Bruce K. Rutherford
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691158044
- eISBN:
- 9781400846146
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691158044.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter analyzes the political future of Egypt and the Arab world, which may include a steady deepening of liberalism and, possibly, democracy. It suggests that a full transition to democracy is ...
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This chapter analyzes the political future of Egypt and the Arab world, which may include a steady deepening of liberalism and, possibly, democracy. It suggests that a full transition to democracy is not likely in any contemporary Arab regime. However, for hybrid regimes that share characteristics of both an autocratic order and a democratic order, a reversion to full authoritarianism is equally unlikely. In order to understand the future of democracy in the Arab world, we need to understand how these hybrid regimes emerge, why they remain stable, and whether they will transition toward democracy. The theoretical literature on hybrid regimes provides a valuable starting point for this analysis. The chapter presents an analytical approach for studying the emergence of a hybrid regime and applies it to Egypt. An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.Less
This chapter analyzes the political future of Egypt and the Arab world, which may include a steady deepening of liberalism and, possibly, democracy. It suggests that a full transition to democracy is not likely in any contemporary Arab regime. However, for hybrid regimes that share characteristics of both an autocratic order and a democratic order, a reversion to full authoritarianism is equally unlikely. In order to understand the future of democracy in the Arab world, we need to understand how these hybrid regimes emerge, why they remain stable, and whether they will transition toward democracy. The theoretical literature on hybrid regimes provides a valuable starting point for this analysis. The chapter presents an analytical approach for studying the emergence of a hybrid regime and applies it to Egypt. An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.
Tongdong Bai
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780691195995
- eISBN:
- 9780691197463
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691195995.003.0004
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter considers a few challenges to the desirability and superiority of the Confucian hybrid regime, especially the meritocratic elements in this regime that are apparently a significant ...
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This chapter considers a few challenges to the desirability and superiority of the Confucian hybrid regime, especially the meritocratic elements in this regime that are apparently a significant departure from the present liberal democratic regimes. Some people may object to this regime because it apparently violates what they take as principles of liberal democracy: the principle that the legitimacy of a government comes from popular votes and the principle of equality. This kind of objection is an “external” one because it considers some fundamental ideas of the Confucian hybrid regime problematic. The chapter also looks at some “internal” objections to this regime, such as it will lead to consequences that it considers bad within its own framework, it is not as good as it claims to be, or we do not have to go that far to achieve what is desired by the framer of the Confucian hybrid regime. By answering all these challenges, the chapter hopes to elaborate on the designs of this regime and the reasoning behind it, and to further show the superiority and the desirability of it.Less
This chapter considers a few challenges to the desirability and superiority of the Confucian hybrid regime, especially the meritocratic elements in this regime that are apparently a significant departure from the present liberal democratic regimes. Some people may object to this regime because it apparently violates what they take as principles of liberal democracy: the principle that the legitimacy of a government comes from popular votes and the principle of equality. This kind of objection is an “external” one because it considers some fundamental ideas of the Confucian hybrid regime problematic. The chapter also looks at some “internal” objections to this regime, such as it will lead to consequences that it considers bad within its own framework, it is not as good as it claims to be, or we do not have to go that far to achieve what is desired by the framer of the Confucian hybrid regime. By answering all these challenges, the chapter hopes to elaborate on the designs of this regime and the reasoning behind it, and to further show the superiority and the desirability of it.
Margaret Jane Radin
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691155333
- eISBN:
- 9781400844838
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691155333.003.0012
- Subject:
- Law, Company and Commercial Law
This chapter considers “public” and hybrid regulatory solutions for boilerplate. It first examines the U.S. preference for private, market solutions, with particular emphasis on its tendency to ...
