Jochen Prantl
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199287680
- eISBN:
- 9780191603723
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199287686.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter develops various propositions on the dynamics between informal groups of states and the UN Security Council by applying the analytical framework of exit, voice, and loyalty. It argues ...
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This chapter develops various propositions on the dynamics between informal groups of states and the UN Security Council by applying the analytical framework of exit, voice, and loyalty. It argues that informal mechanisms may enhance SC governance if they are able to strike a balance between inclusiveness, efficiency, informality, transparency, and accountability.Less
This chapter develops various propositions on the dynamics between informal groups of states and the UN Security Council by applying the analytical framework of exit, voice, and loyalty. It argues that informal mechanisms may enhance SC governance if they are able to strike a balance between inclusiveness, efficiency, informality, transparency, and accountability.
Mary McClintock Fulkerson
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199296477
- eISBN:
- 9780191711930
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199296477.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
The primary aim of this book is to explore the contradiction between the widely shared beliefs in the USA about racial inclusiveness and equal opportunity for all, and the fact that most churches are ...
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The primary aim of this book is to explore the contradiction between the widely shared beliefs in the USA about racial inclusiveness and equal opportunity for all, and the fact that most churches are racially homogeneous and do not include people with disabilities. To address the problem, the book explores the practices of an interracial church (United Methodist) that includes people with disabilities. The analysis focuses on those activities that create opportunities for people to experience those who are ‘different’ as equal in ways that diminish both obliviousness to the other and fear of the other. In contrast with theology's typical focus on the beliefs of Christians, this book offers a theory of practices and place that foregrounds the instinctual reactions and communications that shape all groups. The effect is to broaden the academic field of theology through the benefits of ethnographic research and postmodern place theory.Less
The primary aim of this book is to explore the contradiction between the widely shared beliefs in the USA about racial inclusiveness and equal opportunity for all, and the fact that most churches are racially homogeneous and do not include people with disabilities. To address the problem, the book explores the practices of an interracial church (United Methodist) that includes people with disabilities. The analysis focuses on those activities that create opportunities for people to experience those who are ‘different’ as equal in ways that diminish both obliviousness to the other and fear of the other. In contrast with theology's typical focus on the beliefs of Christians, this book offers a theory of practices and place that foregrounds the instinctual reactions and communications that shape all groups. The effect is to broaden the academic field of theology through the benefits of ethnographic research and postmodern place theory.
Margaret Gilbert
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199274956
- eISBN:
- 9780191603976
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199274959.003.0008
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
Having articulated an account of joint activity in terms of joint commitment, and hence of those social groups that arise through the joint activity of certain persons, this chapter returns to social ...
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Having articulated an account of joint activity in terms of joint commitment, and hence of those social groups that arise through the joint activity of certain persons, this chapter returns to social groups in general, and societies in particular. Defining a plural subject as a set of persons who are jointly committed in some way, it argues for an account of social groups as plural subjects. It argues that plural subjects can be large and possess the features of anonymity, hierarchy, impersonality, and inclusiveness. These features are typically associated with a society as a special type of social group.Less
Having articulated an account of joint activity in terms of joint commitment, and hence of those social groups that arise through the joint activity of certain persons, this chapter returns to social groups in general, and societies in particular. Defining a plural subject as a set of persons who are jointly committed in some way, it argues for an account of social groups as plural subjects. It argues that plural subjects can be large and possess the features of anonymity, hierarchy, impersonality, and inclusiveness. These features are typically associated with a society as a special type of social group.
Andrew Reynolds
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295105
- eISBN:
- 9780191600128
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295103.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
A comparative analysis is given of both actual and simulated election results of the five country case studies (from Malawi, Namibia, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe) presented in the book, along ...
