for intervention elsewhere as raise vital question about the legitimacy and practicability of the use of military force to defend human rights. The intervention, the Report concludes, exposed the limitations of the current international law on the balance between the rights of citizens and the rights of states; it demonstrated the difficulties that ensue when even the most sophisticated and professional military forces are deployed to achieve humanitarian goals; and it showed the immense obstacles that lie in the path of creating multi‐ethnic cooperation in societies torn apart by ethnic war.Less
The Kosovo Report is a final product of the work by the Independent International Commission on Kosovo, established to examine key developments prior to, during, and after the Kosovo war, including systematic violations of human rights in the region. The report assesses effectiveness of diplomatic efforts to prevent the war, legality of the NATO bombing campaign against Yugoslavia, and the progress of the United Nations in post‐conflict reconstruction. The Report makes a recommendation for the future status of Kosovo and proposes a new general framework for humanitarian intervention based on principles of legitimacy. It argues that the intervention by the international community in the Kosovo conflict did not so much create a precedent for intervention elsewhere as raise vital question about the legitimacy and practicability of the use of military force to defend human rights. The intervention, the Report concludes, exposed the limitations of the current international law on the balance between the rights of citizens and the rights of states; it demonstrated the difficulties that ensue when even the most sophisticated and professional military forces are deployed to achieve humanitarian goals; and it showed the immense obstacles that lie in the path of creating multi‐ethnic cooperation in societies torn apart by ethnic war.
Ian Carter
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294535
- eISBN:
- 9780191598951
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294530.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
When liberal political philosophers talk of equalizing, increasing or maximizing freedom (or liberty), they implicitly assume freedom to be a measurable attribute. Freedom is one of the currencies of ...
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When liberal political philosophers talk of equalizing, increasing or maximizing freedom (or liberty), they implicitly assume freedom to be a measurable attribute. Freedom is one of the currencies of a liberal theory of distributive justice, and is therefore assumed to be something that individuals can possess in varying degrees. Yet it is rarely clear what is meant by claims about degrees of freedom. To make sense of such claims, we need to clarify the concept of overall freedom and ask whether its measurement is theoretically possible. This concept is important because freedom has, for liberals, non-specific (or content-independent) value–i.e. value that is independent of the value of being free to do specific things. Liberals prescribe not only that individuals have certain specific freedom-types but also that they have a measure of (overall) freedom. Attempts to make sense of the concept of overall freedom by weighting particular options in terms of their values are erroneous, as these do not account for freedom’s non-specific value. On the other hand, a closer examination of the problems of the individuation of actions and of the various types of constraints on freedom shows overall freedom to be measurable in a way that reflects its non-specific value. To this end, actions need to be individuated in spatio-temporal terms and constraints on freedom need to be characterized in terms of the physical compossibility of actions. The comparative judgements about freedom implied by this analysis (with reference both to individuals and to groups) are more coherent with our intuitive judgements than might at first be expected.Less
When liberal political philosophers talk of equalizing, increasing or maximizing freedom (or liberty), they implicitly assume freedom to be a measurable attribute. Freedom is one of the currencies of a liberal theory of distributive justice, and is therefore assumed to be something that individuals can possess in varying degrees. Yet it is rarely clear what is meant by claims about degrees of freedom. To make sense of such claims, we need to clarify the concept of overall freedom and ask whether its measurement is theoretically possible. This concept is important because freedom has, for liberals, non-specific (or content-independent) value–i.e. value that is independent of the value of being free to do specific things. Liberals prescribe not only that individuals have certain specific freedom-types but also that they have a measure of (overall) freedom. Attempts to make sense of the concept of overall freedom by weighting particular options in terms of their values are erroneous, as these do not account for freedom’s non-specific value. On the other hand, a closer examination of the problems of the individuation of actions and of the various types of constraints on freedom shows overall freedom to be measurable in a way that reflects its non-specific value. To this end, actions need to be individuated in spatio-temporal terms and constraints on freedom need to be characterized in terms of the physical compossibility of actions. The comparative judgements about freedom implied by this analysis (with reference both to individuals and to groups) are more coherent with our intuitive judgements than might at first be expected.
Arad Reisberg
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199204892
- eISBN:
- 9780191709487
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199204892.003.0004
- Subject:
- Law, Company and Commercial Law
This chapter inquires into the particular difficulties minority shareholders face where they seek redress against wrongdoing directors. Section 3.2 discusses these problems and Section 3.3 outlines ...