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This chapter considers “public” and hybrid regulatory solutions for boilerplate. It first examines the U.S. preference for private, market solutions, with particular emphasis on its tendency to provide for disclosure rather than substantive regulation of boilerplate, along with state legislation and judge-made law that goes beyond disclosure to create substantive regulations of contract law in particular areas. It then discusses issues associated with industry-specific regulation; piecemeal “fixes” to current law that may be enacted through legislation, imposed by agency rulemaking, or developed by judge-made law; and hybrid regimes in which private initiatives would be supported or protected by legislation or judge-made law. It also explores regulation in form of black lists, white lists, or grey lists and the problem of piecemeal adjudication. Finally, it looks at comprehensive regulation by drawing on the case of the European Union.Less
This chapter considers “public” and hybrid regulatory solutions for boilerplate. It first examines the U.S. preference for private, market solutions, with particular emphasis on its tendency to provide for disclosure rather than substantive regulation of boilerplate, along with state legislation and judge-made law that goes beyond disclosure to create substantive regulations of contract law in particular areas. It then discusses issues associated with industry-specific regulation; piecemeal “fixes” to current law that may be enacted through legislation, imposed by agency rulemaking, or developed by judge-made law; and hybrid regimes in which private initiatives would be supported or protected by legislation or judge-made law. It also explores regulation in form of black lists, white lists, or grey lists and the problem of piecemeal adjudication. Finally, it looks at comprehensive regulation by drawing on the case of the European Union.
Leonardo Morlino
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199572533
- eISBN:
- 9780191731082
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199572533.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization, Comparative Politics
In recent years there has been growing interest and a related literature on hybrid regimes. Is there a good definition of such an institutional arrangement? Are there actually sets of stabilized, ...
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In recent years there has been growing interest and a related literature on hybrid regimes. Is there a good definition of such an institutional arrangement? Are there actually sets of stabilized, political institutions that can be labelled in this way? Is it possible that within the widespread process of democracy diffusion these are only ‘transitional’ regimes and the most suitable distinction is still the old one, suggested by Linz and traditionally accepted, between democracy and authoritarianism? This chapter addresses and responds to these questions by pinpointing the pertinent analytic dimensions and defining what a ‘hybrid regime’ is. It also disentangles the cases of proper hybrid regimes from the cases of transitional phases and proposes a typology of hybrid regimes. Some of the main findings and conclusions refer to the lack of institutions capable of performing their functions as well as the key elements for achieving possible changes towards democracy.Less
In recent years there has been growing interest and a related literature on hybrid regimes. Is there a good definition of such an institutional arrangement? Are there actually sets of stabilized, political institutions that can be labelled in this way? Is it possible that within the widespread process of democracy diffusion these are only ‘transitional’ regimes and the most suitable distinction is still the old one, suggested by Linz and traditionally accepted, between democracy and authoritarianism? This chapter addresses and responds to these questions by pinpointing the pertinent analytic dimensions and defining what a ‘hybrid regime’ is. It also disentangles the cases of proper hybrid regimes from the cases of transitional phases and proposes a typology of hybrid regimes. Some of the main findings and conclusions refer to the lack of institutions capable of performing their functions as well as the key elements for achieving possible changes towards democracy.
Tongdong Bai
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780691195995
- eISBN:
- 9780691197463
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691195995.003.0003
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter shows that there are some fundamental problems with contemporary democracy, especially the ideology beneath the one person, one vote system and the inevitable consequences of it. It ...
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This chapter shows that there are some fundamental problems with contemporary democracy, especially the ideology beneath the one person, one vote system and the inevitable consequences of it. It identifies four problems of democracy: the suspicion of the elite, the neglect of the interests of nonvoters, the neglect of the interests of the minority, and the irrationality of voters. Then the chapter shows how the “internal” solutions are inadequate. Next, this chapter constructs a Confucian hybrid regime that is based on Mencius’s ideas discussed in Chapter 2, and shows how it can address the problems with democracy more adequately than present liberal democratic regimes. That is, the chapter reveals that the Mencian reservation of one person, one vote is actually a good thing about Confucianism.Less
This chapter shows that there are some fundamental problems with contemporary democracy, especially the ideology beneath the one person, one vote system and the inevitable consequences of it. It identifies four problems of democracy: the suspicion of the elite, the neglect of the interests of nonvoters, the neglect of the interests of the minority, and the irrationality of voters. Then the chapter shows how the “internal” solutions are inadequate. Next, this chapter constructs a Confucian hybrid regime that is based on Mencius’s ideas discussed in Chapter 2, and shows how it can address the problems with democracy more adequately than present liberal democratic regimes. That is, the chapter reveals that the Mencian reservation of one person, one vote is actually a good thing about Confucianism.
Adrienne LeBas
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199546862
- eISBN:
- 9780191728594
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199546862.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Why do we see such variation in the success of democratization across the developing world? Why are some pro-democracy movements successful, while others remain weak? Chapter 1 introduces the reader ...
