Bruce K. Rutherford
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691158044
- eISBN:
- 9781400846146
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691158044.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter analyzes the political future of Egypt and the Arab world, which may include a steady deepening of liberalism and, possibly, democracy. It suggests that a full transition to democracy is ...
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This chapter analyzes the political future of Egypt and the Arab world, which may include a steady deepening of liberalism and, possibly, democracy. It suggests that a full transition to democracy is not likely in any contemporary Arab regime. However, for hybrid regimes that share characteristics of both an autocratic order and a democratic order, a reversion to full authoritarianism is equally unlikely. In order to understand the future of democracy in the Arab world, we need to understand how these hybrid regimes emerge, why they remain stable, and whether they will transition toward democracy. The theoretical literature on hybrid regimes provides a valuable starting point for this analysis. The chapter presents an analytical approach for studying the emergence of a hybrid regime and applies it to Egypt. An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.Less
This chapter analyzes the political future of Egypt and the Arab world, which may include a steady deepening of liberalism and, possibly, democracy. It suggests that a full transition to democracy is not likely in any contemporary Arab regime. However, for hybrid regimes that share characteristics of both an autocratic order and a democratic order, a reversion to full authoritarianism is equally unlikely. In order to understand the future of democracy in the Arab world, we need to understand how these hybrid regimes emerge, why they remain stable, and whether they will transition toward democracy. The theoretical literature on hybrid regimes provides a valuable starting point for this analysis. The chapter presents an analytical approach for studying the emergence of a hybrid regime and applies it to Egypt. An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.
Leonardo Morlino
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199572533
- eISBN:
- 9780191731082
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199572533.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization, Comparative Politics
In recent years there has been growing interest and a related literature on hybrid regimes. Is there a good definition of such an institutional arrangement? Are there actually sets of stabilized, ...
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In recent years there has been growing interest and a related literature on hybrid regimes. Is there a good definition of such an institutional arrangement? Are there actually sets of stabilized, political institutions that can be labelled in this way? Is it possible that within the widespread process of democracy diffusion these are only ‘transitional’ regimes and the most suitable distinction is still the old one, suggested by Linz and traditionally accepted, between democracy and authoritarianism? This chapter addresses and responds to these questions by pinpointing the pertinent analytic dimensions and defining what a ‘hybrid regime’ is. It also disentangles the cases of proper hybrid regimes from the cases of transitional phases and proposes a typology of hybrid regimes. Some of the main findings and conclusions refer to the lack of institutions capable of performing their functions as well as the key elements for achieving possible changes towards democracy.Less
In recent years there has been growing interest and a related literature on hybrid regimes. Is there a good definition of such an institutional arrangement? Are there actually sets of stabilized, political institutions that can be labelled in this way? Is it possible that within the widespread process of democracy diffusion these are only ‘transitional’ regimes and the most suitable distinction is still the old one, suggested by Linz and traditionally accepted, between democracy and authoritarianism? This chapter addresses and responds to these questions by pinpointing the pertinent analytic dimensions and defining what a ‘hybrid regime’ is. It also disentangles the cases of proper hybrid regimes from the cases of transitional phases and proposes a typology of hybrid regimes. Some of the main findings and conclusions refer to the lack of institutions capable of performing their functions as well as the key elements for achieving possible changes towards democracy.
Margaret Jane Radin
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691155333
- eISBN:
- 9781400844838
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691155333.003.0012
- Subject:
- Law, Company and Commercial Law
This chapter considers “public” and hybrid regulatory solutions for boilerplate. It first examines the U.S. preference for private, market solutions, with particular emphasis on its tendency to ...