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A comparative analysis is given of both actual and simulated election results of the five country case studies (from Malawi, Namibia, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe) presented in the book, along a number of dimensions relating to system inclusiveness: party system dynamics, disproportionality, executive formation, and descriptive representation. Chief among the questions addressed are: what determines the index of disproportionality, how representative are comparative parliaments in terms of the presence of women and ethnic minorities, what are the electoral system implications for voter accessibility, does the chosen system alleviate or accentuate entrenched and geographically concentrated party fiefdoms, how competitive or frozen is the party system, is there an electoral system effect on cabinet formation, and does the type of proportional representation (PR) used matter to the final results? The chapter concludes with a detailed discussion of the Horowitz alternative vote in multi-member districts (AV-MMD) proposal across all five case study countries, and an institutional choice-based analysis of the interaction between negotiated transitions to democracy and the type of electoral system chosen for the new democratic constitution. Overall, the chapter demonstrates that in the context of institutional design in southern Africa, PR systems outperform their plurality–majority alternatives in almost all the categories of analysis.Less
A comparative analysis is given of both actual and simulated election results of the five country case studies (from Malawi, Namibia, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe) presented in the book, along a number of dimensions relating to system inclusiveness: party system dynamics, disproportionality, executive formation, and descriptive representation. Chief among the questions addressed are: what determines the index of disproportionality, how representative are comparative parliaments in terms of the presence of women and ethnic minorities, what are the electoral system implications for voter accessibility, does the chosen system alleviate or accentuate entrenched and geographically concentrated party fiefdoms, how competitive or frozen is the party system, is there an electoral system effect on cabinet formation, and does the type of proportional representation (PR) used matter to the final results? The chapter concludes with a detailed discussion of the Horowitz alternative vote in multi-member districts (AV-MMD) proposal across all five case study countries, and an institutional choice-based analysis of the interaction between negotiated transitions to democracy and the type of electoral system chosen for the new democratic constitution. Overall, the chapter demonstrates that in the context of institutional design in southern Africa, PR systems outperform their plurality–majority alternatives in almost all the categories of analysis.
Thomas Borstelmann
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691141565
- eISBN:
- 9781400839704
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691141565.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This book looks at an iconic decade when the cultural left and economic right came to the fore in American society and the world at large. While many have seen the 1970s as simply a period of ...
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This book looks at an iconic decade when the cultural left and economic right came to the fore in American society and the world at large. While many have seen the 1970s as simply a period of failures epitomized by Watergate, inflation, the oil crisis, global unrest, and disillusionment with military efforts in Vietnam, this book creates a new framework for understanding the period and its legacy. It demonstrates how the 1970s increased social inclusiveness and, at the same time, encouraged commitments to the free market and wariness of government. As a result, American culture and much of the rest of the world became more—and less—equal. This book explores how the 1970s forged the contours of contemporary America. Military, political, and economic crises undercut citizens' confidence in government. Free market enthusiasm led to lower taxes, a volunteer army, individual 401(k) retirement plans, free agency in sports, deregulated airlines, and expansions in gambling and pornography. At the same time, the movement for civil rights grew, promoting changes for women, gays, immigrants, and the disabled. And developments were not limited to the United States. Many countries gave up colonial and racial hierarchies to develop a new formal commitment to human rights, while economic deregulation spread to other parts of the world, from Chile and the United Kingdom to China. Placing a tempestuous political culture within a global perspective, this book shows that the decade wrought irrevocable transformations upon American society and the broader world that continue to resonate today.Less
This book looks at an iconic decade when the cultural left and economic right came to the fore in American society and the world at large. While many have seen the 1970s as simply a period of failures epitomized by Watergate, inflation, the oil crisis, global unrest, and disillusionment with military efforts in Vietnam, this book creates a new framework for understanding the period and its legacy. It demonstrates how the 1970s increased social inclusiveness and, at the same time, encouraged commitments to the free market and wariness of government. As a result, American culture and much of the rest of the world became more—and less—equal. This book explores how the 1970s forged the contours of contemporary America. Military, political, and economic crises undercut citizens' confidence in government. Free market enthusiasm led to lower taxes, a volunteer army, individual 401(k) retirement plans, free agency in sports, deregulated airlines, and expansions in gambling and pornography. At the same time, the movement for civil rights grew, promoting changes for women, gays, immigrants, and the disabled. And developments were not limited to the United States. Many countries gave up colonial and racial hierarchies to develop a new formal commitment to human rights, while economic deregulation spread to other parts of the world, from Chile and the United Kingdom to China. Placing a tempestuous political culture within a global perspective, this book shows that the decade wrought irrevocable transformations upon American society and the broader world that continue to resonate today.
Hélène Landemore
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780691181998
- eISBN:
- 9780691208725
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691181998.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
To the ancient Greeks, democracy meant gathering in public and debating laws set by a randomly selected assembly of several hundred citizens. To the Icelandic Vikings, democracy meant meeting every ...
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To the ancient Greeks, democracy meant gathering in public and debating laws set by a randomly selected assembly of several hundred citizens. To the Icelandic Vikings, democracy meant meeting every summer in a field to discuss issues until consensus was reached. Our contemporary representative democracies are very different. Modern parliaments are gated and guarded, and it seems as if only certain people — with the right suit, accent, wealth, and connections — are welcome. Diagnosing what is wrong with representative government and aiming to recover some of the lost openness of ancient democracies, this book presents a new paradigm of democracy in which power is genuinely accessible to ordinary citizens. This book favors the ideal of “representing and being represented in turn” over direct-democracy approaches. Supporting a fresh nonelectoral understanding of democratic representation, the book recommends centering political institutions around the “open mini-public” — a large, jury-like body of randomly selected citizens gathered to define laws and policies for the polity, in connection with the larger public. It also defends five institutional principles as the foundations of an open democracy: participatory rights, deliberation, the majoritarian principle, democratic representation, and transparency. The book demonstrates that placing ordinary citizens, rather than elites, at the heart of democratic power is not only the true meaning of a government of, by, and for the people, but also feasible and, today more than ever, urgently needed.Less
To the ancient Greeks, democracy meant gathering in public and debating laws set by a randomly selected assembly of several hundred citizens. To the Icelandic Vikings, democracy meant meeting every summer in a field to discuss issues until consensus was reached. Our contemporary representative democracies are very different. Modern parliaments are gated and guarded, and it seems as if only certain people — with the right suit, accent, wealth, and connections — are welcome. Diagnosing what is wrong with representative government and aiming to recover some of the lost openness of ancient democracies, this book presents a new paradigm of democracy in which power is genuinely accessible to ordinary citizens. This book favors the ideal of “representing and being represented in turn” over direct-democracy approaches. Supporting a fresh nonelectoral understanding of democratic representation, the book recommends centering political institutions around the “open mini-public” — a large, jury-like body of randomly selected citizens gathered to define laws and policies for the polity, in connection with the larger public. It also defends five institutional principles as the foundations of an open democracy: participatory rights, deliberation, the majoritarian principle, democratic representation, and transparency. The book demonstrates that placing ordinary citizens, rather than elites, at the heart of democratic power is not only the true meaning of a government of, by, and for the people, but also feasible and, today more than ever, urgently needed.
Martha C. Nussbaum
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198289647
- eISBN:
- 9780191596698
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198289642.003.0003
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
Nussbaum argues that the best way to tackle the issue of women's equality in developing countries is to begin with a conception of the human being and human functioning. By seeing certain ...
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Nussbaum argues that the best way to tackle the issue of women's equality in developing countries is to begin with a conception of the human being and human functioning. By seeing certain capabilities and functions as more central to human life than others, Nussbaum anticipates feminist and cultural relativistic challenges and defends her particular brand of universalism and essentialism. This paper provides a self‐consciously normative conception of what it is to be human and to live a good life, as well as a proposal for a culturally sensitive development ethic.Less
Nussbaum argues that the best way to tackle the issue of women's equality in developing countries is to begin with a conception of the human being and human functioning. By seeing certain capabilities and functions as more central to human life than others, Nussbaum anticipates feminist and cultural relativistic challenges and defends her particular brand of universalism and essentialism. This paper provides a self‐consciously normative conception of what it is to be human and to live a good life, as well as a proposal for a culturally sensitive development ethic.
Reuven Y. Hazan and Gideon Rahat
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199572540
- eISBN:
- 9780191723070
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199572540.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Candidacy tells us who is eligible to present himself/herself in the candidate selection process of a single political party at a particular point in time. The restrictions and requirements applied ...
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Candidacy tells us who is eligible to present himself/herself in the candidate selection process of a single political party at a particular point in time. The restrictions and requirements applied to potential candidates are the defining elements that will allow us to classify candidacy on a continuum according to the level of inclusiveness or exclusiveness. An age limit is a common restriction, while a minimum period of party membership is a frequent requirement. Incumbents are a special category of candidates, and some parties have sought to shake up their lists of candidates either by making automatic reselection less common or by adding hurdles to the reselection of incumbents. Democratization is one of the more recent and interesting trends in candidate selection. In order to democratize candidacy, parties have to reduce the restrictions on eligibility, thereby creating a much larger pool of potential candidates.Less
Candidacy tells us who is eligible to present himself/herself in the candidate selection process of a single political party at a particular point in time. The restrictions and requirements applied to potential candidates are the defining elements that will allow us to classify candidacy on a continuum according to the level of inclusiveness or exclusiveness. An age limit is a common restriction, while a minimum period of party membership is a frequent requirement. Incumbents are a special category of candidates, and some parties have sought to shake up their lists of candidates either by making automatic reselection less common or by adding hurdles to the reselection of incumbents. Democratization is one of the more recent and interesting trends in candidate selection. In order to democratize candidacy, parties have to reduce the restrictions on eligibility, thereby creating a much larger pool of potential candidates.