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Why do we see such variation in the success of democratization across the developing world? Why are some pro-democracy movements successful, while others remain weak? Chapter 1 introduces the reader to the distinct characteristics of democratization in the late Third Wave. Recent democratic transitions have tended to be more protracted and more conflict-prone than earlier transitions in Latin America and Southern Europe. In democratizing countries in Asia, Africa, and the Middle East, incumbents often retain control over the degree of political opening in these “hybrid regimes.” The chapter argues that existing theories of democratic transition are insufficient to explain the dynamics of change in these kinds of regimes. Instead, the strength and cohesion of opposition parties is an important determinant of whether democratization will occur. The chapter introduces the book’s arguments about the sources of variation in opposition strength.Less
Why do we see such variation in the success of democratization across the developing world? Why are some pro-democracy movements successful, while others remain weak? Chapter 1 introduces the reader to the distinct characteristics of democratization in the late Third Wave. Recent democratic transitions have tended to be more protracted and more conflict-prone than earlier transitions in Latin America and Southern Europe. In democratizing countries in Asia, Africa, and the Middle East, incumbents often retain control over the degree of political opening in these “hybrid regimes.” The chapter argues that existing theories of democratic transition are insufficient to explain the dynamics of change in these kinds of regimes. Instead, the strength and cohesion of opposition parties is an important determinant of whether democratization will occur. The chapter introduces the book’s arguments about the sources of variation in opposition strength.
Harukata Takenaka
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- January 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780804763417
- eISBN:
- 9780804790741
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804763417.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The introduction presents the central question of the book: how and why does a semi-democratic regime collapse without experiencing further democratization? It defines the semi-democratic regime, a ...
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The introduction presents the central question of the book: how and why does a semi-democratic regime collapse without experiencing further democratization? It defines the semi-democratic regime, a subtype of hybrid regimes. It then describes the book's two objectives in answering this question, which it attempts to achieve through a study of the literature on hybrid regimes as well as on prewar Japanese political development. The first is to widen our knowledge of the political dynamics of hybrid regimes. The second is to provide a comprehensive analysis of Japan's political development from the late 1910s to the early 1930s. Lastly, it refers to three comparable cases of semi-democratic regimes: Great Britain in the latter half of 19th century, Brazil between 1945 and 1964, and Thailand between 1978 and 1997.Less
The introduction presents the central question of the book: how and why does a semi-democratic regime collapse without experiencing further democratization? It defines the semi-democratic regime, a subtype of hybrid regimes. It then describes the book's two objectives in answering this question, which it attempts to achieve through a study of the literature on hybrid regimes as well as on prewar Japanese political development. The first is to widen our knowledge of the political dynamics of hybrid regimes. The second is to provide a comprehensive analysis of Japan's political development from the late 1910s to the early 1930s. Lastly, it refers to three comparable cases of semi-democratic regimes: Great Britain in the latter half of 19th century, Brazil between 1945 and 1964, and Thailand between 1978 and 1997.
Leonardo Morlino
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199572533
- eISBN:
- 9780191731082
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199572533.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization, Comparative Politics
A review of the main theoretical findings in the literature on democratic changes prompts the author to propose an empirical definition of democracy, to discuss the main existing normative ...
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A review of the main theoretical findings in the literature on democratic changes prompts the author to propose an empirical definition of democracy, to discuss the main existing normative definitions and to suggest a new type of regime, the hybrid regime, which is also empirically analysed. The second and third parts of the book cover three geopolitical areas (Southern and Eastern Europe and Latin America) and present the main theoretical results of the empirical analysis on transition towards democracy and installation, consolidation and crisis, deepening and worsening of qualities with all related connections and hypotheses. The analysis reveals two new and relevant results. First, how the different macro-processes should be explored in different ways and with different theoretical ends: only a framework when transition and installations are considered; more precise hypotheses when consolidation and crisis are under scrutiny; connections and theoretical hypotheses when qualities and deepening are studied. Second, the empirical research makes it possible to single out three core sub-processes and a key mechanism. When dealing with transition and democratic installation the core sub-process is the unfolding of a learning process at elite and mass levels towards democratic legitimation. When consolidation and crisis are considered, domestic anchoring and external anchoring are the two core sub-process that should be mentioned. In the macro-processes of deepening or weakening of qualities, the core mechanism is mutual convergence of qualities. This mechanism emerges from the empirical analysis of existing connections between the procedures, contents, and results of democracy.Less
A review of the main theoretical findings in the literature on democratic changes prompts the author to propose an empirical definition of democracy, to discuss the main existing normative definitions and to suggest a new type of regime, the hybrid regime, which is also empirically analysed. The second and third parts of the book cover three geopolitical areas (Southern and Eastern Europe and Latin America) and present the main theoretical results of the empirical analysis on transition towards democracy and installation, consolidation and crisis, deepening and worsening of qualities with all related connections and hypotheses. The analysis reveals two new and relevant results. First, how the different macro-processes should be explored in different ways and with different theoretical ends: only a framework when transition and installations are considered; more precise hypotheses when consolidation and crisis are under scrutiny; connections and theoretical hypotheses when qualities and deepening are studied. Second, the empirical research makes it possible to single out three core sub-processes and a key mechanism. When dealing with transition and democratic installation the core sub-process is the unfolding of a learning process at elite and mass levels towards democratic legitimation. When consolidation and crisis are considered, domestic anchoring and external anchoring are the two core sub-process that should be mentioned. In the macro-processes of deepening or weakening of qualities, the core mechanism is mutual convergence of qualities. This mechanism emerges from the empirical analysis of existing connections between the procedures, contents, and results of democracy.