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This chapter considers “public” and hybrid regulatory solutions for boilerplate. It first examines the U.S. preference for private, market solutions, with particular emphasis on its tendency to provide for disclosure rather than substantive regulation of boilerplate, along with state legislation and judge-made law that goes beyond disclosure to create substantive regulations of contract law in particular areas. It then discusses issues associated with industry-specific regulation; piecemeal “fixes” to current law that may be enacted through legislation, imposed by agency rulemaking, or developed by judge-made law; and hybrid regimes in which private initiatives would be supported or protected by legislation or judge-made law. It also explores regulation in form of black lists, white lists, or grey lists and the problem of piecemeal adjudication. Finally, it looks at comprehensive regulation by drawing on the case of the European Union.Less
This chapter considers “public” and hybrid regulatory solutions for boilerplate. It first examines the U.S. preference for private, market solutions, with particular emphasis on its tendency to provide for disclosure rather than substantive regulation of boilerplate, along with state legislation and judge-made law that goes beyond disclosure to create substantive regulations of contract law in particular areas. It then discusses issues associated with industry-specific regulation; piecemeal “fixes” to current law that may be enacted through legislation, imposed by agency rulemaking, or developed by judge-made law; and hybrid regimes in which private initiatives would be supported or protected by legislation or judge-made law. It also explores regulation in form of black lists, white lists, or grey lists and the problem of piecemeal adjudication. Finally, it looks at comprehensive regulation by drawing on the case of the European Union.
Adrienne LeBas
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199546862
- eISBN:
- 9780191728594
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199546862.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Why do we see such variation in the success of democratization across the developing world? Why are some pro-democracy movements successful, while others remain weak? Chapter 1 introduces the reader ...
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Why do we see such variation in the success of democratization across the developing world? Why are some pro-democracy movements successful, while others remain weak? Chapter 1 introduces the reader to the distinct characteristics of democratization in the late Third Wave. Recent democratic transitions have tended to be more protracted and more conflict-prone than earlier transitions in Latin America and Southern Europe. In democratizing countries in Asia, Africa, and the Middle East, incumbents often retain control over the degree of political opening in these “hybrid regimes.” The chapter argues that existing theories of democratic transition are insufficient to explain the dynamics of change in these kinds of regimes. Instead, the strength and cohesion of opposition parties is an important determinant of whether democratization will occur. The chapter introduces the book’s arguments about the sources of variation in opposition strength.Less
Why do we see such variation in the success of democratization across the developing world? Why are some pro-democracy movements successful, while others remain weak? Chapter 1 introduces the reader to the distinct characteristics of democratization in the late Third Wave. Recent democratic transitions have tended to be more protracted and more conflict-prone than earlier transitions in Latin America and Southern Europe. In democratizing countries in Asia, Africa, and the Middle East, incumbents often retain control over the degree of political opening in these “hybrid regimes.” The chapter argues that existing theories of democratic transition are insufficient to explain the dynamics of change in these kinds of regimes. Instead, the strength and cohesion of opposition parties is an important determinant of whether democratization will occur. The chapter introduces the book’s arguments about the sources of variation in opposition strength.
Harukata Takenaka
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- January 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780804763417
- eISBN:
- 9780804790741
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804763417.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The introduction presents the central question of the book: how and why does a semi-democratic regime collapse without experiencing further democratization? It defines the semi-democratic regime, a ...
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The introduction presents the central question of the book: how and why does a semi-democratic regime collapse without experiencing further democratization? It defines the semi-democratic regime, a subtype of hybrid regimes. It then describes the book's two objectives in answering this question, which it attempts to achieve through a study of the literature on hybrid regimes as well as on prewar Japanese political development. The first is to widen our knowledge of the political dynamics of hybrid regimes. The second is to provide a comprehensive analysis of Japan's political development from the late 1910s to the early 1930s. Lastly, it refers to three comparable cases of semi-democratic regimes: Great Britain in the latter half of 19th century, Brazil between 1945 and 1964, and Thailand between 1978 and 1997.Less
The introduction presents the central question of the book: how and why does a semi-democratic regime collapse without experiencing further democratization? It defines the semi-democratic regime, a subtype of hybrid regimes. It then describes the book's two objectives in answering this question, which it attempts to achieve through a study of the literature on hybrid regimes as well as on prewar Japanese political development. The first is to widen our knowledge of the political dynamics of hybrid regimes. The second is to provide a comprehensive analysis of Japan's political development from the late 1910s to the early 1930s. Lastly, it refers to three comparable cases of semi-democratic regimes: Great Britain in the latter half of 19th century, Brazil between 1945 and 1964, and Thailand between 1978 and 1997.
Leonardo Morlino
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199572533
- eISBN:
- 9780191731082
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199572533.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization, Comparative Politics
A review of the main theoretical findings in the literature on democratic changes prompts the author to propose an empirical definition of democracy, to discuss the main existing normative ...