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This chapter inquires into the particular difficulties minority shareholders face where they seek redress against wrongdoing directors. Section 3.2 discusses these problems and Section 3.3 outlines the common law responses to these problems. Through extensive discussion of case law and emerging so-called principles and rules this section illustrates how procedurally and substantively English law has developed to provide disincentives to prospective shareholder claimants in this context. Subsequently, two policy responses are analysed. First, Section 3.4.1 examines and assesses the competence of three alternative bodies which may assess the merits of a derivative action: a committee of independent directors, an ‘independent organ’ of the company, and the courts. It concludes that courts should discharge the task of deciding this critical question. Section 3.4.2 explains that once a gatekeeper is put in place, the focus should be on establishing an expeditious means for screening and dismissing non-meritorious cases. It evaluates how well (or rather, badly) current legal screens work.Less
This chapter inquires into the particular difficulties minority shareholders face where they seek redress against wrongdoing directors. Section 3.2 discusses these problems and Section 3.3 outlines the common law responses to these problems. Through extensive discussion of case law and emerging so-called principles and rules this section illustrates how procedurally and substantively English law has developed to provide disincentives to prospective shareholder claimants in this context. Subsequently, two policy responses are analysed. First, Section 3.4.1 examines and assesses the competence of three alternative bodies which may assess the merits of a derivative action: a committee of independent directors, an ‘independent organ’ of the company, and the courts. It concludes that courts should discharge the task of deciding this critical question. Section 3.4.2 explains that once a gatekeeper is put in place, the focus should be on establishing an expeditious means for screening and dismissing non-meritorious cases. It evaluates how well (or rather, badly) current legal screens work.
Magdi Amin, Ragui Assaad, Nazar al-Baharna, Kemal Dervis, Raj M. Desai, Navtej S. Dhillon, Ahmed Galal, Hafez Ghanem, Carol Graham, and Daniel Kaufmann
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199924929
- eISBN:
- 9780199949427
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199924929.001.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
The Arab Spring constitutes perhaps the most far-reaching political and economic transition since the end of communism in Europe. For too long, the economic aspirations of the people in the region, ...
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The Arab Spring constitutes perhaps the most far-reaching political and economic transition since the end of communism in Europe. For too long, the economic aspirations of the people in the region, especially young people, have been ignored by leaders in Arab countries and abroad. Competing views as to how best to meet these aspirations are now being debated in the region. The outcome will shape Arab societies for generations to come. This book argues that significant economic reforms must accompany the major political transitions that are underway. Although each country has a different economic structure and history and must make its own way forward, there are spill-overs from trade and investment linkages, the contagion of news cycles, interaction of people and sharing of expectations that are too great to ignore. Some common foundation of the new Arab economies is needed. Towards that end, this volume addresses four central challenges of economic reform in the Arab world. First, with two-thirds of the population under the age of thirty, the disproportionate burdens of unemployment and poor education can no longer be heaped on youth. Second, while some government policies may have improved the living standards of Arab citizens in the past, they have also entrenched cronies, enriched a small elite, and become unaffordable. Third, if Arab economies are to compete in the 21st century they cannot depend solely on oil and gas money, remittances, and tourism, but will require active, independent private sectors. And finally, the relative isolation of Arab economies—both from each other and from the world—must end. Rather than providing specific lists of recommendations, this book sets forth a set of guidelines and priorities for reformers who will begin creating new opportunities for youth, rebuilding the institutions of the state, diversifying the private sector, and cooperating with each other and integrating with the world economy.Less
The Arab Spring constitutes perhaps the most far-reaching political and economic transition since the end of communism in Europe. For too long, the economic aspirations of the people in the region, especially young people, have been ignored by leaders in Arab countries and abroad. Competing views as to how best to meet these aspirations are now being debated in the region. The outcome will shape Arab societies for generations to come. This book argues that significant economic reforms must accompany the major political transitions that are underway. Although each country has a different economic structure and history and must make its own way forward, there are spill-overs from trade and investment linkages, the contagion of news cycles, interaction of people and sharing of expectations that are too great to ignore. Some common foundation of the new Arab economies is needed. Towards that end, this volume addresses four central challenges of economic reform in the Arab world. First, with two-thirds of the population under the age of thirty, the disproportionate burdens of unemployment and poor education can no longer be heaped on youth. Second, while some government policies may have improved the living standards of Arab citizens in the past, they have also entrenched cronies, enriched a small elite, and become unaffordable. Third, if Arab economies are to compete in the 21st century they cannot depend solely on oil and gas money, remittances, and tourism, but will require active, independent private sectors. And finally, the relative isolation of Arab economies—both from each other and from the world—must end. Rather than providing specific lists of recommendations, this book sets forth a set of guidelines and priorities for reformers who will begin creating new opportunities for youth, rebuilding the institutions of the state, diversifying the private sector, and cooperating with each other and integrating with the world economy.