Andrew Arato and Jean L. Cohen
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- May 2022
- ISBN:
- 9780197526583
- eISBN:
- 9780197526620
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780197526583.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter focuses on populism in power, distinguishing between populists in government and populism as “the government” (controlling all key institutions). We ask whether the authoritarian logic ...
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This chapter focuses on populism in power, distinguishing between populists in government and populism as “the government” (controlling all key institutions). We ask whether the authoritarian logic of populism fosters a change of regimes of constitutional democracy. We argue that once they enter government, populist politicians typically engage in regime change, in three stages. In government they hybridize democratic polities by introducing authoritarian practices into the framework of institutions. As “the government” they tend to create a distinctive populist hybrid that is neither a democratic nor an authoritarian regime. Populist hybrid regimes can morph into full authoritarianism—where elections can no longer be lost and the prerogative state takes over. But such a regime would be at best pseudo-populist. We will call it populist dictatorship to indicate its continuity with the previous types, as well as its form of discoursive self-justification. Each transition raises threshold issues (conceptually and empirically) that we try to address. We engage critically with the literature on illiberal democracy, delegative democracy, and competitive authoritarianism.Less
This chapter focuses on populism in power, distinguishing between populists in government and populism as “the government” (controlling all key institutions). We ask whether the authoritarian logic of populism fosters a change of regimes of constitutional democracy. We argue that once they enter government, populist politicians typically engage in regime change, in three stages. In government they hybridize democratic polities by introducing authoritarian practices into the framework of institutions. As “the government” they tend to create a distinctive populist hybrid that is neither a democratic nor an authoritarian regime. Populist hybrid regimes can morph into full authoritarianism—where elections can no longer be lost and the prerogative state takes over. But such a regime would be at best pseudo-populist. We will call it populist dictatorship to indicate its continuity with the previous types, as well as its form of discoursive self-justification. Each transition raises threshold issues (conceptually and empirically) that we try to address. We engage critically with the literature on illiberal democracy, delegative democracy, and competitive authoritarianism.
Edmund W. Cheng
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781501740916
- eISBN:
- 9781501740930
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501740916.003.0008
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
This chapter analyzes the roots of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) regime's learning curve in managing popular contention and the mechanisms that have enabled the regime to ...
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This chapter analyzes the roots of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) regime's learning curve in managing popular contention and the mechanisms that have enabled the regime to develop its authoritarian structure and practices. It first defines Hong Kong's hybrid regime in terms of its liberal–autocratic and central–local contradictions and then discusses various state countermobilization strategies used to respond to mass protests. The chapter then examines how the hybrid regime's strategies of disciplinary exclusion, patron-client politics, ideological work, and attrition have mobilized or incentivized proregime and nonstate actors against dissent. On the one hand, the hybrid regime has co-opted formal institutions and has manufactured informal networks through which political crisis has been maneuvered by the regime to monitor the ruling class's factional quarrels and to further develop its authoritarian protocols. On the other hand, the party-state's local apparatuses have extended and refined their united propaganda and mass-line strategies to address the rise of activism in Hong Kong.Less
This chapter analyzes the roots of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) regime's learning curve in managing popular contention and the mechanisms that have enabled the regime to develop its authoritarian structure and practices. It first defines Hong Kong's hybrid regime in terms of its liberal–autocratic and central–local contradictions and then discusses various state countermobilization strategies used to respond to mass protests. The chapter then examines how the hybrid regime's strategies of disciplinary exclusion, patron-client politics, ideological work, and attrition have mobilized or incentivized proregime and nonstate actors against dissent. On the one hand, the hybrid regime has co-opted formal institutions and has manufactured informal networks through which political crisis has been maneuvered by the regime to monitor the ruling class's factional quarrels and to further develop its authoritarian protocols. On the other hand, the party-state's local apparatuses have extended and refined their united propaganda and mass-line strategies to address the rise of activism in Hong Kong.
