Peter Taylor-Gooby
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199546701
- eISBN:
- 9780191720420
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199546701.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Economy
Recent reforms in welfare states generate new challenges to social citizenship. Social citizenship depends on the readiness of voters to support reciprocity and social inclusion and their trust in ...
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Recent reforms in welfare states generate new challenges to social citizenship. Social citizenship depends on the readiness of voters to support reciprocity and social inclusion and their trust in welfare state institutions as services that will meet their needs. Reform programmes in most western countries combine New Public Management, linking market competition and regulation by targets to achieve greater efficiency and responsiveness to service-users, and welfare-to-work and make-work-pay activation policies to manage labour market change. Both developments rest on a rational actor approach to human motivation. The UK has pursued the reform programme with more vigour than any other major European country and provides a useful object less of its strengths and limitations. The book provides a detailed analytic account of social science approaches to agency. It shows that the rational actor approach has difficulties in explaining how social inclusion and social trust arise. Policies based on it provide weak support for these aspects of citizenship. It is attractive to policy-makers seeking solutions to the problem of improving the efficiency and responsiveness of welfare systems in a more globalised world, in which citizens are more critical and the authority of national governments is in decline. Recent reform programmes were undertaken to meet real pressures on existing patterns of provision. They have been largely successful in maintaining mass services but risk undermining social inclusion and eroding trust in public welfare institutions. In the longer term, they may destroy the social citizenship essential to sustain welfare states.Less
Recent reforms in welfare states generate new challenges to social citizenship. Social citizenship depends on the readiness of voters to support reciprocity and social inclusion and their trust in welfare state institutions as services that will meet their needs. Reform programmes in most western countries combine New Public Management, linking market competition and regulation by targets to achieve greater efficiency and responsiveness to service-users, and welfare-to-work and make-work-pay activation policies to manage labour market change. Both developments rest on a rational actor approach to human motivation. The UK has pursued the reform programme with more vigour than any other major European country and provides a useful object less of its strengths and limitations. The book provides a detailed analytic account of social science approaches to agency. It shows that the rational actor approach has difficulties in explaining how social inclusion and social trust arise. Policies based on it provide weak support for these aspects of citizenship. It is attractive to policy-makers seeking solutions to the problem of improving the efficiency and responsiveness of welfare systems in a more globalised world, in which citizens are more critical and the authority of national governments is in decline. Recent reform programmes were undertaken to meet real pressures on existing patterns of provision. They have been largely successful in maintaining mass services but risk undermining social inclusion and eroding trust in public welfare institutions. In the longer term, they may destroy the social citizenship essential to sustain welfare states.
Pierre Allan and Alexis Keller
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199275359
- eISBN:
- 9780191603686
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199275351.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
In this concluding chapter, Allan and Keller posit that Just Peace should be defined as a process resting on four necessary and sufficient conditions: thin recognition whereby the other is accepted ...
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In this concluding chapter, Allan and Keller posit that Just Peace should be defined as a process resting on four necessary and sufficient conditions: thin recognition whereby the other is accepted as autonomous; thick recognition whereby identities need to be accounted for; renouncement, requiring significant sacrifices from all parties; and rule, the objectification of a Just Peace by a ‘text’ requiring a common language respecting the identities of each, and defining their rights and duties. This approach, based on a language-oriented process amongst directly concerned parties, goes beyond liberal and culturalist perspectives. By moving beyond the idea of a peace founded on norms claiming universal scope, each side of a conflict has a place at the negotiating table to present their own perspective on what justice might entail. This inclusion into the decision-making process helps create the feeling of personal investment in the final negotiated product. In addition, negotiators need to work towards building a novel shared reality as well as a new common language to help foster an enduring harmony between previously clashing peoples.Less
In this concluding chapter, Allan and Keller posit that Just Peace should be defined as a process resting on four necessary and sufficient conditions: thin recognition whereby the other is accepted as autonomous; thick recognition whereby identities need to be accounted for; renouncement, requiring significant sacrifices from all parties; and rule, the objectification of a Just Peace by a ‘text’ requiring a common language respecting the identities of each, and defining their rights and duties. This approach, based on a language-oriented process amongst directly concerned parties, goes beyond liberal and culturalist perspectives. By moving beyond the idea of a peace founded on norms claiming universal scope, each side of a conflict has a place at the negotiating table to present their own perspective on what justice might entail. This inclusion into the decision-making process helps create the feeling of personal investment in the final negotiated product. In addition, negotiators need to work towards building a novel shared reality as well as a new common language to help foster an enduring harmony between previously clashing peoples.
Monique Deveaux
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199289790
- eISBN:
- 9780191711022
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199289790.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This book explores the challenges that culturally plural liberal states face when they hold competing political commitments to cultural rights and sexual equality, and advances an argument for ...
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This book explores the challenges that culturally plural liberal states face when they hold competing political commitments to cultural rights and sexual equality, and advances an argument for resolving such dilemmas through democratic dialogue and negotiation. Exploring recent examples of gendered cultural conflicts in South Africa, Canada, and Britain, this study shows that there is an urgent need for workable strategies to mediate the antagonisms between the cultural practices and arrangements of certain ethno-cultural and religious groups, and the norms and constitutional rights endorsed by liberal states. Yet such strategies will be successful only insofar as they can resolve conflicts without either reinforcing women’s subordination within cultural communities or unjustly dismissing calls for cultural recognition and forms of self-governance. To this end, the book develops an approach to mediating cultural tensions that takes seriously the demands for justice by cultural and religious minorities in liberal democratic states. Grounded in an argument for democratic legitimacy, this approach invokes norms of political inclusion and democratic dialogue, and highlights negotiation and compromise as the best vehicles for arriving at resolutions to conflicts of cultural value. However, the book also reconceives the basis of democratic legitimacy so as to include not merely formal expressions of political consent, but also a range of informal democratic activities that occur in the private and social spheres, from acts of cultural reinvention and subversion to outright expressions of dissent and cultural refusal.Less
This book explores the challenges that culturally plural liberal states face when they hold competing political commitments to cultural rights and sexual equality, and advances an argument for resolving such dilemmas through democratic dialogue and negotiation. Exploring recent examples of gendered cultural conflicts in South Africa, Canada, and Britain, this study shows that there is an urgent need for workable strategies to mediate the antagonisms between the cultural practices and arrangements of certain ethno-cultural and religious groups, and the norms and constitutional rights endorsed by liberal states. Yet such strategies will be successful only insofar as they can resolve conflicts without either reinforcing women’s subordination within cultural communities or unjustly dismissing calls for cultural recognition and forms of self-governance. To this end, the book develops an approach to mediating cultural tensions that takes seriously the demands for justice by cultural and religious minorities in liberal democratic states. Grounded in an argument for democratic legitimacy, this approach invokes norms of political inclusion and democratic dialogue, and highlights negotiation and compromise as the best vehicles for arriving at resolutions to conflicts of cultural value. However, the book also reconceives the basis of democratic legitimacy so as to include not merely formal expressions of political consent, but also a range of informal democratic activities that occur in the private and social spheres, from acts of cultural reinvention and subversion to outright expressions of dissent and cultural refusal.
Lane Kenworthy
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199591527
- eISBN:
- 9780191731389
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199591527.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
If we commit to improvement in the absolute living standards of the least well-off, must we sacrifice other desirable outcomes? The comparative empirical evidence suggests not.
If we commit to improvement in the absolute living standards of the least well-off, must we sacrifice other desirable outcomes? The comparative empirical evidence suggests not.
T.A. Bhavani and N.R. Bhanumurthy
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198076650
- eISBN:
- 9780199081868
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198076650.001.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Macro- and Monetary Economics
This study focuses on the state of financial access in post-reform India. It is analysed from the macroeconomic growth perspective keeping in view the importance of rapid growth for the Indian ...
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This study focuses on the state of financial access in post-reform India. It is analysed from the macroeconomic growth perspective keeping in view the importance of rapid growth for the Indian economy and the fact that majority of production organizations especially in the unorganized segment are yet to have access to the formal financial system. Financial access is considered in terms of actual use of one of the financial services, that is, supply of financial resources for productive investment purpose. The study measures financial access in terms of availability of finances from the formal financial institutions and their adequacy in taking care of productive investment needs. Adequacy of finances is assessed through financial resource gap, that is, proportion of productive investment that is not funded by the formal financial institutions. Availability and adequacy of resources from the formal financial system is analysed at different levels of aggregation: household, sector (agriculture, industry and services), segment (unorganized and organized), and economy. Industry and services sectors are divided into organized and unorganized segments given their differential access to the formal financial system and financial access is computed separately for the two segments. In addition, the study compares India with selected countries (Brazil, China, and United Kingdom) and within India it compares private sector banks with public sector banks. Finally, it provides policy recommendations.Less
This study focuses on the state of financial access in post-reform India. It is analysed from the macroeconomic growth perspective keeping in view the importance of rapid growth for the Indian economy and the fact that majority of production organizations especially in the unorganized segment are yet to have access to the formal financial system. Financial access is considered in terms of actual use of one of the financial services, that is, supply of financial resources for productive investment purpose. The study measures financial access in terms of availability of finances from the formal financial institutions and their adequacy in taking care of productive investment needs. Adequacy of finances is assessed through financial resource gap, that is, proportion of productive investment that is not funded by the formal financial institutions. Availability and adequacy of resources from the formal financial system is analysed at different levels of aggregation: household, sector (agriculture, industry and services), segment (unorganized and organized), and economy. Industry and services sectors are divided into organized and unorganized segments given their differential access to the formal financial system and financial access is computed separately for the two segments. In addition, the study compares India with selected countries (Brazil, China, and United Kingdom) and within India it compares private sector banks with public sector banks. Finally, it provides policy recommendations.
Steven Brint
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691182667
- eISBN:
- 9780691184890
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691182667.001.0001
- Subject:
- Education, Higher Education
Today's headlines suggest that universities' power to advance knowledge and shape American society is rapidly declining. But this book's author has tracked numerous trends demonstrating their ...
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Today's headlines suggest that universities' power to advance knowledge and shape American society is rapidly declining. But this book's author has tracked numerous trends demonstrating their vitality. After a recent period that witnessed soaring student enrollment and ample research funding, the book argues that universities are in a better position than ever before. Focusing on the years 1980–2015, it details the trajectory of American universities, which was influenced by evolving standards of disciplinary professionalism, market-driven partnerships (especially with scientific and technological innovators outside the academy), and the goal of social inclusion. Conflicts arose: academic entrepreneurs, for example, flouted their campus responsibilities, and departments faced backlash over the hiring of scholars with nontraditional research agendas. Nevertheless, educators' commitments to technological innovation and social diversity prevailed and created a new dynamism. The book documents these successes along with the challenges that result from rapid change. Today, knowledge-driven industries generate almost half of US GDP, but divisions by educational level split the American political order. Students flock increasingly to fields connected to the power centers of American life and steer away from the liberal arts. And opportunities for economic mobility are expanding even as academic expectations decline. In describing how universities can meet such challenges head on, especially in improving classroom learning, the book offers not only a clear-eyed perspective on the current state of American higher education but also a pragmatically optimistic vision for the future.Less
Today's headlines suggest that universities' power to advance knowledge and shape American society is rapidly declining. But this book's author has tracked numerous trends demonstrating their vitality. After a recent period that witnessed soaring student enrollment and ample research funding, the book argues that universities are in a better position than ever before. Focusing on the years 1980–2015, it details the trajectory of American universities, which was influenced by evolving standards of disciplinary professionalism, market-driven partnerships (especially with scientific and technological innovators outside the academy), and the goal of social inclusion. Conflicts arose: academic entrepreneurs, for example, flouted their campus responsibilities, and departments faced backlash over the hiring of scholars with nontraditional research agendas. Nevertheless, educators' commitments to technological innovation and social diversity prevailed and created a new dynamism. The book documents these successes along with the challenges that result from rapid change. Today, knowledge-driven industries generate almost half of US GDP, but divisions by educational level split the American political order. Students flock increasingly to fields connected to the power centers of American life and steer away from the liberal arts. And opportunities for economic mobility are expanding even as academic expectations decline. In describing how universities can meet such challenges head on, especially in improving classroom learning, the book offers not only a clear-eyed perspective on the current state of American higher education but also a pragmatically optimistic vision for the future.
Mark McCormack
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199778249
- eISBN:
- 9780199933051
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199778249.001.0001
- Subject:
- Psychology, Social Psychology, Developmental Psychology
Research has traditionally shown high schools to be hostile environments for gay youth. Boys have used homophobia to prove their own masculinity and distance themselves from homosexuality. While this ...
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Research has traditionally shown high schools to be hostile environments for gay youth. Boys have used homophobia to prove their own masculinity and distance themselves from homosexuality. While this has been a consistent finding for over three decades, The Declining Significance of Homophobia tells a different story. Drawing on fieldwork and interviews of teenage boys in three British high schools, Dr. Mark McCormack shows how heterosexual male students’ attitudes toward their gay peers have dramatically improved. Heterosexual male students are proud of their pro-gay attitudes and friendship with openly gay students. Indeed, homosexuality is not an important variable in determining a boys’ popularity. However, The Declining Significance of Homophobia goes beyond documenting this important shift. It also examines how decreased homophobia results in the expansion of gendered behaviors available to teenage boys. Dr. McCormack shows that in these British schools, heterosexual boys are able to develop meaningful and loving friendships. Furthermore, their friendships span across different groups of boys, so that jocks can befriend those more concerned with their school work. These boys have replaced peer violence, misogyny and homophobia with hugging and emotional intimacy. Free from the constant threat of social marginalization, boys are able to speak about once-feminized activities without censure. Incisive and accessible, The Declining Significance of Homophobia is essential reading for all those interested in the damage that homophobia brings to both gay and straight youth. Whether teacher, parent, student or academic, you will find this research to be remarkably uplifting. The sophisticated analysis and accessible language make this a truly insightful examination of the changing nature of teenage masculinity.Less
Research has traditionally shown high schools to be hostile environments for gay youth. Boys have used homophobia to prove their own masculinity and distance themselves from homosexuality. While this has been a consistent finding for over three decades, The Declining Significance of Homophobia tells a different story. Drawing on fieldwork and interviews of teenage boys in three British high schools, Dr. Mark McCormack shows how heterosexual male students’ attitudes toward their gay peers have dramatically improved. Heterosexual male students are proud of their pro-gay attitudes and friendship with openly gay students. Indeed, homosexuality is not an important variable in determining a boys’ popularity. However, The Declining Significance of Homophobia goes beyond documenting this important shift. It also examines how decreased homophobia results in the expansion of gendered behaviors available to teenage boys. Dr. McCormack shows that in these British schools, heterosexual boys are able to develop meaningful and loving friendships. Furthermore, their friendships span across different groups of boys, so that jocks can befriend those more concerned with their school work. These boys have replaced peer violence, misogyny and homophobia with hugging and emotional intimacy. Free from the constant threat of social marginalization, boys are able to speak about once-feminized activities without censure. Incisive and accessible, The Declining Significance of Homophobia is essential reading for all those interested in the damage that homophobia brings to both gay and straight youth. Whether teacher, parent, student or academic, you will find this research to be remarkably uplifting. The sophisticated analysis and accessible language make this a truly insightful examination of the changing nature of teenage masculinity.
Amir Paz-Fuchs
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199237418
- eISBN:
- 9780191717192
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199237418.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Employment Law
This book examines welfare-to-work programmes in the United States and Britain, and develops a normative perspective to analyse and critique the theoretical and doctrinal justifications for ...
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This book examines welfare-to-work programmes in the United States and Britain, and develops a normative perspective to analyse and critique the theoretical and doctrinal justifications for welfare-to-work programmes. The book sheds light on the contractual paradigm that is advanced both as a new interpretation of citizenship, and as a jurisprudential mold for the configuration of the relationship between rights and responsibilities. Viewing rights as demanding responsibilities carries the threat that rights will lose their strategic role in practical reasoning. When this conceptualization is couched in social contract rhetoric that implies a continuous contract between citizens and the state, many conditions on welfare are supposedly legitimated. These include workfare, the obligation to accept any job offer, and several moral and social preconditions, based on a vague notion of reciprocity. This phenomenon has exacerbated over the last decade in social discourse in general, and in the field of welfare unemployment in particular. Following a critique of the prominence of the contractual conceptualization, the book suggests a structure of legitimate conditions on welfare benefits. This takes account of the contemporary appeal of personal responsibility, and reconciles it with the traditional fidelity that is owed to equality in the welfare state ideal. It is shown that equality's concern for the worst-off supports a recognition of a strong legal right to welfare. It concludes by showing that rather than undermining social inclusion and labour market integration, strengthening welfare rights and relaxing preconditions on entitlement would serve the very objectives that welfare-to-work programmes are supposed to advance.Less
This book examines welfare-to-work programmes in the United States and Britain, and develops a normative perspective to analyse and critique the theoretical and doctrinal justifications for welfare-to-work programmes. The book sheds light on the contractual paradigm that is advanced both as a new interpretation of citizenship, and as a jurisprudential mold for the configuration of the relationship between rights and responsibilities. Viewing rights as demanding responsibilities carries the threat that rights will lose their strategic role in practical reasoning. When this conceptualization is couched in social contract rhetoric that implies a continuous contract between citizens and the state, many conditions on welfare are supposedly legitimated. These include workfare, the obligation to accept any job offer, and several moral and social preconditions, based on a vague notion of reciprocity. This phenomenon has exacerbated over the last decade in social discourse in general, and in the field of welfare unemployment in particular. Following a critique of the prominence of the contractual conceptualization, the book suggests a structure of legitimate conditions on welfare benefits. This takes account of the contemporary appeal of personal responsibility, and reconciles it with the traditional fidelity that is owed to equality in the welfare state ideal. It is shown that equality's concern for the worst-off supports a recognition of a strong legal right to welfare. It concludes by showing that rather than undermining social inclusion and labour market integration, strengthening welfare rights and relaxing preconditions on entitlement would serve the very objectives that welfare-to-work programmes are supposed to advance.
Kenneth A. Armstrong
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199257409
- eISBN:
- 9780191600951
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019925740X.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Armstrong links macro structures to the micro level (individual action) by providing a critical analysis of the institutionalization of new modes of governance and their impact on civil society and ...
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Armstrong links macro structures to the micro level (individual action) by providing a critical analysis of the institutionalization of new modes of governance and their impact on civil society and democratic politics. The argument is presented with respect to a particular new mode of governance, the open method of co‐ordination (or OMC), which is seen as posing challenges for integration theories that assume that law and courts would be central to understanding EU governance. OMC does not rest on the instrumental usage of EU law to achieve its goal and triggers law‐production at the national rather than the EU level. Focussing on the application of the OMC to the fight against poverty and social exclusion, Armstrong elaborates the tension (and potential pitfalls and promise) this new mode of governance presents for EU democracy. The six sections of the chapter are: Introduction; OMC and Integration Theory; Institutional Context and Change: Systemic Discourses, Rules and Norms—an analysis of the systemic context of OMC inclusion policy; The Organizational, Procedural, and Substantive Levels of Policy Development; Mobilizing Actors—the roles of civil society actors at national/subnational and transnational levels in the OMC inclusion process; and Conclusions.Less
Armstrong links macro structures to the micro level (individual action) by providing a critical analysis of the institutionalization of new modes of governance and their impact on civil society and democratic politics. The argument is presented with respect to a particular new mode of governance, the open method of co‐ordination (or OMC), which is seen as posing challenges for integration theories that assume that law and courts would be central to understanding EU governance. OMC does not rest on the instrumental usage of EU law to achieve its goal and triggers law‐production at the national rather than the EU level. Focussing on the application of the OMC to the fight against poverty and social exclusion, Armstrong elaborates the tension (and potential pitfalls and promise) this new mode of governance presents for EU democracy. The six sections of the chapter are: Introduction; OMC and Integration Theory; Institutional Context and Change: Systemic Discourses, Rules and Norms—an analysis of the systemic context of OMC inclusion policy; The Organizational, Procedural, and Substantive Levels of Policy Development; Mobilizing Actors—the roles of civil society actors at national/subnational and transnational levels in the OMC inclusion process; and Conclusions.
Rein Taagepera
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199287741
- eISBN:
- 9780191713408
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199287741.003.0015
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
The nationwide threshold of minimal representation is the average vote share needed to win one seat in the assembly. It is close to 38% divided by the square root of the seat product (assembly size ...
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The nationwide threshold of minimal representation is the average vote share needed to win one seat in the assembly. It is close to 38% divided by the square root of the seat product (assembly size times district magnitude). If greater inclusion of political minorities is desired, this threshold can be lowered by increasing district magnitude and/or assembly size. The number of serious or pertinent parties might be close to square root plus fourth root of district magnitude, plus one.Less
The nationwide threshold of minimal representation is the average vote share needed to win one seat in the assembly. It is close to 38% divided by the square root of the seat product (assembly size times district magnitude). If greater inclusion of political minorities is desired, this threshold can be lowered by increasing district magnitude and/or assembly size. The number of serious or pertinent parties might be close to square root plus fourth root of district magnitude, plus one.
Helmut Anheier
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199266722
- eISBN:
- 9780191601941
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199266727.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
Drawing upon a variety of analyses, this chapter constructs a taxonomy of competing approaches to inequality, social cohesion, and citizenship and proceeds to locate the Third Way as a hybrid ...
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Drawing upon a variety of analyses, this chapter constructs a taxonomy of competing approaches to inequality, social cohesion, and citizenship and proceeds to locate the Third Way as a hybrid approach. While the Third Way strongly embraces elements of market liberalism, it also exhibits a mixture of social democratic, communitarian, and moral authoritarian features. The Third Way approach to policies for social inclusion is traced through a discussion of the European Union’s Social Inclusion Strategy, the development of ‘workfare’ type policies, and in the specific context of new labour policies in Britain. The ambiguous consequences of such policies are examined in relation to measures of inequality, poverty, and social exclusion. The chapter concludes that the Third Way maybe more than a pragmatic compromize, but whether it maybe capable of ameliorating the dislocating social effects of a market driven economic agenda remains uncertain.Less
Drawing upon a variety of analyses, this chapter constructs a taxonomy of competing approaches to inequality, social cohesion, and citizenship and proceeds to locate the Third Way as a hybrid approach. While the Third Way strongly embraces elements of market liberalism, it also exhibits a mixture of social democratic, communitarian, and moral authoritarian features. The Third Way approach to policies for social inclusion is traced through a discussion of the European Union’s Social Inclusion Strategy, the development of ‘workfare’ type policies, and in the specific context of new labour policies in Britain. The ambiguous consequences of such policies are examined in relation to measures of inequality, poverty, and social exclusion. The chapter concludes that the Third Way maybe more than a pragmatic compromize, but whether it maybe capable of ameliorating the dislocating social effects of a market driven economic agenda remains uncertain.
Lawrence McNamara
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199231454
- eISBN:
- 9780191710858
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199231454.003.0010
- Subject:
- Law, Law of Obligations
The question this study set out to answer was: if reputation is the interest to be protected by defamation law then what should be the test(s) for what is defamatory? The stated aim was to fill a gap ...
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The question this study set out to answer was: if reputation is the interest to be protected by defamation law then what should be the test(s) for what is defamatory? The stated aim was to fill a gap in the common law by providing a principled, theoretically coherent statement of law regarding what is defamatory. This chapter proposes a new legal framework that aims to meet that goal. Only the principal test for what is defamatory should be retained because it is the only one that meaningfully protects reputation. However, the common law should dispose of the traditional, exclusive presumptions that form the content of ‘the right-thinking person’ and instead use inclusive presumptions that are premised upon an acceptance of equal moral worth. Any displacement of these presumptions should be controversial. A departure from the commitment to equal moral worth should be made only with great care and caution.Less
The question this study set out to answer was: if reputation is the interest to be protected by defamation law then what should be the test(s) for what is defamatory? The stated aim was to fill a gap in the common law by providing a principled, theoretically coherent statement of law regarding what is defamatory. This chapter proposes a new legal framework that aims to meet that goal. Only the principal test for what is defamatory should be retained because it is the only one that meaningfully protects reputation. However, the common law should dispose of the traditional, exclusive presumptions that form the content of ‘the right-thinking person’ and instead use inclusive presumptions that are premised upon an acceptance of equal moral worth. Any displacement of these presumptions should be controversial. A departure from the commitment to equal moral worth should be made only with great care and caution.
Melanie M. Morey and John J. Piderit
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780195305517
- eISBN:
- 9780199784813
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195305515.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, Church History
This chapter explores the theme raised by senior administrators that student culture is both an indicator of and contributor to each Catholic institution’s distinctive Catholic culture and identity. ...
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This chapter explores the theme raised by senior administrators that student culture is both an indicator of and contributor to each Catholic institution’s distinctive Catholic culture and identity. It assesses the claim by administrators that Catholic colleges and universities provide a uniquely inclusive and value-laden education that permeates all aspects of the collegiate experience and transforms the lives of students. The chapter looks at policies and behavioral standards and enforcement mechanisms in a number of areas including alcohol use, sexual intimacy among students, invitations to outside speakers, and the awarding of honorary degrees. It also explores the role of Catholic moral teaching in student culture at Catholic institutions, and offers strategies to enhance the distinguishability and inheritability of religious culture in all four models of Catholic institutions.Less
This chapter explores the theme raised by senior administrators that student culture is both an indicator of and contributor to each Catholic institution’s distinctive Catholic culture and identity. It assesses the claim by administrators that Catholic colleges and universities provide a uniquely inclusive and value-laden education that permeates all aspects of the collegiate experience and transforms the lives of students. The chapter looks at policies and behavioral standards and enforcement mechanisms in a number of areas including alcohol use, sexual intimacy among students, invitations to outside speakers, and the awarding of honorary degrees. It also explores the role of Catholic moral teaching in student culture at Catholic institutions, and offers strategies to enhance the distinguishability and inheritability of religious culture in all four models of Catholic institutions.
Gøsta Esping-Andersen (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199256433
- eISBN:
- 9780191599170
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199256438.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Leading scholars in the field examine the highly topical issue of the future of the welfare state in Europe. They argue that welfare states need to adjust, and examine which kind of welfare ...
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Leading scholars in the field examine the highly topical issue of the future of the welfare state in Europe. They argue that welfare states need to adjust, and examine which kind of welfare architecture will further Europe's stated goal of maximum social inclusion and justice. The volume concentrates on four principal social‐policy domains: the aged and transition to retirement; the welfare issues related to profound changes in working life; the new risks and needs that arise in households and, especially, in families with children; and the challenges of creating gender equality. The analysis strongly supports the idea that open coordination of social policies in the European Union, if applied judiciously, can contribute significantly to the achievement of social justice for Europe's citizens.Less
Leading scholars in the field examine the highly topical issue of the future of the welfare state in Europe. They argue that welfare states need to adjust, and examine which kind of welfare architecture will further Europe's stated goal of maximum social inclusion and justice. The volume concentrates on four principal social‐policy domains: the aged and transition to retirement; the welfare issues related to profound changes in working life; the new risks and needs that arise in households and, especially, in families with children; and the challenges of creating gender equality. The analysis strongly supports the idea that open coordination of social policies in the European Union, if applied judiciously, can contribute significantly to the achievement of social justice for Europe's citizens.
John S. Dryzek, David Downes, Christian Hunold, David Schlosberg, and Hans‐Kristian Hernes
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199249022
- eISBN:
- 9780191599095
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199249024.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Environmental Politics
The experience of environmentalism in the US, UK, Germany, and Norway is introduced in detail, with special reference to the relationship between the state and the movement. The history of each ...
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The experience of environmentalism in the US, UK, Germany, and Norway is introduced in detail, with special reference to the relationship between the state and the movement. The history of each country in the modern environmental era is sketched. The movement took a very different form in each country. The oppositional public sphere confronting the state in Germany looks very different from the well‐behaved set of interest groups in the US or the Norwegian organizations that are tightly integrated into government. The shape and fortunes of environmentalism are heavily influenced by the state's orientation to societal interests, which can feature inclusion or exclusion, and be passive or active.Less
The experience of environmentalism in the US, UK, Germany, and Norway is introduced in detail, with special reference to the relationship between the state and the movement. The history of each country in the modern environmental era is sketched. The movement took a very different form in each country. The oppositional public sphere confronting the state in Germany looks very different from the well‐behaved set of interest groups in the US or the Norwegian organizations that are tightly integrated into government. The shape and fortunes of environmentalism are heavily influenced by the state's orientation to societal interests, which can feature inclusion or exclusion, and be passive or active.
John S. Dryzek, David Downes, Christian Hunold, David Schlosberg, and Hans‐Kristian Hernes
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199249022
- eISBN:
- 9780191599095
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199249024.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Environmental Politics
Sometimes the inclusion of the environmental movement in the state that has occurred has been genuine, and sometimes it has involved co‐option, i.e. access without real influence. We argue that ...
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Sometimes the inclusion of the environmental movement in the state that has occurred has been genuine, and sometimes it has involved co‐option, i.e. access without real influence. We argue that inclusion can be genuine when the movement's defining interest can be attached to one of the core state imperatives; this explains why the US alone could prove such an environmental success story around 1970. Later in the 1970s, energy crisis meant that environmentalism was kept away from the state's core in all four countries, though there was substantial variation in how this was played out. More recent history reveals environmentalism generally kept away from the core, though there are exceptions (especially in Norway and, later, Germany).Less
Sometimes the inclusion of the environmental movement in the state that has occurred has been genuine, and sometimes it has involved co‐option, i.e. access without real influence. We argue that inclusion can be genuine when the movement's defining interest can be attached to one of the core state imperatives; this explains why the US alone could prove such an environmental success story around 1970. Later in the 1970s, energy crisis meant that environmentalism was kept away from the state's core in all four countries, though there was substantial variation in how this was played out. More recent history reveals environmentalism generally kept away from the core, though there are exceptions (especially in Norway and, later, Germany).
John S. Dryzek, David Downes, Christian Hunold, David Schlosberg, and Hans‐Kristian Hernes
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199249022
- eISBN:
- 9780191599095
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199249024.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Environmental Politics
This chapter looks at the implications of inclusion in the state for the movement itself, especially in terms of moderation and bureaucratization. Groups themselves can change in two ways as a result ...
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This chapter looks at the implications of inclusion in the state for the movement itself, especially in terms of moderation and bureaucratization. Groups themselves can change in two ways as a result of being included within the state. First, they may have to moderate their positions substantially in order to be more consistent with the political mainstream—especially as conditioned by state imperatives. Second, they may have to develop a much more professional and bureaucratic character, replete with a large full‐time staff, internal hierarchy, and division of labour, and specialists in fund‐raising, organizational maintenance, and management. Moderation and bureaucratization compromise the ‘social movement’ character of environmental groups. Developments in the US, UK, Germany, and Norway are documented, and comparisons are made across time and space in their character and degree, and the possibility of movement resistance to them are considered.Less
This chapter looks at the implications of inclusion in the state for the movement itself, especially in terms of moderation and bureaucratization. Groups themselves can change in two ways as a result of being included within the state. First, they may have to moderate their positions substantially in order to be more consistent with the political mainstream—especially as conditioned by state imperatives. Second, they may have to develop a much more professional and bureaucratic character, replete with a large full‐time staff, internal hierarchy, and division of labour, and specialists in fund‐raising, organizational maintenance, and management. Moderation and bureaucratization compromise the ‘social movement’ character of environmental groups. Developments in the US, UK, Germany, and Norway are documented, and comparisons are made across time and space in their character and degree, and the possibility of movement resistance to them are considered.
John S. Dryzek, David Downes, Christian Hunold, David Schlosberg, and Hans‐Kristian Hernes
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199249022
- eISBN:
- 9780191599095
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199249024.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Environmental Politics
States and social movements cannot escape one another, and the outcomes of their interaction give shape to the political world. The state continues to be important in providing a large part of the ...
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States and social movements cannot escape one another, and the outcomes of their interaction give shape to the political world. The state continues to be important in providing a large part of the structural context for movements, and the important possibility of movements transforming the state itself in a greener direction has been established. This dynamic entails reshaping of the state as it incorporates movements, but the ’life cycle’ of movements as they relate to states is much more than a one‐way drive to inclusion. Whether we care about the substantive ends sought by social movements, the transformation of the state, or the continued democratic well‐being of society, the conclusion is that civil society is not just a resting place for social movements on their way to the state . It is meaningful and sometimes crucial as a site of political action in its own right.Less
States and social movements cannot escape one another, and the outcomes of their interaction give shape to the political world. The state continues to be important in providing a large part of the structural context for movements, and the important possibility of movements transforming the state itself in a greener direction has been established. This dynamic entails reshaping of the state as it incorporates movements, but the ’life cycle’ of movements as they relate to states is much more than a one‐way drive to inclusion. Whether we care about the substantive ends sought by social movements, the transformation of the state, or the continued democratic well‐being of society, the conclusion is that civil society is not just a resting place for social movements on their way to the state . It is meaningful and sometimes crucial as a site of political action in its own right.
Peter Taylor‐Gooby
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199546701
- eISBN:
- 9780191720420
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199546701.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Economy
This chapter considers the challenges to social citizenship resulting from greater diversity and inequality in a more globalized world. Migration has led to tensions in social provision in many ...
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This chapter considers the challenges to social citizenship resulting from greater diversity and inequality in a more globalized world. Migration has led to tensions in social provision in many western countries. Globalization and labour market change have generated greater inequality, and opportunities for social mobility seem to be declining. These changes generate substantial and growing challenges to the stability of welfare states. Evidence from recent studies, however, indicates that the problems can be addressed, provided that governments are willing to show political leadership and pursue policies that redistribute resources on a citizenship basis to mitigate inequalities and offer equal access to opportunities across all social groups.Less
This chapter considers the challenges to social citizenship resulting from greater diversity and inequality in a more globalized world. Migration has led to tensions in social provision in many western countries. Globalization and labour market change have generated greater inequality, and opportunities for social mobility seem to be declining. These changes generate substantial and growing challenges to the stability of welfare states. Evidence from recent studies, however, indicates that the problems can be addressed, provided that governments are willing to show political leadership and pursue policies that redistribute resources on a citizenship basis to mitigate inequalities and offer equal access to opportunities across all social groups.
Peter Taylor‐Gooby
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199546701
- eISBN:
- 9780191720420
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199546701.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Economy
Welfare states have enjoyed considerable success in containing the pressures of economic, political, and social change identified in Chapter 1. However, an important theme in their responses, the ...
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Welfare states have enjoyed considerable success in containing the pressures of economic, political, and social change identified in Chapter 1. However, an important theme in their responses, the shift towards an individual rational actor approach to policy-making, risks weakening the values that sustain social citizenship. It may support reciprocity but undermines social inclusion and trust in welfare state institutions. Any response must recognise the continuing pressures for greater competitiveness arising in a more open economy. Cost-constraint is not the only factor contributing to productivity. Greater inclusiveness, more open opportunities and constraint on privilege at the top end may help to secure better mobilization of human resources. More democratic accountability will enhance trust in services. The individual rational actor approach to welfare state reform has considerable weaknesses as well as the strengths that make it attractive to governments.Less
Welfare states have enjoyed considerable success in containing the pressures of economic, political, and social change identified in Chapter 1. However, an important theme in their responses, the shift towards an individual rational actor approach to policy-making, risks weakening the values that sustain social citizenship. It may support reciprocity but undermines social inclusion and trust in welfare state institutions. Any response must recognise the continuing pressures for greater competitiveness arising in a more open economy. Cost-constraint is not the only factor contributing to productivity. Greater inclusiveness, more open opportunities and constraint on privilege at the top end may help to secure better mobilization of human resources. More democratic accountability will enhance trust in services. The individual rational actor approach to welfare state reform has considerable weaknesses as well as the strengths that make it attractive to governments.