Satoshi Matsumura
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780198292746
- eISBN:
- 9780191603891
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198292740.003.0004
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, South and East Asia
This chapter argues that there was a substantial diversity in the forms of production used in the silk-reeling industry in modern Japan. Although export growth led to the development of this ...
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This chapter argues that there was a substantial diversity in the forms of production used in the silk-reeling industry in modern Japan. Although export growth led to the development of this industry, the domestic market for raw silk also contributed to the increase in total demand after the first decade of the 20th century. The reason why domestically-oriented manufacturers did not adopt the factory system of production, but instead used various forms of production such as independent operation, subcontracting to small-scale factories, and putting-out was discussed.Less
This chapter argues that there was a substantial diversity in the forms of production used in the silk-reeling industry in modern Japan. Although export growth led to the development of this industry, the domestic market for raw silk also contributed to the increase in total demand after the first decade of the 20th century. The reason why domestically-oriented manufacturers did not adopt the factory system of production, but instead used various forms of production such as independent operation, subcontracting to small-scale factories, and putting-out was discussed.
Mark Thatcher
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199245680
- eISBN:
- 9780191715273
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199245680.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
This chapter shows how and why policy forms of internationalisation helped to undermine well-entrenched institutions in France, Germany, and Italy that had survived previous attempts at reform. ...
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This chapter shows how and why policy forms of internationalisation helped to undermine well-entrenched institutions in France, Germany, and Italy that had survived previous attempts at reform. Policy makers feared regulatory competition from Britain after its reforms of 1984 while EU regulation from 1988 offered occasions for change, arguments to legitimate reform, and opportunities for national champions to become international ones. Aided by these two international factors, governments and national suppliers formed broader reform coalitions that were able to overcome strong resistance and introduce sweeping institutional changes, notably privatisation of incumbent suppliers, termination of monopolies, and delegation of powers to independent sectoral agencies. Thus, by 2005, France, Germany, and Italy had broken with deeply-rooted domestic institutions that protected national suppliers from competition. Instead, they had adopted an institutional model of a liberalised market with private suppliers and independent regulatory agencies, which was similar to that in Britain but reached through a different route.Less
This chapter shows how and why policy forms of internationalisation helped to undermine well-entrenched institutions in France, Germany, and Italy that had survived previous attempts at reform. Policy makers feared regulatory competition from Britain after its reforms of 1984 while EU regulation from 1988 offered occasions for change, arguments to legitimate reform, and opportunities for national champions to become international ones. Aided by these two international factors, governments and national suppliers formed broader reform coalitions that were able to overcome strong resistance and introduce sweeping institutional changes, notably privatisation of incumbent suppliers, termination of monopolies, and delegation of powers to independent sectoral agencies. Thus, by 2005, France, Germany, and Italy had broken with deeply-rooted domestic institutions that protected national suppliers from competition. Instead, they had adopted an institutional model of a liberalised market with private suppliers and independent regulatory agencies, which was similar to that in Britain but reached through a different route.
Young‐Iob Chung
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780195178302
- eISBN:
- 9780199783557
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195178300.003.0010
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, South and East Asia
This concluding chapter summarizes the records of capital formation and economic transformation during the 70-year period, and examines the net gains and losses of Korea's path between 1876 and 1945 ...