Adrienne LeBas
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199546862
- eISBN:
- 9780191728594
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199546862.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Why do strong opposition party organizations emerge in some democratizing countries, while those in others remain weak or quickly fragment on ethnic lines? This book offers an explanation for why ...
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Why do strong opposition party organizations emerge in some democratizing countries, while those in others remain weak or quickly fragment on ethnic lines? This book offers an explanation for why opposition parties vary in organizational form, cohesion, and mobilizational reach. The book draws upon an in-depth analysis of three countries in Anglophone Africa: Zimbabwe, Zambia, and Kenya. Though these countries share similar institutional frameworks, including electoral rules, party development has taken a different route in each. The explanation emphasizes the ways in which historical legacies interact with strategic choices to produce different trajectories of party development. In terms of the role of history, the book argues that strong opposition parties are more likely where authoritarian states relied on alliances with corporate actors like labor. In these contexts, ruling parties armed their allies, providing them with mobilizing structures and political resources that could later be used to challenge the state. Secondly, opposition parties are more likely to maintain their organizational cohesion and the commitment of activists when they use strategies and appeals that escalate conflict and reorient social boundaries around the lines of partisan affiliation. Polarization forges stronger parties, but it also increases the likelihood of violence and authoritarian retrenchment. The book provides an explanation of why democratization in the hybrid regimes of the late Third Wave may prove more conflictual and more protracted than earlier transitions to democracy.Less
Why do strong opposition party organizations emerge in some democratizing countries, while those in others remain weak or quickly fragment on ethnic lines? This book offers an explanation for why opposition parties vary in organizational form, cohesion, and mobilizational reach. The book draws upon an in-depth analysis of three countries in Anglophone Africa: Zimbabwe, Zambia, and Kenya. Though these countries share similar institutional frameworks, including electoral rules, party development has taken a different route in each. The explanation emphasizes the ways in which historical legacies interact with strategic choices to produce different trajectories of party development. In terms of the role of history, the book argues that strong opposition parties are more likely where authoritarian states relied on alliances with corporate actors like labor. In these contexts, ruling parties armed their allies, providing them with mobilizing structures and political resources that could later be used to challenge the state. Secondly, opposition parties are more likely to maintain their organizational cohesion and the commitment of activists when they use strategies and appeals that escalate conflict and reorient social boundaries around the lines of partisan affiliation. Polarization forges stronger parties, but it also increases the likelihood of violence and authoritarian retrenchment. The book provides an explanation of why democratization in the hybrid regimes of the late Third Wave may prove more conflictual and more protracted than earlier transitions to democracy.
Laurence Broers
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781474450522
- eISBN:
- 9781474476546
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474450522.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the much-debated question of conflict and democratization. It argues that over its first quarter-century the Armenian-Azerbaijani rivalry was sustained by the interactions of ...
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This chapter examines the much-debated question of conflict and democratization. It argues that over its first quarter-century the Armenian-Azerbaijani rivalry was sustained by the interactions of two hybrid regimes, in which authoritarian leaders were secure enough to secure power but not to enforce unpopular compromise. It then examines the roles of informal power structures and the persistent insecurity generated by prolonged militarised competition. It argues that while the causal relationship between regime type and rivalry is complex, over the long-term insecurity has provided important resources to authoritarian regimes ‘demobilizing’ constituencies for reform and democratic change. The chapter acknowledges revolutionary changes in Armenia in 2018, while highlighting the capacity of enduring rivalries to outlast democratic openings and remain stable across mixed-regime dyads.Less
This chapter examines the much-debated question of conflict and democratization. It argues that over its first quarter-century the Armenian-Azerbaijani rivalry was sustained by the interactions of two hybrid regimes, in which authoritarian leaders were secure enough to secure power but not to enforce unpopular compromise. It then examines the roles of informal power structures and the persistent insecurity generated by prolonged militarised competition. It argues that while the causal relationship between regime type and rivalry is complex, over the long-term insecurity has provided important resources to authoritarian regimes ‘demobilizing’ constituencies for reform and democratic change. The chapter acknowledges revolutionary changes in Armenia in 2018, while highlighting the capacity of enduring rivalries to outlast democratic openings and remain stable across mixed-regime dyads.