Reuven Y. Hazan and Gideon Rahat
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199572540
- eISBN:
- 9780191723070
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199572540.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The selectorate is the body that selects a political party's candidates for public office. We classify the selectorate according to levels of inclusiveness versus exclusiveness. The most inclusive ...
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The selectorate is the body that selects a political party's candidates for public office. We classify the selectorate according to levels of inclusiveness versus exclusiveness. The most inclusive selectorates are all the voters, while a highly inclusive selectorates are all the party members – both of whom can partake in primaries, depending on the conditions set for participation. An in‐between selectorate is made up of selected party agencies or party delegates. The highly exclusive selectorates are either the party elite or the most exclusive nominating entity of a single leader. This chapter distinguishes between three complexities concerning the selectorate: the assorted, the multistaged, and the weighted candidate selection methods. The selectorate imposes the most significant consequences on politicians, parties, and parliaments – more than any other dimension of candidate selection.Less
The selectorate is the body that selects a political party's candidates for public office. We classify the selectorate according to levels of inclusiveness versus exclusiveness. The most inclusive selectorates are all the voters, while a highly inclusive selectorates are all the party members – both of whom can partake in primaries, depending on the conditions set for participation. An in‐between selectorate is made up of selected party agencies or party delegates. The highly exclusive selectorates are either the party elite or the most exclusive nominating entity of a single leader. This chapter distinguishes between three complexities concerning the selectorate: the assorted, the multistaged, and the weighted candidate selection methods. The selectorate imposes the most significant consequences on politicians, parties, and parliaments – more than any other dimension of candidate selection.
Reuven Y. Hazan and Gideon Rahat
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199572540
- eISBN:
- 9780191723070
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199572540.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Candidate selection methods may be decentralized in two senses: territorial and social. When political parties select candidates using only a national party selectorate – inclusive or exclusive – ...
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Candidate selection methods may be decentralized in two senses: territorial and social. When political parties select candidates using only a national party selectorate – inclusive or exclusive – without allowing for territorial and/or social representation, this is a centralized method. In a decentralized method, candidates are selected exclusively by local party selectorates – regardless of the level of inclusiveness – and/or intraparty social groups. Decentralization thus does not necessarily entail the shift from an exclusive to a more inclusive selectorate. Only if the decentralized selectorate is more inclusive than the earlier centralized selectorate does decentralization mean democratization. This chapter provides a new measurement for assessing the territorial decentralization of candidate selection, using the perspective of the candidates themselves. The chapter discusses the mechanisms used to ensure territorial and social representation – such as reserved positions or quotas – and concludes by examining the relationship between decentralization in the electoral system and decentralization within the political parties.Less
Candidate selection methods may be decentralized in two senses: territorial and social. When political parties select candidates using only a national party selectorate – inclusive or exclusive – without allowing for territorial and/or social representation, this is a centralized method. In a decentralized method, candidates are selected exclusively by local party selectorates – regardless of the level of inclusiveness – and/or intraparty social groups. Decentralization thus does not necessarily entail the shift from an exclusive to a more inclusive selectorate. Only if the decentralized selectorate is more inclusive than the earlier centralized selectorate does decentralization mean democratization. This chapter provides a new measurement for assessing the territorial decentralization of candidate selection, using the perspective of the candidates themselves. The chapter discusses the mechanisms used to ensure territorial and social representation – such as reserved positions or quotas – and concludes by examining the relationship between decentralization in the electoral system and decentralization within the political parties.
Reuven Y. Hazan and Gideon Rahat
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199572540
- eISBN:
- 9780191723070
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199572540.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Participation is a central dimension of democracy. Democracy at the national level requires universal participation, that is, maximum inclusiveness. But what about participation at the intraparty, ...
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Participation is a central dimension of democracy. Democracy at the national level requires universal participation, that is, maximum inclusiveness. But what about participation at the intraparty, candidate selection, level? This chapter looks at participation as inclusiveness and as turnout, and assesses the quantity versus the quality of participation within political parties. It focuses on the actual impact of democratizing candidate selection methods on patterns of political participation – specifically the political consequences of expanding the selectorate. It points out several disturbing pathologies encountered in the process of democratizing candidate selection, among which are mass registration drives that produce “instant” members who are uninformed and passive, and the inability of the party to offer its activists selective incentives. The chapter concludes by asking whether the positive intentions concerning participatory democracy can lead to the demise of meaningful, qualitative, deliberative participation.Less
Participation is a central dimension of democracy. Democracy at the national level requires universal participation, that is, maximum inclusiveness. But what about participation at the intraparty, candidate selection, level? This chapter looks at participation as inclusiveness and as turnout, and assesses the quantity versus the quality of participation within political parties. It focuses on the actual impact of democratizing candidate selection methods on patterns of political participation – specifically the political consequences of expanding the selectorate. It points out several disturbing pathologies encountered in the process of democratizing candidate selection, among which are mass registration drives that produce “instant” members who are uninformed and passive, and the inability of the party to offer its activists selective incentives. The chapter concludes by asking whether the positive intentions concerning participatory democracy can lead to the demise of meaningful, qualitative, deliberative participation.
Reuven Y. Hazan and Gideon Rahat
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199572540
- eISBN:
- 9780191723070
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199572540.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter assesses how responsible the political parties' candidate selection process is for representation by analyzing the links between the various aspects that delineate candidate selection ...
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This chapter assesses how responsible the political parties' candidate selection process is for representation by analyzing the links between the various aspects that delineate candidate selection methods and representation. It argues that the various dimensions of candidate selection can each have an impact on different aspects of representation. The first section examines representation from a theoretical perspective, links it to the study of candidate selection, and presents two representation indices for cross‐national comparative research of party‐level representation. Then, the chapter assesses the relationship between each of the four dimensions of candidate selection and representation: the obstacles raised by candidacy requirements; the inclusiveness of the selectorate and representation; the social and territorial trade‐offs resulting from the decentralization of candidate selection; and the nature of the appointment/voting system vis‐à‐vis representation. The final section discusses the dilemma for those parties that aspire to democratize and be representative at the same time.Less
This chapter assesses how responsible the political parties' candidate selection process is for representation by analyzing the links between the various aspects that delineate candidate selection methods and representation. It argues that the various dimensions of candidate selection can each have an impact on different aspects of representation. The first section examines representation from a theoretical perspective, links it to the study of candidate selection, and presents two representation indices for cross‐national comparative research of party‐level representation. Then, the chapter assesses the relationship between each of the four dimensions of candidate selection and representation: the obstacles raised by candidacy requirements; the inclusiveness of the selectorate and representation; the social and territorial trade‐offs resulting from the decentralization of candidate selection; and the nature of the appointment/voting system vis‐à‐vis representation. The final section discusses the dilemma for those parties that aspire to democratize and be representative at the same time.
Reuven Y. Hazan and Gideon Rahat
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199572540
- eISBN:
- 9780191723070
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199572540.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter examines the question: Which candidate selection method better serves democracy? It argues that democracy should be understood and achieved in terms of both intraparty selection and ...
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This chapter examines the question: Which candidate selection method better serves democracy? It argues that democracy should be understood and achieved in terms of both intraparty selection and interparty election. However, there is no single method that ideally serves three important democratic goals: expressing democratic norms (participation, competition) and producing democratic outputs (representation, responsiveness); the liberal democratic diffusion of political power; and maintaining the health of the political party. The chapter proposes an arguably optimal multistage candidate selection method based on three different selectorates, using moderate requirements for candidacy, and allowing the national center a say in candidate selection. If democracy is defined as more than just participation, then the most democratic candidate selection method will attempt to achieve as much as possible of all three democratic goals, without extracting too high a price on any, and will also be the best candidate selection method for democracy.Less
This chapter examines the question: Which candidate selection method better serves democracy? It argues that democracy should be understood and achieved in terms of both intraparty selection and interparty election. However, there is no single method that ideally serves three important democratic goals: expressing democratic norms (participation, competition) and producing democratic outputs (representation, responsiveness); the liberal democratic diffusion of political power; and maintaining the health of the political party. The chapter proposes an arguably optimal multistage candidate selection method based on three different selectorates, using moderate requirements for candidacy, and allowing the national center a say in candidate selection. If democracy is defined as more than just participation, then the most democratic candidate selection method will attempt to achieve as much as possible of all three democratic goals, without extracting too high a price on any, and will also be the best candidate selection method for democracy.
Matthew Lange
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226470689
- eISBN:
- 9780226470702
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226470702.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Comparative and Historical Sociology
Traditionally, social scientists have assumed that past imperialism hinders the future development prospects of colonized nations. Challenging this widespread belief, this book argues that countries ...
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Traditionally, social scientists have assumed that past imperialism hinders the future development prospects of colonized nations. Challenging this widespread belief, this book argues that countries once under direct British imperial control have developed more successfully than those that were ruled indirectly. Combining statistical analysis with in-depth case studies of former British colonies, it argues that direct rule promoted cogent and coherent states with high levels of bureaucratization and inclusiveness, which contributed to implementing development policy during late colonialism and independence. On the other hand, the author finds that indirect British rule created patrimonial, weak states that preyed on their own populations. The book is firmly grounded in the tradition of comparative-historical analysis while offering insight into the colonial roots of uneven development.Less
Traditionally, social scientists have assumed that past imperialism hinders the future development prospects of colonized nations. Challenging this widespread belief, this book argues that countries once under direct British imperial control have developed more successfully than those that were ruled indirectly. Combining statistical analysis with in-depth case studies of former British colonies, it argues that direct rule promoted cogent and coherent states with high levels of bureaucratization and inclusiveness, which contributed to implementing development policy during late colonialism and independence. On the other hand, the author finds that indirect British rule created patrimonial, weak states that preyed on their own populations. The book is firmly grounded in the tradition of comparative-historical analysis while offering insight into the colonial roots of uneven development.
Anna Wierzbicka
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195137330
- eISBN:
- 9780199867905
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195137337.003.0016
- Subject:
- Religion, Biblical Studies
This chapter supports, in essence, the traditional interpretation of the parable, while at the same time expressing its message in a new, simple and universal language. It rejects fanciful recent ...
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This chapter supports, in essence, the traditional interpretation of the parable, while at the same time expressing its message in a new, simple and universal language. It rejects fanciful recent interpretations such as that proposed by the French research group Entrevernes (1978), Robert Funk (1982) or James Breech (1983). Drawing on Simone Weil's commentary on the parable, it traces throughout the Gospels Jesus’ emphasis on compassion and absolute inclusiveness, and it explicates the way of thinking encouraged by Jesus as follows:this person is someone like mesomething bad happened to this personthis person feels something bad because of thisI want to do something good for this person because of thisLess
This chapter supports, in essence, the traditional interpretation of the parable, while at the same time expressing its message in a new, simple and universal language. It rejects fanciful recent interpretations such as that proposed by the French research group Entrevernes (1978), Robert Funk (1982) or James Breech (1983). Drawing on Simone Weil's commentary on the parable, it traces throughout the Gospels Jesus’ emphasis on compassion and absolute inclusiveness, and it explicates the way of thinking encouraged by Jesus as follows:
this person is someone like me
something bad happened to this person
this person feels something bad because of this
I want to do something good for this person because of this
C. L. Barber
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691149523
- eISBN:
- 9781400839858
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691149523.003.0008
- Subject:
- Literature, Criticism/Theory
This chapter examines Shakespeare's Henry IV. The two parts of Henry IV are an astonishing development of drama in the direction of inclusiveness, a development possible because of the range of the ...
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This chapter examines Shakespeare's Henry IV. The two parts of Henry IV are an astonishing development of drama in the direction of inclusiveness, a development possible because of the range of the traditional culture and the popular theater, but realized only because Shakespeare's genius for construction matched his receptivity. Early in his career, Shakespeare made brilliant use of the long standing tradition of comic accompaniment and counterstatement by the clown. Now suddenly he takes the diverse elements in the potpourri of the popular chronicle play and composes a structure in which they draw each other out. The implications of the saturnalian attitude are more drastically and inclusively expressed here than anywhere else, because here misrule is presented along with rule and along with the tensions that challenge rule. Shakespeare dramatizes not only holiday but also the need for holiday and the need to limit holiday.Less
This chapter examines Shakespeare's Henry IV. The two parts of Henry IV are an astonishing development of drama in the direction of inclusiveness, a development possible because of the range of the traditional culture and the popular theater, but realized only because Shakespeare's genius for construction matched his receptivity. Early in his career, Shakespeare made brilliant use of the long standing tradition of comic accompaniment and counterstatement by the clown. Now suddenly he takes the diverse elements in the potpourri of the popular chronicle play and composes a structure in which they draw each other out. The implications of the saturnalian attitude are more drastically and inclusively expressed here than anywhere else, because here misrule is presented along with rule and along with the tensions that challenge rule. Shakespeare dramatizes not only holiday but also the need for holiday and the need to limit holiday.
Marie Noonan Sabin
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195143591
- eISBN:
- 9780199834600
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195143590.003.0007
- Subject:
- Religion, Biblical Studies
Sabin argues that Mark 16:8 is the most appropriate ending to Mark's Gospel. She challenges the practice of printing in Christian Bibles verses 9–20, unanimously acknowledged to be a spurious ending, ...
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Sabin argues that Mark 16:8 is the most appropriate ending to Mark's Gospel. She challenges the practice of printing in Christian Bibles verses 9–20, unanimously acknowledged to be a spurious ending, and of misleadingly ascribing it to Mark in the Christian lectionary, arguing that this practice undermines Mark's theology. She develops her argument for the fittingness of Mark 16:8 in terms of four different kinds of evidence, two external and two internal: (1) the textual or manuscript evidence; (2) the evidence from the canon; (3) the evidence from the literary structure of Mark's Gospel; (4) the evidence from Mark's theology. She compares Mark's ending at 16:8 with the endings of Matthew, Luke, and John, noting how the differences serve to highlight each evangelist's distinctive theological voice. She concludes that to add verses 9–20 to Mark's authentic ending is to blunt the voice that can reopen God's word for us today in many important ways: to the enriching Jewish context of the Christian Scripture; to lost traditions about the equality of women; to lost emphasis on the inclusiveness of the divine image in humanity; to a creative way of doing theology that allows God's revelation to be ongoing.Less
Sabin argues that Mark 16:8 is the most appropriate ending to Mark's Gospel. She challenges the practice of printing in Christian Bibles verses 9–20, unanimously acknowledged to be a spurious ending, and of misleadingly ascribing it to Mark in the Christian lectionary, arguing that this practice undermines Mark's theology. She develops her argument for the fittingness of Mark 16:8 in terms of four different kinds of evidence, two external and two internal: (1) the textual or manuscript evidence; (2) the evidence from the canon; (3) the evidence from the literary structure of Mark's Gospel; (4) the evidence from Mark's theology. She compares Mark's ending at 16:8 with the endings of Matthew, Luke, and John, noting how the differences serve to highlight each evangelist's distinctive theological voice. She concludes that to add verses 9–20 to Mark's authentic ending is to blunt the voice that can reopen God's word for us today in many important ways: to the enriching Jewish context of the Christian Scripture; to lost traditions about the equality of women; to lost emphasis on the inclusiveness of the divine image in humanity; to a creative way of doing theology that allows God's revelation to be ongoing.
Thomas Borstelmann
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691141565
- eISBN:
- 9781400839704
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691141565.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter looks at how greater inclusiveness and formal equality were accompanied by growing distrust of government and the rise of market values in the post-1970s world. Over more than three ...
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This chapter looks at how greater inclusiveness and formal equality were accompanied by growing distrust of government and the rise of market values in the post-1970s world. Over more than three decades, the result was a more diverse public culture in the realm of employment, entertainment, and politics, on the one hand, and a more economically differentiated society, on the other. Class differences widened, as measured by the distribution of income and wealth. But Americans had long been loath to talk about class divisions, something associated for the past century with Marxist analysis. Rather than addressing growing economic inequality, Americans tended instead to celebrate racial and ethnic diversity. Here, cultural liberalism and economic conservatism had come to form a de facto alliance. It had become the contemporary American condition, the ground on which the vaunted American middle class continued to shrink.Less
This chapter looks at how greater inclusiveness and formal equality were accompanied by growing distrust of government and the rise of market values in the post-1970s world. Over more than three decades, the result was a more diverse public culture in the realm of employment, entertainment, and politics, on the one hand, and a more economically differentiated society, on the other. Class differences widened, as measured by the distribution of income and wealth. But Americans had long been loath to talk about class divisions, something associated for the past century with Marxist analysis. Rather than addressing growing economic inequality, Americans tended instead to celebrate racial and ethnic diversity. Here, cultural liberalism and economic conservatism had come to form a de facto alliance. It had become the contemporary American condition, the ground on which the vaunted American middle class continued to shrink.
Alessandra Asteriti and Christian J. Tams
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199589104
- eISBN:
- 9780191595455
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589104.003.0025
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law, Public International Law
This chapter addresses one of the crucial tensions facing modern investment arbitration: that between confidentiality and privacy, on the one hand, and transparency and inclusiveness, on the other. ...
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This chapter addresses one of the crucial tensions facing modern investment arbitration: that between confidentiality and privacy, on the one hand, and transparency and inclusiveness, on the other. It begins by reviewing how investment arbitration frameworks have addressed this tension so far, noting the traditional focus on confidentiality and privacy and the more recent trend towards transparency and inclusiveness of proceedings before ICSID and/or NAFTA tribunals. The chapter then compares domestic public law approaches to questions of transparency and public interest representation. Having reviewed US, English, French, German, and Greek law, it shows that domestic public law seems to accept the principle of transparency and provides for various forms of indirect public interest representation (e.g., through amicus curiae briefs) but also different forms of public interest claims. While this approach cannot be directly transposed to investment arbitration, it clearly can, and arguably should, guide the approach of investment lawyers.Less
This chapter addresses one of the crucial tensions facing modern investment arbitration: that between confidentiality and privacy, on the one hand, and transparency and inclusiveness, on the other. It begins by reviewing how investment arbitration frameworks have addressed this tension so far, noting the traditional focus on confidentiality and privacy and the more recent trend towards transparency and inclusiveness of proceedings before ICSID and/or NAFTA tribunals. The chapter then compares domestic public law approaches to questions of transparency and public interest representation. Having reviewed US, English, French, German, and Greek law, it shows that domestic public law seems to accept the principle of transparency and provides for various forms of indirect public interest representation (e.g., through amicus curiae briefs) but also different forms of public interest claims. While this approach cannot be directly transposed to investment arbitration, it clearly can, and arguably should, guide the approach of investment lawyers.
Dennis Taylor
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198122616
- eISBN:
- 9780191671494
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198122616.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, 19th-century and Victorian Literature
This is a detailed exploration of Thomas Hardy's linguistic ‘awkwardness’, a subject that has long puzzled critics. It shows that Hardy's language must be understood as a distinctive response to the ...
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This is a detailed exploration of Thomas Hardy's linguistic ‘awkwardness’, a subject that has long puzzled critics. It shows that Hardy's language must be understood as a distinctive response to the philological and literary issues of his time. Deeply influenced by the Victorian historical study of language, Hardy deliberately incorporated into his own writing a sense of language's recent and hidden history, its multiple stages and classes, and its arbitrary motivations. Indeed, the book argues, Hardy provides an example of how a writer ‘purifies the dialect of the tribe’ by inclusiveness, by heterogeniety, and by a sense of history which distinguishes Hardy from a more ahistorical, synchronic modernist aesthetic and which constitutes an ongoing challenge to literary language. In this treatment of a writer's relation to the Oxford English Dictionary (OED), the book also examines the influence on Hardy's language of the founding and development, in this period, of the OED.Less
This is a detailed exploration of Thomas Hardy's linguistic ‘awkwardness’, a subject that has long puzzled critics. It shows that Hardy's language must be understood as a distinctive response to the philological and literary issues of his time. Deeply influenced by the Victorian historical study of language, Hardy deliberately incorporated into his own writing a sense of language's recent and hidden history, its multiple stages and classes, and its arbitrary motivations. Indeed, the book argues, Hardy provides an example of how a writer ‘purifies the dialect of the tribe’ by inclusiveness, by heterogeniety, and by a sense of history which distinguishes Hardy from a more ahistorical, synchronic modernist aesthetic and which constitutes an ongoing challenge to literary language. In this treatment of a writer's relation to the Oxford English Dictionary (OED), the book also examines the influence on Hardy's language of the founding and development, in this period, of the OED.