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This concluding chapter summarizes the records of capital formation and economic transformation during the 70-year period, and examines the net gains and losses of Korea's path between 1876 and 1945 for Koreans. It considers certain scenarios that may have occurred if history took a different turn from what actually took place. For instance, what would have been the prospects for capital formation, economic development, and structural change for Korea had Japan not colonized it? Was it worthwhile for Koreans to have substantial capital formation and speedier economic development and transformation under Japanese colonial rule? The findings in this study go beyond Koreans and their economy under Japanese rule; Japanese imperialism and colonial rule of Korea obviously had major economic and political implications on Japan and Japanese.Less
This concluding chapter summarizes the records of capital formation and economic transformation during the 70-year period, and examines the net gains and losses of Korea's path between 1876 and 1945 for Koreans. It considers certain scenarios that may have occurred if history took a different turn from what actually took place. For instance, what would have been the prospects for capital formation, economic development, and structural change for Korea had Japan not colonized it? Was it worthwhile for Koreans to have substantial capital formation and speedier economic development and transformation under Japanese colonial rule? The findings in this study go beyond Koreans and their economy under Japanese rule; Japanese imperialism and colonial rule of Korea obviously had major economic and political implications on Japan and Japanese.
Jason Ralph
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199214310
- eISBN:
- 9780191706615
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199214310.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter demonstrates how the Rome Statute creates a Court that is legally separate from the society of states. To the extent that it gives victims of core crimes a means of legal redress that ...
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This chapter demonstrates how the Rome Statute creates a Court that is legally separate from the society of states. To the extent that it gives victims of core crimes a means of legal redress that they would not otherwise have, the Statute helps to constitute ‘world’ as opposed to ‘international’ society. This claim is qualified by noting how the Court will in many respects be dependent on state support and by highlighting how the concessions that were made to the values of international society (i.e. sovereign consent and international order between states) complicates the Court's claim to be independent. As background to this analysis, the chapter summarises the various ways in which the English School have sought to define world society. It also describes how the UN Security Council's creation of ad hoc courts extended a ‘solidarist moment’, which was ultimately weakened by the charge of selective justice and the material costs of setting up and running such courts.Less
This chapter demonstrates how the Rome Statute creates a Court that is legally separate from the society of states. To the extent that it gives victims of core crimes a means of legal redress that they would not otherwise have, the Statute helps to constitute ‘world’ as opposed to ‘international’ society. This claim is qualified by noting how the Court will in many respects be dependent on state support and by highlighting how the concessions that were made to the values of international society (i.e. sovereign consent and international order between states) complicates the Court's claim to be independent. As background to this analysis, the chapter summarises the various ways in which the English School have sought to define world society. It also describes how the UN Security Council's creation of ad hoc courts extended a ‘solidarist moment’, which was ultimately weakened by the charge of selective justice and the material costs of setting up and running such courts.
Steven White
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199257560
- eISBN:
- 9780191603280
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199257566.003.0015
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Russia’s mixed parallel system was adopted after the collapse of communism, following a series of negotiations and disagreements between parliament and president. The high thresholds applied in the ...
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Russia’s mixed parallel system was adopted after the collapse of communism, following a series of negotiations and disagreements between parliament and president. The high thresholds applied in the PR-list component of elections resulted in considerable disproportionality and a significant number of votes cast for parties that failed to reach the threshold. The fact that the lists were closed led to very weak links between list MPs and citizens. The single-member constituencies, contrary to the predictions of Duverger’s Law, have not favoured the larger parties, but have seen the election of many independent MPs. The elimination of the single-member constituencies proposed by president Putin is part of a broader authoritarian adaptation of the electoral process.Less
Russia’s mixed parallel system was adopted after the collapse of communism, following a series of negotiations and disagreements between parliament and president. The high thresholds applied in the PR-list component of elections resulted in considerable disproportionality and a significant number of votes cast for parties that failed to reach the threshold. The fact that the lists were closed led to very weak links between list MPs and citizens. The single-member constituencies, contrary to the predictions of Duverger’s Law, have not favoured the larger parties, but have seen the election of many independent MPs. The elimination of the single-member constituencies proposed by president Putin is part of a broader authoritarian adaptation of the electoral process.
Michael Gallagher
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199257560
- eISBN:
- 9780191603280
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199257566.003.0025
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Ireland is among the few countries to employ proportional representation by the single transferable vote (STV), an electoral system that is highly rated by many researchers in the field. In the Irish ...
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Ireland is among the few countries to employ proportional representation by the single transferable vote (STV), an electoral system that is highly rated by many researchers in the field. In the Irish context, STV is used in constituencies of small district magnitude, but it still delivers a high degree of proportionality. The party system has been characterised by moderate multipartism and, unusually for western Europe, by a significant number of independent MPs. Critics maintain that the provision for voter choice leads to intra-party competition with dysfunctional consequences, but the voters wield a veto over electoral system change and are unlikely to approve any new system that reduces their opportunity to participate in choosing their representatives.Less
Ireland is among the few countries to employ proportional representation by the single transferable vote (STV), an electoral system that is highly rated by many researchers in the field. In the Irish context, STV is used in constituencies of small district magnitude, but it still delivers a high degree of proportionality. The party system has been characterised by moderate multipartism and, unusually for western Europe, by a significant number of independent MPs. Critics maintain that the provision for voter choice leads to intra-party competition with dysfunctional consequences, but the voters wield a veto over electoral system change and are unlikely to approve any new system that reduces their opportunity to participate in choosing their representatives.
Matthew Flinders and Matthew Denton
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199271603
- eISBN:
- 9780191709241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199271603.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics, Political Economy
This chapter focuses on the issue of public appointments and patronage. Contrary to media suggestions and the public's perception, research suggests that the sphere of delegated governance is no ...
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This chapter focuses on the issue of public appointments and patronage. Contrary to media suggestions and the public's perception, research suggests that the sphere of delegated governance is no longer a patronage resource for ministers, or that it is replete with financially lucrative and under-demanding positions. In fact, research reveals a gradual but very clear ‘shrinking reach’ in terms of the breadth and nature of ministerial appointment capacity.Less
This chapter focuses on the issue of public appointments and patronage. Contrary to media suggestions and the public's perception, research suggests that the sphere of delegated governance is no longer a patronage resource for ministers, or that it is replete with financially lucrative and under-demanding positions. In fact, research reveals a gradual but very clear ‘shrinking reach’ in terms of the breadth and nature of ministerial appointment capacity.
Matthew Flinders
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199271603
- eISBN:
- 9780191709241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199271603.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics, Political Economy
One prominent alternative to the challenges of delegation rests on the movement of responsibilities above and below the nation state to democratic structures that may offer greater capacity in terms ...
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One prominent alternative to the challenges of delegation rests on the movement of responsibilities above and below the nation state to democratic structures that may offer greater capacity in terms of scrutiny and control. This chapter focuses on decentralization and devolution. It contains sections on the degree to which the implementation of devolution to Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland since 1998 has led to a reduction in the sphere of delegated governance within those territories, or the imposition of tighter and more transparent governance frameworks. In order to complete the analyses of vertical decentralization, the chapter also examines the role of delegated governance within the European level.Less
One prominent alternative to the challenges of delegation rests on the movement of responsibilities above and below the nation state to democratic structures that may offer greater capacity in terms of scrutiny and control. This chapter focuses on decentralization and devolution. It contains sections on the degree to which the implementation of devolution to Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland since 1998 has led to a reduction in the sphere of delegated governance within those territories, or the imposition of tighter and more transparent governance frameworks. In order to complete the analyses of vertical decentralization, the chapter also examines the role of delegated governance within the European level.
Pierre Rosanvallon
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691149486
- eISBN:
- 9781400838745
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691149486.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
It's a commonplace occurrence that citizens in Western democracies are disaffected with their political leaders and traditional democratic institutions. But this book argues that this crisis of ...
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It's a commonplace occurrence that citizens in Western democracies are disaffected with their political leaders and traditional democratic institutions. But this book argues that this crisis of confidence is partly a crisis of understanding. The book makes the case that the sources of democratic legitimacy have shifted and multiplied over the past thirty years and that we need to comprehend and make better use of these new sources of legitimacy in order to strengthen our political self-belief and commitment to democracy. Drawing on examples from France and the United States, the book notes that there has been a major expansion of independent commissions, NGOs, regulatory authorities, and watchdogs in recent decades. At the same time, constitutional courts have become more willing and able to challenge legislatures. These institutional developments, which serve the democratic values of impartiality and reflexivity, have been accompanied by a new attentiveness to what the book calls the value of proximity, as governing structures have sought to find new spaces for minorities, the particular, and the local. To improve our democracies, we need to use these new sources of legitimacy more effectively and we need to incorporate them into our accounts of democratic government. This book is an original contribution to the vigorous international debate about democratic authority and legitimacy.Less
It's a commonplace occurrence that citizens in Western democracies are disaffected with their political leaders and traditional democratic institutions. But this book argues that this crisis of confidence is partly a crisis of understanding. The book makes the case that the sources of democratic legitimacy have shifted and multiplied over the past thirty years and that we need to comprehend and make better use of these new sources of legitimacy in order to strengthen our political self-belief and commitment to democracy. Drawing on examples from France and the United States, the book notes that there has been a major expansion of independent commissions, NGOs, regulatory authorities, and watchdogs in recent decades. At the same time, constitutional courts have become more willing and able to challenge legislatures. These institutional developments, which serve the democratic values of impartiality and reflexivity, have been accompanied by a new attentiveness to what the book calls the value of proximity, as governing structures have sought to find new spaces for minorities, the particular, and the local. To improve our democracies, we need to use these new sources of legitimacy more effectively and we need to incorporate them into our accounts of democratic government. This book is an original contribution to the vigorous international debate about democratic authority and legitimacy.
Michael Slote
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195093926
- eISBN:
- 9780199833689
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195093925.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy
There has been a recent revival of interest in virtue ethics. Some have asked for more attention to the virtues within the compass of familiar underlying approaches to morality like utilitarianism ...
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There has been a recent revival of interest in virtue ethics. Some have asked for more attention to the virtues within the compass of familiar underlying approaches to morality like utilitarianism and Kantian ethics. However, others have argued that a freestanding and systematic form of virtue ethics would have advantages over other large‐scale approaches. The present work is the first to attempt such a systematic and freestanding or independent virtue ethics.Less
There has been a recent revival of interest in virtue ethics. Some have asked for more attention to the virtues within the compass of familiar underlying approaches to morality like utilitarianism and Kantian ethics. However, others have argued that a freestanding and systematic form of virtue ethics would have advantages over other large‐scale approaches. The present work is the first to attempt such a systematic and freestanding or independent virtue ethics.
David M. Farrell
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199257683
- eISBN:
- 9780191600241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019925768X.003.0024
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
In the field of electoral systems, Britain has long held out as a bastion of stability, as the country seen as least likely to undergo fundamental electoral reform, but this picture was rudely ...
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In the field of electoral systems, Britain has long held out as a bastion of stability, as the country seen as least likely to undergo fundamental electoral reform, but this picture was rudely shattered in the late spring of 1997, with the election of a new Labour government. The central argument of this chapter is that the current debate over British electoral reform should be viewed as part of a wider process of the coming of age of British politics. A review of the historical debate reveals a series of failed initiatives to reform the electoral system, suggesting that the matter has never been entirely put to rest, and that there has always been the prospect of its re‐emergence. The current episode, dating from the election of the new government in 1997, provides reason to expect that electoral reform may really happen this time, and indeed already has happened in a number of British electoral arenas (European Parliament; London mayor; Northern Ireland, Scottish, Welsh and London Assemblies). The chapter is arranged as follows: the first section summarizes the historical record from 1860 to 1970, and provides evidence of a political elite willing at least to countenance the idea of experimenting with change, even if not yet prepared to embrace it; the second section explores possible explanations for why the issue re‐emerged in the 1990s and describes the reforms implemented in that period (up to 2000); this is followed by an outline of the deliberations and proposals of the Independent Commission on the Voting System for the British House of Commons (the Jenkins Commission), which was established by the new Labour prime minister, Tony Blair, in December 1997, whose report was published in October 1998 and suggested ‘alternative vote plus (AV+)’ as the new electoral system; the concluding section discusses the current prospects for electoral reform in the UK.Less
In the field of electoral systems, Britain has long held out as a bastion of stability, as the country seen as least likely to undergo fundamental electoral reform, but this picture was rudely shattered in the late spring of 1997, with the election of a new Labour government. The central argument of this chapter is that the current debate over British electoral reform should be viewed as part of a wider process of the coming of age of British politics. A review of the historical debate reveals a series of failed initiatives to reform the electoral system, suggesting that the matter has never been entirely put to rest, and that there has always been the prospect of its re‐emergence. The current episode, dating from the election of the new government in 1997, provides reason to expect that electoral reform may really happen this time, and indeed already has happened in a number of British electoral arenas (European Parliament; London mayor; Northern Ireland, Scottish, Welsh and London Assemblies). The chapter is arranged as follows: the first section summarizes the historical record from 1860 to 1970, and provides evidence of a political elite willing at least to countenance the idea of experimenting with change, even if not yet prepared to embrace it; the second section explores possible explanations for why the issue re‐emerged in the 1990s and describes the reforms implemented in that period (up to 2000); this is followed by an outline of the deliberations and proposals of the Independent Commission on the Voting System for the British House of Commons (the Jenkins Commission), which was established by the new Labour prime minister, Tony Blair, in December 1997, whose report was published in October 1998 and suggested ‘alternative vote plus (AV+)’ as the new electoral system; the concluding section discusses the current prospects for electoral reform in the UK.
John Tobin
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199652501
- eISBN:
- 9780191739217
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199652501.003.0005
- Subject:
- Law, Family Law, Human Rights and Immigration
This chapter explores what is meant by a new way of judicial thinking in which children are conceived of as independent subjects with rights and entitlements as opposed to mere objects in need of ...
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This chapter explores what is meant by a new way of judicial thinking in which children are conceived of as independent subjects with rights and entitlements as opposed to mere objects in need of protection and charity. It consists of four parts. Part 5.1 provides an overview of the ways in which courts have constructed childhood over time. It suggests that three broad models have emerged — a proprietary approach, a welfare approach, and more recently a rights-based approach. Part 5.2 details the features of this newest way of thinking about children and Part 5.3 provides an overview of the ways in which courts engage with this model. It is argued that courts' engagement with a rights-based approach can be classified along a spectrum that ranges from the non-existent (or invisible) to the substantive with a range of approaches between these extremes. Finally, Part 5.4 identifies the legal, institutional, and social factors that influence the extent to which courts engage with this new way of thinking whereby children are conceived of as rights holders. It argues that we are on the verge of a new epoch in which the construction of childhood by courts will increasingly be viewed through the prism of rights.Less
This chapter explores what is meant by a new way of judicial thinking in which children are conceived of as independent subjects with rights and entitlements as opposed to mere objects in need of protection and charity. It consists of four parts. Part 5.1 provides an overview of the ways in which courts have constructed childhood over time. It suggests that three broad models have emerged — a proprietary approach, a welfare approach, and more recently a rights-based approach. Part 5.2 details the features of this newest way of thinking about children and Part 5.3 provides an overview of the ways in which courts engage with this model. It is argued that courts' engagement with a rights-based approach can be classified along a spectrum that ranges from the non-existent (or invisible) to the substantive with a range of approaches between these extremes. Finally, Part 5.4 identifies the legal, institutional, and social factors that influence the extent to which courts engage with this new way of thinking whereby children are conceived of as rights holders. It argues that we are on the verge of a new epoch in which the construction of childhood by courts will increasingly be viewed through the prism of rights.
Robert Jackson
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199262014
- eISBN:
- 9780191601033
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199262012.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter reviews the important events surrounding the Peace of Westphalia, which marked the end of the solidarist Middle Ages and the beginning of the pluralist era of modern state-centred ...
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This chapter reviews the important events surrounding the Peace of Westphalia, which marked the end of the solidarist Middle Ages and the beginning of the pluralist era of modern state-centred politics. It shows how a societas of sovereign states involves a complementary ethics of statecraft, and examines four political responsibilities of independent statespeople. It argues that modern international society is an institutional arrangement that affirms and seeks to uphold normative pluralism in world politics.Less
This chapter reviews the important events surrounding the Peace of Westphalia, which marked the end of the solidarist Middle Ages and the beginning of the pluralist era of modern state-centred politics. It shows how a societas of sovereign states involves a complementary ethics of statecraft, and examines four political responsibilities of independent statespeople. It argues that modern international society is an institutional arrangement that affirms and seeks to uphold normative pluralism in world politics.
William Bain
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199260263
- eISBN:
- 9780191600975
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199260265.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
On 1 Nov 1994, the UN Trusteeship Council voted to suspend operations after Palau, the last remaining trust territory, attained independence. The sovereign state has emerged out of decolonization as ...
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On 1 Nov 1994, the UN Trusteeship Council voted to suspend operations after Palau, the last remaining trust territory, attained independence. The sovereign state has emerged out of decolonization as the supreme form of political organization in post‐colonial international society—an international society in which dominions, colonies, principalities, free cities, and, of course, mandates and trust territories have all but vanished. However, the ostensible failure of this post‐colonial project—the fact that the promise of peace and prosperity held out by independent statehood is too often betrayed by appalling violence and absolute poverty—has reinvigorated interest in trusteeship as a way of responding to problems of international disorder and injustice. The purpose of this chapter is threefold: first, it examines the principal dilemma of decolonization that has resulted in a renewed interest in trusteeship; second, it considers this renewed interest in trusteeship in the context of international involvement in administering Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, and, until recently, East Timor; third, it reflects upon the normative implications that a resurrected practice of trusteeship carries for a society of states that is premised on the juridical equality of all its members. The five sections of the chapter are: The False Promise of post‐Colonial Independence; Innovation and Convention—the case for trusteeship in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, and East Timor; The New International Legitimacy—the resurrection of trusteeship; A Universal Society of States?; and Answering the Call of Humanity.Less
On 1 Nov 1994, the UN Trusteeship Council voted to suspend operations after Palau, the last remaining trust territory, attained independence. The sovereign state has emerged out of decolonization as the supreme form of political organization in post‐colonial international society—an international society in which dominions, colonies, principalities, free cities, and, of course, mandates and trust territories have all but vanished. However, the ostensible failure of this post‐colonial project—the fact that the promise of peace and prosperity held out by independent statehood is too often betrayed by appalling violence and absolute poverty—has reinvigorated interest in trusteeship as a way of responding to problems of international disorder and injustice. The purpose of this chapter is threefold: first, it examines the principal dilemma of decolonization that has resulted in a renewed interest in trusteeship; second, it considers this renewed interest in trusteeship in the context of international involvement in administering Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, and, until recently, East Timor; third, it reflects upon the normative implications that a resurrected practice of trusteeship carries for a society of states that is premised on the juridical equality of all its members. The five sections of the chapter are: The False Promise of post‐Colonial Independence; Innovation and Convention—the case for trusteeship in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, and East Timor; The New International Legitimacy—the resurrection of trusteeship; A Universal Society of States?; and Answering the Call of Humanity.
The Independent International Commission on Kosovo
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199243099
- eISBN:
- 9780191599538
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199243093.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Poses the unresolved questions about the Kosovo conflict that motivated the establishment of the Independent International Commission on Kosovo. Among others, the questions include the role of the ...
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Poses the unresolved questions about the Kosovo conflict that motivated the establishment of the Independent International Commission on Kosovo. Among others, the questions include the role of the United Nations and NATO, and the general purpose of international intervention in preventing armed conflicts. The introduction also presents the Commission's mission statement and lists its members. It outlines the contents of the report, dividing it into a narrative and an analysis.Less
Poses the unresolved questions about the Kosovo conflict that motivated the establishment of the Independent International Commission on Kosovo. Among others, the questions include the role of the United Nations and NATO, and the general purpose of international intervention in preventing armed conflicts. The introduction also presents the Commission's mission statement and lists its members. It outlines the contents of the report, dividing it into a narrative and an analysis.
Markus Ullsperger
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195372731
- eISBN:
- 9780199776283
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195372731.003.0010
- Subject:
- Neuroscience, Techniques
This chapter gives an overview of data integration methods for simultaneous EEG-fMRI, in which EEG features are extracted and used to parametrically model the fMRI data. Up to now, variants of ...
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This chapter gives an overview of data integration methods for simultaneous EEG-fMRI, in which EEG features are extracted and used to parametrically model the fMRI data. Up to now, variants of EEG-informed fMRI analysis have been most widely and successfully applied. After a brief discussion of the rationale of this approach, its variants for ongoing and event-related EEG phenomena are explained. Studies applying EEG-informed fMRI are reviewed. The advantage of denoising methods such as independent component analysis allowing single-trial quantifications of the EEG phenomena of interest is discussed. To allow clear interpretations of covariations between electrophysiological and hemodynamic measures, further dependent variables such as behavioral data should be taken into account. The chapter closes with an outlook on future questions and ongoing methodological developments.Less
This chapter gives an overview of data integration methods for simultaneous EEG-fMRI, in which EEG features are extracted and used to parametrically model the fMRI data. Up to now, variants of EEG-informed fMRI analysis have been most widely and successfully applied. After a brief discussion of the rationale of this approach, its variants for ongoing and event-related EEG phenomena are explained. Studies applying EEG-informed fMRI are reviewed. The advantage of denoising methods such as independent component analysis allowing single-trial quantifications of the EEG phenomena of interest is discussed. To allow clear interpretations of covariations between electrophysiological and hemodynamic measures, further dependent variables such as behavioral data should be taken into account. The chapter closes with an outlook on future questions and ongoing methodological developments.