Alexander Schmotz
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- March 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780198829911
- eISBN:
- 9780191868368
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198829911.003.0053
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Most political regimes in the world today display some form of mixture of democratic and autocratic institutional features—they are hybrid regimes. This chapter distils from the literature the ...
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Most political regimes in the world today display some form of mixture of democratic and autocratic institutional features—they are hybrid regimes. This chapter distils from the literature the defining characteristics, commonly discussed types, and causes of transformations of hybrid regimes. It demonstrates how all hybrid regime concepts can be sorted into either one of the two categories of defective democracy and electoral authoritarianism; how all hybrid regime concepts are constructed along the two institutional dimensions of electoralism and constitutionalism; and how explanations of hybrid regime persistence and change fall into four categories: electoralist, nested game approaches, neo-institutional, and non-electoral explanations.Less
Most political regimes in the world today display some form of mixture of democratic and autocratic institutional features—they are hybrid regimes. This chapter distils from the literature the defining characteristics, commonly discussed types, and causes of transformations of hybrid regimes. It demonstrates how all hybrid regime concepts can be sorted into either one of the two categories of defective democracy and electoral authoritarianism; how all hybrid regime concepts are constructed along the two institutional dimensions of electoralism and constitutionalism; and how explanations of hybrid regime persistence and change fall into four categories: electoralist, nested game approaches, neo-institutional, and non-electoral explanations.
Harukata Takenaka
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- January 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780804763417
- eISBN:
- 9780804790741
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804763417.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
How and why does a semi-democratic regime—one that developed as a result of significant degree of democratization—collapse without experiencing further democratization? This book answers these ...
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How and why does a semi-democratic regime—one that developed as a result of significant degree of democratization—collapse without experiencing further democratization? This book answers these questions through a case study of the collapse of the semi-democratic regime in prewar Japan. Japan's gradual democratization after the Meiji Restoration in 1867 led to the rise of the semi-democratic regime in 1918. It was characterized by the rule of party government and electoral participation by a significant portion of the population. Confronted with a series of threats from the military, it collapsed in 1932 after the May Fifteenth Incident. This book explains the collapse of this regime as a result of shift in the balance of power between the party government and the military. It focuses on Meiji Constitution's institutional constraints as well as legitimacy and the semi-loyalty of political parties and their memebers as factors that affected the relationship/Although the Meiji Constitution placed the party government in a weak position institutionally with respect to the military, the high legitimacy that it claimed initially enabled it to sustain the regime from the outset. Gradually, however, its legitimacy eroded and political parties became semi-loyal to the regime, tolerating or encouraging the military’s challenge against to it. This led to the collapse of the semi-democratic regime.Less
How and why does a semi-democratic regime—one that developed as a result of significant degree of democratization—collapse without experiencing further democratization? This book answers these questions through a case study of the collapse of the semi-democratic regime in prewar Japan. Japan's gradual democratization after the Meiji Restoration in 1867 led to the rise of the semi-democratic regime in 1918. It was characterized by the rule of party government and electoral participation by a significant portion of the population. Confronted with a series of threats from the military, it collapsed in 1932 after the May Fifteenth Incident. This book explains the collapse of this regime as a result of shift in the balance of power between the party government and the military. It focuses on Meiji Constitution's institutional constraints as well as legitimacy and the semi-loyalty of political parties and their memebers as factors that affected the relationship/Although the Meiji Constitution placed the party government in a weak position institutionally with respect to the military, the high legitimacy that it claimed initially enabled it to sustain the regime from the outset. Gradually, however, its legitimacy eroded and political parties became semi-loyal to the regime, tolerating or encouraging the military’s challenge against to it. This led to the collapse of the semi-democratic regime.
Jens Meierhenrich
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- April 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780198814412
- eISBN:
- 9780191851964
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198814412.003.0009
- