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‘Multicultural nationalism’ comes very close to being an oxymoron: devolution increased national self-consciousness and 9/11 added to the problems of multiculturalism everywhere, including Scotland. But in practice, potential problems proved to be solutions. Since England has a key role in defining Scottish identity, Scottish nationalism stimulates Anglophobia but not Islamophobia, and Muslims can use Scottish nationalism as a tool of integration. 9/11 made life worse for Muslims in Scotland, but not as much as elsewhere. Thus, 9/11 and the ‘war on terror’ bound Muslims more closely to Scotland. Although both minorities criticized the governing performance of the new Scottish Parliament, both felt that its street-level impact has been more positive than negative. English immigrants feel that devolution has defused tensions, and Muslims self-consciously distinguish between the positive impact of devolution and the concurrent, negative impact of 9/11. Against the odds, multiculturalism and sub-state nationalism have not merely coexisted, but actually interacted positively within post-devolution Scotland.

This chapter addresses the complex question of how the possible impact of ANiS could be assessed. It argues that an initial important effect of ANIS meetings and programmes is that on it's own members; this strengthens the movement internally. The degree to which the rationalists’ lectures and programmes impact upon their audience is difficult to assess but may not be that far-reaching. More important to consider are the immediate impacts of their legal activities, which would be heightened with the potential passing into law of the Anti-Superstition Bill. Finally, the question is raised as to what degree the general worldview, as well as the concrete activities of the rationalists, have a more subtle, mediate impact on wider society as part of larger processes of disenchantment and rationalisation.

Uses statistical techniques to model the determinants of aggregate social expenditure change in 21 OECD countries over the period 1980 to 1998. The main focus is on testing hypotheses relating to the impact of economic globalization and the so-called ‘new politics’ of the welfare state. The analysis suggests that neither of these accounts is persuasive. Instead, the main factors shaping recent expenditure change appear to have been programme maturation, economic growth, deindustrialization and left partisan politics.

Explores how, and under what circumstances, international authorities should withdraw from the administration of a territory. Whereas elections were once viewed as the capstone of international involvement, as in Cambodia, transitional authorities today are focused additionally on the development of institutional safeguards (for minority groups, for instance) that, it is hoped, will endure beyond the transitional period. Other approaches include a phased exit strategy whereby the pace of transfer is commensurate with the demonstrated ability of the local leadership to meet specified benchmarks. Follow-on measures—a role for which regional organizations may be particularly well suited—are also important to reinforce positive results, as are regional stabilization measures, such as the incentive structure represented by the prospect of membership in regional and international organizations.

This chapter examines the psychosocial impact of advanced metastatic cancer on the patient and family. It discusses the results of several studies indicating that social isolation is a major issue for patients who have been suffering from cancer for a long time and that metastatic cancer patients and their spouses also experience a decrease in sexual drive, recreation, and style and content of communication. Other research also reveals that changes or improvement in cancer treatment have led many children to live much of their childhood with a sick parent and they can often become young carers.

Describes the book as a response to intensification of the debate about the place of multilateral organizations in US foreign policy, and starts by outlining various American attitudes to the debate. Next there are three sections that discuss the main topics covered by the book: Perspectives on the US and Multilateral Organizations; Explaining US Behaviour Towards Multilateral Organizations — internal factors and external factors; and The Impact of the US on Multilateral Organizations. The final section describes the structure of the study presented in the book and provides chapter outlines.

The book has sought, first, to determine whether there is any meaningful variation in US behaviour towards multilateral organizations and which factors carry the most explanatory weight in determining US behaviour and policy towards these organizations, and also to explore the extent to which US behaviour differs across issue area, from security to economics to the environment. Second, it has sought to assess in a more detailed way the nature of the US impact on multilateral organizations and what forms of impact are particularly salient, whether this varies across cases, and why. The general finding is that there is no clear pattern or trend that signals a growing US rejection of multilateral organizations as venues for the promotion of US foreign policy interests, although in the different issue areas there is more evidence of unilateralism in the area of security than economic cooperation. The candidate explanatory factors suggested in the introduction are revisited in the light of the empirical evidence offered by the authors, in order to provide an overall assessment of the forces shaping US practice: the internal factors highlighted include American exceptionalism (the most important), partisanship, interest groups, and bureaucratic interests; the external factors include the enhancing and sustaining of US power, and the perceived effectiveness of the organizations concerned. Last, an assessment is made of the impact of US policy towards multilateral organizations across the range of cases.

Feeling vindictive is one thing, but seeking vengeance personally or through the law is completely different. This is the subject of this chapter. It explores the idea of victim vindictiveness and the degree to which it can be considered as a legitimate purpose of criminal punishment. At present, the area of the law that permits vindictiveness is through the use of victim impact statements in criminal sentencing. The purpose of these is to create an influence to those with discretionary sentencing authority. Also given in this chapter are arguments against vindictiveness. The chapter ends by suggesting that even if it is neither inherently irrational nor immoral, it may create dramatic dangers that should impose severe cautions on the willingness of a person to be led by this passion.

Democratic theorists often place deliberative innovations such as Citizen's Juries, Consensus Conferences, Planning Cells, and Deliberative Polls at the centre of their hopes for deliberative democratization. This chapter charts the ways in which such mini-publics can impact on the ‘macro’ world of politics. Impact may come in the form of actually making policy, being taken up in the policy process, informing public debates, market-testing of proposals, legitimation of public policies, building confidence and constituencies for policies, popular oversight, and resisting co-option. Exposing problems and failures is all too easy; the chapter highlights instead cases of success along each of these dimensions.

This chapter takes a ‘top-down’ perspective on how European integration and Europeanization more generally affect domestic policies, politics and polities of the member states and beyond. The emerging literature on the topic is used to develop some preliminary hypotheses on the conditions under which domestic change would be expected in response to Europeanization. Various propositions made in the literature are simplified, and topics needing further research are pointed out. The chapter proceeds in the following steps: first, what is meant by the ‘domestic impact’ of Europeanization is specified; second, the concept of ‘misfit’ is developed, and differential empowerment and socialization are distinguished as the two theoretical logics of domestic adaptation to Europe; third, the degree and direction of domestic changes to be expected by the two logics and causal mechanisms are discussed, focusing on the question of whether convergence or divergence is likely. The conclusion offers propositions on how differential empowerment and socialization relate to each other.

The “democratic deficit” and significant British and European financial support for civil society have led to the growth of a large voluntary sector in Northern Ireland, including a diverse collection of peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs). P/CROs in Northern Ireland were founded to deal with the symptoms of the conflict, not its real or perceived causes, and member characteristics were largely determined by which symptoms P/CROs focused on; however, most members were broadly left leaning. Some P/CROs targeted specific communities, some sought to influence a broader audience, and others did both. While smaller, less formal P/CROS needed little income, larger groups required more funding, and sometimes had to professionalize in order to secure it, although relationships with funders tended to be relaxed. While P/CROs clearly had no direct impact on the peace process, they did introduce an “inclusivist” philosophy into the political arena, encouraged political debate, and provided an extra tier of progressive leadership.

This final chapter evaluates Urwick as a man and his contributions to management. It first discusses his character and abilities, his beliefs and vision, the influences on his career, the roles within his career, and his writing. Then, it continues to various aspects of his influence: his impact on management in Britain, his international standing, his contemporary relevance, and finally his place in history. The final paragraph contains a summation from the eulogy at his memorial service: ‘We need exemplars of Lyndall Urwick's integrity, his vision, his internationalism, his determination of priorities, his courage and his sense of service’.

This chapter examines the growth and distributional impacts of Malaysia's policy of maintaining open current and capital accounts. Malaysia's external liberalization policy initiatives are described. Malaysia's external liberalization experience is then analyzed, followed by an assessment of the macroeconomic impact of external liberalization à la Berg and Taylor (2000). The socio-economic impacts of external liberalization are dealt with in the following section. The final section provides a more detailed discussion of certain aspects of external liberalization, focusing on international trade, foreign direct investment, international finance, intellectual property rights, and international economic governance.