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A review of the main theoretical findings in the literature on democratic changes prompts the author to propose an empirical definition of democracy, to discuss the main existing normative definitions and to suggest a new type of regime, the hybrid regime, which is also empirically analysed. The second and third parts of the book cover three geopolitical areas (Southern and Eastern Europe and Latin America) and present the main theoretical results of the empirical analysis on transition towards democracy and installation, consolidation and crisis, deepening and worsening of qualities with all related connections and hypotheses. The analysis reveals two new and relevant results. First, how the different macro-processes should be explored in different ways and with different theoretical ends: only a framework when transition and installations are considered; more precise hypotheses when consolidation and crisis are under scrutiny; connections and theoretical hypotheses when qualities and deepening are studied. Second, the empirical research makes it possible to single out three core sub-processes and a key mechanism. When dealing with transition and democratic installation the core sub-process is the unfolding of a learning process at elite and mass levels towards democratic legitimation. When consolidation and crisis are considered, domestic anchoring and external anchoring are the two core sub-process that should be mentioned. In the macro-processes of deepening or weakening of qualities, the core mechanism is mutual convergence of qualities. This mechanism emerges from the empirical analysis of existing connections between the procedures, contents, and results of democracy.Less
A review of the main theoretical findings in the literature on democratic changes prompts the author to propose an empirical definition of democracy, to discuss the main existing normative definitions and to suggest a new type of regime, the hybrid regime, which is also empirically analysed. The second and third parts of the book cover three geopolitical areas (Southern and Eastern Europe and Latin America) and present the main theoretical results of the empirical analysis on transition towards democracy and installation, consolidation and crisis, deepening and worsening of qualities with all related connections and hypotheses. The analysis reveals two new and relevant results. First, how the different macro-processes should be explored in different ways and with different theoretical ends: only a framework when transition and installations are considered; more precise hypotheses when consolidation and crisis are under scrutiny; connections and theoretical hypotheses when qualities and deepening are studied. Second, the empirical research makes it possible to single out three core sub-processes and a key mechanism. When dealing with transition and democratic installation the core sub-process is the unfolding of a learning process at elite and mass levels towards democratic legitimation. When consolidation and crisis are considered, domestic anchoring and external anchoring are the two core sub-process that should be mentioned. In the macro-processes of deepening or weakening of qualities, the core mechanism is mutual convergence of qualities. This mechanism emerges from the empirical analysis of existing connections between the procedures, contents, and results of democracy.
Adrienne LeBas
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199546862
- eISBN:
- 9780191728594
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199546862.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Why do strong opposition party organizations emerge in some democratizing countries, while those in others remain weak or quickly fragment on ethnic lines? This book offers an explanation for why ...
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Why do strong opposition party organizations emerge in some democratizing countries, while those in others remain weak or quickly fragment on ethnic lines? This book offers an explanation for why opposition parties vary in organizational form, cohesion, and mobilizational reach. The book draws upon an in-depth analysis of three countries in Anglophone Africa: Zimbabwe, Zambia, and Kenya. Though these countries share similar institutional frameworks, including electoral rules, party development has taken a different route in each. The explanation emphasizes the ways in which historical legacies interact with strategic choices to produce different trajectories of party development. In terms of the role of history, the book argues that strong opposition parties are more likely where authoritarian states relied on alliances with corporate actors like labor. In these contexts, ruling parties armed their allies, providing them with mobilizing structures and political resources that could later be used to challenge the state. Secondly, opposition parties are more likely to maintain their organizational cohesion and the commitment of activists when they use strategies and appeals that escalate conflict and reorient social boundaries around the lines of partisan affiliation. Polarization forges stronger parties, but it also increases the likelihood of violence and authoritarian retrenchment. The book provides an explanation of why democratization in the hybrid regimes of the late Third Wave may prove more conflictual and more protracted than earlier transitions to democracy.Less
Why do strong opposition party organizations emerge in some democratizing countries, while those in others remain weak or quickly fragment on ethnic lines? This book offers an explanation for why opposition parties vary in organizational form, cohesion, and mobilizational reach. The book draws upon an in-depth analysis of three countries in Anglophone Africa: Zimbabwe, Zambia, and Kenya. Though these countries share similar institutional frameworks, including electoral rules, party development has taken a different route in each. The explanation emphasizes the ways in which historical legacies interact with strategic choices to produce different trajectories of party development. In terms of the role of history, the book argues that strong opposition parties are more likely where authoritarian states relied on alliances with corporate actors like labor. In these contexts, ruling parties armed their allies, providing them with mobilizing structures and political resources that could later be used to challenge the state. Secondly, opposition parties are more likely to maintain their organizational cohesion and the commitment of activists when they use strategies and appeals that escalate conflict and reorient social boundaries around the lines of partisan affiliation. Polarization forges stronger parties, but it also increases the likelihood of violence and authoritarian retrenchment. The book provides an explanation of why democratization in the hybrid regimes of the late Third Wave may prove more conflictual and more protracted than earlier transitions to democracy.
Harukata Takenaka
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- January 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780804763417
- eISBN:
- 9780804790741
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804763417.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
How and why does a semi-democratic regime—one that developed as a result of significant degree of democratization—collapse without experiencing further democratization? This book answers these ...
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How and why does a semi-democratic regime—one that developed as a result of significant degree of democratization—collapse without experiencing further democratization? This book answers these questions through a case study of the collapse of the semi-democratic regime in prewar Japan. Japan's gradual democratization after the Meiji Restoration in 1867 led to the rise of the semi-democratic regime in 1918. It was characterized by the rule of party government and electoral participation by a significant portion of the population. Confronted with a series of threats from the military, it collapsed in 1932 after the May Fifteenth Incident. This book explains the collapse of this regime as a result of shift in the balance of power between the party government and the military. It focuses on Meiji Constitution's institutional constraints as well as legitimacy and the semi-loyalty of political parties and their memebers as factors that affected the relationship/Although the Meiji Constitution placed the party government in a weak position institutionally with respect to the military, the high legitimacy that it claimed initially enabled it to sustain the regime from the outset. Gradually, however, its legitimacy eroded and political parties became semi-loyal to the regime, tolerating or encouraging the military’s challenge against to it. This led to the collapse of the semi-democratic regime.Less
How and why does a semi-democratic regime—one that developed as a result of significant degree of democratization—collapse without experiencing further democratization? This book answers these questions through a case study of the collapse of the semi-democratic regime in prewar Japan. Japan's gradual democratization after the Meiji Restoration in 1867 led to the rise of the semi-democratic regime in 1918. It was characterized by the rule of party government and electoral participation by a significant portion of the population. Confronted with a series of threats from the military, it collapsed in 1932 after the May Fifteenth Incident. This book explains the collapse of this regime as a result of shift in the balance of power between the party government and the military. It focuses on Meiji Constitution's institutional constraints as well as legitimacy and the semi-loyalty of political parties and their memebers as factors that affected the relationship/Although the Meiji Constitution placed the party government in a weak position institutionally with respect to the military, the high legitimacy that it claimed initially enabled it to sustain the regime from the outset. Gradually, however, its legitimacy eroded and political parties became semi-loyal to the regime, tolerating or encouraging the military’s challenge against to it. This led to the collapse of the semi-democratic regime.
Jens Meierhenrich
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- April 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780198814412
- eISBN:
- 9780191851964
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198814412.003.0009
- Subject:
- Law, Legal History
What for many years was seen as an oxymoron—the notion of an authoritarian rule of law—no longer is. Instead, the phenomenon has become a cutting edge concern in law-and-society research. In this ...
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What for many years was seen as an oxymoron—the notion of an authoritarian rule of law—no longer is. Instead, the phenomenon has become a cutting edge concern in law-and-society research. In this concluding chapter, I situate Fraenkel’s theory of dictatorship in this emerging research program. In the first section, I turn the notion of an authoritarian rule of law into a social science concept. In the second section, I relate this concept to that of the dual state and both to the political science literature on so-called hybrid regimes. Drawing on this synthesis, the third section makes the concept of the dual state usable for comparative-historical analysis. Through a series of empirical vignettes, I demonstrate the contemporary relevance of Fraenkel’s institutional analysis of the Nazi state. I show why it is essential reading for anyone trying to understand the legal origins of dictatorship, then and now.Less
What for many years was seen as an oxymoron—the notion of an authoritarian rule of law—no longer is. Instead, the phenomenon has become a cutting edge concern in law-and-society research. In this concluding chapter, I situate Fraenkel’s theory of dictatorship in this emerging research program. In the first section, I turn the notion of an authoritarian rule of law into a social science concept. In the second section, I relate this concept to that of the dual state and both to the political science literature on so-called hybrid regimes. Drawing on this synthesis, the third section makes the concept of the dual state usable for comparative-historical analysis. Through a series of empirical vignettes, I demonstrate the contemporary relevance of Fraenkel’s institutional analysis of the Nazi state. I show why it is essential reading for anyone trying to understand the legal origins of dictatorship, then and now.
Andreas Schedler
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199680320
- eISBN:
- 9780191760242
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199680320.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Electoral autocracies are hybrid regimes. This chapter explains the nature of their hybridity: They combine institutions of domination with formal institutions of representation. Institutions of ...
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Electoral autocracies are hybrid regimes. This chapter explains the nature of their hybridity: They combine institutions of domination with formal institutions of representation. Institutions of domination mobilize violence, money, or ideology. Institutions of representation either empower regime agents by dividing state power (legislatures, courts, and federalism). Or they empower regime adversaries by admitting political pluralism (media, civil society, parties, and elections). On paper, electoral authoritarian regimes introduce the entire set of representative institutions that define modern democracy. In practice, they subvert their democratic spirit through institutional manipulation. The chapter outlines their repertoires of manipulative strategies. It concludes, though, by pointing out the limits of manipulation. The “new institutionalism” in the study of authoritarianism has been analyzing formally representative institutions as instruments of authoritarian rule. By contrast, stressing their relative autonomy and inescapable ambivalence, the chapter conceives them as arenas of struggle.Less
Electoral autocracies are hybrid regimes. This chapter explains the nature of their hybridity: They combine institutions of domination with formal institutions of representation. Institutions of domination mobilize violence, money, or ideology. Institutions of representation either empower regime agents by dividing state power (legislatures, courts, and federalism). Or they empower regime adversaries by admitting political pluralism (media, civil society, parties, and elections). On paper, electoral authoritarian regimes introduce the entire set of representative institutions that define modern democracy. In practice, they subvert their democratic spirit through institutional manipulation. The chapter outlines their repertoires of manipulative strategies. It concludes, though, by pointing out the limits of manipulation. The “new institutionalism” in the study of authoritarianism has been analyzing formally representative institutions as instruments of authoritarian rule. By contrast, stressing their relative autonomy and inescapable ambivalence, the chapter conceives them as arenas of struggle.
Alexander Schmotz
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- March 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780198829911
- eISBN:
- 9780191868368
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198829911.003.0053
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Most political regimes in the world today display some form of mixture of democratic and autocratic institutional features—they are hybrid regimes. This chapter distils from the literature the ...
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Most political regimes in the world today display some form of mixture of democratic and autocratic institutional features—they are hybrid regimes. This chapter distils from the literature the defining characteristics, commonly discussed types, and causes of transformations of hybrid regimes. It demonstrates how all hybrid regime concepts can be sorted into either one of the two categories of defective democracy and electoral authoritarianism; how all hybrid regime concepts are constructed along the two institutional dimensions of electoralism and constitutionalism; and how explanations of hybrid regime persistence and change fall into four categories: electoralist, nested game approaches, neo-institutional, and non-electoral explanations.Less
Most political regimes in the world today display some form of mixture of democratic and autocratic institutional features—they are hybrid regimes. This chapter distils from the literature the defining characteristics, commonly discussed types, and causes of transformations of hybrid regimes. It demonstrates how all hybrid regime concepts can be sorted into either one of the two categories of defective democracy and electoral authoritarianism; how all hybrid regime concepts are constructed along the two institutional dimensions of electoralism and constitutionalism; and how explanations of hybrid regime persistence and change fall into four categories: electoralist, nested game approaches, neo-institutional, and non-electoral explanations.
John M. Owen IV
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780691173108
- eISBN:
- 9781400852154
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691173108.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter considers the fifth lesson: the winner may be “none of the above.” In the prolonged contest between Muslim secularism and Islamism, a number of questions arise: Will one ideology and ...
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This chapter considers the fifth lesson: the winner may be “none of the above.” In the prolonged contest between Muslim secularism and Islamism, a number of questions arise: Will one ideology and regime type eventually win? If so, what will the winner be? Or might there be no winner? Western history shows that transnational ideological contests such as that between secularism and Islamism can end in one of three ways: victory, transcendence, or convergence. The chapter explains each outcome in greater detail by focusing on the triumph of democratic capitalism in the late twentieth century, the Dutch Republic's creation of a tolerant constitutional regime, and the end of monarchism versus republicanism in the 1870s. It suggests that the signs at present point to convergence, a hybrid regime of Islamists and secularists that Westerners may find counterintuitive but that may just work in many Muslim societies.Less
This chapter considers the fifth lesson: the winner may be “none of the above.” In the prolonged contest between Muslim secularism and Islamism, a number of questions arise: Will one ideology and regime type eventually win? If so, what will the winner be? Or might there be no winner? Western history shows that transnational ideological contests such as that between secularism and Islamism can end in one of three ways: victory, transcendence, or convergence. The chapter explains each outcome in greater detail by focusing on the triumph of democratic capitalism in the late twentieth century, the Dutch Republic's creation of a tolerant constitutional regime, and the end of monarchism versus republicanism in the 1870s. It suggests that the signs at present point to convergence, a hybrid regime of Islamists and secularists that Westerners may find counterintuitive but that may just work in many Muslim societies.
Melody E. Valdini
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- October 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190936198
- eISBN:
- 9780190936235
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190936198.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics, Democratization
Chapter 6 examines the context of hybrid regimes and argues that the incentive to mimic democracies in this regime type triggers governments to increase the legislative representation of women, ...
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Chapter 6 examines the context of hybrid regimes and argues that the incentive to mimic democracies in this regime type triggers governments to increase the legislative representation of women, particularly when the state is removing civil rights. That is, because of the stereotype that women are naturally more honest, cooperative, and democratic, women’s descriptive representation is strategically manipulated to signal a commitment to these ideals. This theory is tested through a cross-sectional, time-series model of election results of 27 countries over 16 years, which offers evidence that increases in women’s legislative presence in hybrid regimes correlates with a loss of civil rights. Two case studies are also presented, from Ethiopia and Bangladesh, two hybrid regimes that experienced a dramatic reduction in civil rights while simultaneously adopting gender quotas and increasing the presence of women in politics.Less
Chapter 6 examines the context of hybrid regimes and argues that the incentive to mimic democracies in this regime type triggers governments to increase the legislative representation of women, particularly when the state is removing civil rights. That is, because of the stereotype that women are naturally more honest, cooperative, and democratic, women’s descriptive representation is strategically manipulated to signal a commitment to these ideals. This theory is tested through a cross-sectional, time-series model of election results of 27 countries over 16 years, which offers evidence that increases in women’s legislative presence in hybrid regimes correlates with a loss of civil rights. Two case studies are also presented, from Ethiopia and Bangladesh, two hybrid regimes that experienced a dramatic reduction in civil rights while simultaneously adopting gender quotas and increasing the presence of women in politics.
Vladislav Zubok
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199666430
- eISBN:
- 9780191745607
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199666430.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The chapter discusses the formation of Russia’s post-communist identity and relationship with the outside world. It argues that the recent history of Soviet collapse and painful reforms, rather than ...
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The chapter discusses the formation of Russia’s post-communist identity and relationship with the outside world. It argues that the recent history of Soviet collapse and painful reforms, rather than path dependency and traditional patterns, explain Russia’s authoritarian tendencies under Vladimir Putin. Russia’s societal changes will, however, most likely encourage its integration with the rest of Europe.Less
The chapter discusses the formation of Russia’s post-communist identity and relationship with the outside world. It argues that the recent history of Soviet collapse and painful reforms, rather than path dependency and traditional patterns, explain Russia’s authoritarian tendencies under Vladimir Putin. Russia’s societal changes will, however, most likely encourage its integration with the rest of Europe.
Ozan O. Varol
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- August 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190626013
- eISBN:
- 9780190626051
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190626013.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Democratization
This chapter analyzes each of the three major components of a democratic coup. First, the military overthrows an authoritarian government. Coups that target democratically elected governments are ...
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This chapter analyzes each of the three major components of a democratic coup. First, the military overthrows an authoritarian government. Coups that target democratically elected governments are inherently not democratic. Second, after a coup deposes an authoritarian government, the military temporarily governs the nation as part of an interim government that rules only until democratic elections of civilian leaders take place. During the transition, the military must support the transition to democracy and prepare for elections. Third, the transition ends with the free and fair elections of civilian leaders and the military’s retreat to the barracks. A coup that fails to produce at least a procedural democracy is not democratic under my definition.Less
This chapter analyzes each of the three major components of a democratic coup. First, the military overthrows an authoritarian government. Coups that target democratically elected governments are inherently not democratic. Second, after a coup deposes an authoritarian government, the military temporarily governs the nation as part of an interim government that rules only until democratic elections of civilian leaders take place. During the transition, the military must support the transition to democracy and prepare for elections. Third, the transition ends with the free and fair elections of civilian leaders and the military’s retreat to the barracks. A coup that fails to produce at least a procedural democracy is not democratic under my definition.
Aurel Croissant and Wolfgang Merkel
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- March 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780198829911
- eISBN:
- 9780191868368
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198829911.003.0041
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Both new and established democracies have witnessed setbacks in their democratic quality since the turn of the century, while the number of so-called hybrid regimes has increased. The concept of ...
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Both new and established democracies have witnessed setbacks in their democratic quality since the turn of the century, while the number of so-called hybrid regimes has increased. The concept of embedded democracy is a conceptual tool to differentiate between liberal democracy and open autocracy. Composed of five analytically separate yet empirically intertwined ‘partial regimes’, the concept of embedded democracy discerns a political regime’s institutional arrangements and its external environment. In addition, the concept allows one to conceptualize and analyse different types of defective democracy within the grey zone between liberal democracy and autocracy. The chapter conceptualizes embedded and defective democracies and engages in a comprehensive analysis regarding the frequency, persistence, origin, and causes of different types of defective democracy in the early twenty-first century.Less
Both new and established democracies have witnessed setbacks in their democratic quality since the turn of the century, while the number of so-called hybrid regimes has increased. The concept of embedded democracy is a conceptual tool to differentiate between liberal democracy and open autocracy. Composed of five analytically separate yet empirically intertwined ‘partial regimes’, the concept of embedded democracy discerns a political regime’s institutional arrangements and its external environment. In addition, the concept allows one to conceptualize and analyse different types of defective democracy within the grey zone between liberal democracy and autocracy. The chapter conceptualizes embedded and defective democracies and engages in a comprehensive analysis regarding the frequency, persistence, origin, and causes of different types of defective democracy in the early twenty-first century.
Roman David and Ian Holliday
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- December 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780198809609
- eISBN:
- 9780191846885
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198809609.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter focuses on puzzling issues arising from the explorations undertaken in preceding chapters, and captures them in the notion of limited liberalism. It presents this concept as a critical ...
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This chapter focuses on puzzling issues arising from the explorations undertaken in preceding chapters, and captures them in the notion of limited liberalism. It presents this concept as a critical analytical tool for understanding the nature of Myanmar’s transition. It opens by describing some contradictions that emerged from our exploration of Myanmar in reform, sets them in comparative perspective, and probes their limits or boundaries. It then devises the concept of limited liberalism, exposes its assumptions, and examines it as a property of the political culture of hybrid regimes. Finally, it returns to empirical study to investigate liberalism, illiberalism, and limited liberalism in our case. It concludes by using limited liberalism to chart the prospects for liberal democracy in Myanmar.Less
This chapter focuses on puzzling issues arising from the explorations undertaken in preceding chapters, and captures them in the notion of limited liberalism. It presents this concept as a critical analytical tool for understanding the nature of Myanmar’s transition. It opens by describing some contradictions that emerged from our exploration of Myanmar in reform, sets them in comparative perspective, and probes their limits or boundaries. It then devises the concept of limited liberalism, exposes its assumptions, and examines it as a property of the political culture of hybrid regimes. Finally, it returns to empirical study to investigate liberalism, illiberalism, and limited liberalism in our case. It concludes by using limited liberalism to chart the prospects for liberal democracy in Myanmar.
Paul Chaisty, Nic Cheeseman, and Timothy J. Power
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- March 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780198817208
- eISBN:
- 9780191858734
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198817208.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter examines the growth of minority presidents since the Third Wave of democratization, and the propensity of minority presidents to form cross-party coalitions. It introduces the definition ...
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This chapter examines the growth of minority presidents since the Third Wave of democratization, and the propensity of minority presidents to form cross-party coalitions. It introduces the definition of coalitions that is used throughout the book, and it discusses how this definition differs from extant analyses of coalitions in presidential and parliamentary systems. It considers how the study of coalitional presidentialism engages with broader debates in the comparative presidentialism literature about issues of conflict and coordination in legislative–executive relations. It also summarizes what is already known about coalitional presidentialism, and builds on the extant literature to introduce a multi-dimensional understanding of coalition management: the ‘presidential toolbox’.Less
This chapter examines the growth of minority presidents since the Third Wave of democratization, and the propensity of minority presidents to form cross-party coalitions. It introduces the definition of coalitions that is used throughout the book, and it discusses how this definition differs from extant analyses of coalitions in presidential and parliamentary systems. It considers how the study of coalitional presidentialism engages with broader debates in the comparative presidentialism literature about issues of conflict and coordination in legislative–executive relations. It also summarizes what is already known about coalitional presidentialism, and builds on the extant literature to introduce a multi-dimensional understanding of coalition management: the ‘presidential toolbox’.
Max Grömping
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- July 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190677800
- eISBN:
- 9780190677831
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190677800.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Democratization
This chapter analyzes the roles of domestic election observers who are monitoring contests in countries around the world where elections have been commonly undermined by malpractices such as ...
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This chapter analyzes the roles of domestic election observers who are monitoring contests in countries around the world where elections have been commonly undermined by malpractices such as clientelism, fraud, intimidation, and vote buying. It predicts that the formation and maintenance of domestic election watchdog groups depends primarily on a combination of grievances (incidents of serious electoral malpractice) and political opportunities (the freedom of civil society groups to mobilize around such issues). Moreover, these factors are theorized to interact. As a result, domestic monitors are expected to be strongest in hybrid regimes that are neither established democracies nor electoral autocracies, displaying an inverted U-shape pattern across levels of democratization. The chapter presents evidence supporting this proposition by drawing from a new data set documenting the global distribution of domestic monitoring groups.Less
This chapter analyzes the roles of domestic election observers who are monitoring contests in countries around the world where elections have been commonly undermined by malpractices such as clientelism, fraud, intimidation, and vote buying. It predicts that the formation and maintenance of domestic election watchdog groups depends primarily on a combination of grievances (incidents of serious electoral malpractice) and political opportunities (the freedom of civil society groups to mobilize around such issues). Moreover, these factors are theorized to interact. As a result, domestic monitors are expected to be strongest in hybrid regimes that are neither established democracies nor electoral autocracies, displaying an inverted U-shape pattern across levels of democratization. The chapter presents evidence supporting this proposition by drawing from a new data set documenting the global distribution of domestic monitoring groups.
Katrin Voltmer
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780198747536
- eISBN:
- 9780191810435
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198747536.003.0014
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
While scholars of democratization point at a growing gap between emerging democracies around the globe and their liberal role models in the West, this chapter argues that what we can observe in the ...
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While scholars of democratization point at a growing gap between emerging democracies around the globe and their liberal role models in the West, this chapter argues that what we can observe in the new democracies in Central and Eastern Europe points at both divergence and convergence. Post-communist democracies diverge by developing hybrid forms of institutional structures and practices that combine indigenous with ‘imported’ models of media and politics. At the same time, they converge with Western democracies as they respond to similar challenges of modern democratic politics, such as electoral volatility, weak political parties, and an adversarial media environment. As a result, political communication in both new and established democracies is dominated by commercialization, strategic news management, and the rise of populist politics.Less
While scholars of democratization point at a growing gap between emerging democracies around the globe and their liberal role models in the West, this chapter argues that what we can observe in the new democracies in Central and Eastern Europe points at both divergence and convergence. Post-communist democracies diverge by developing hybrid forms of institutional structures and practices that combine indigenous with ‘imported’ models of media and politics. At the same time, they converge with Western democracies as they respond to similar challenges of modern democratic politics, such as electoral volatility, weak political parties, and an adversarial media environment. As a result, political communication in both new and established democracies is dominated by commercialization, strategic news management, and the rise of populist politics.
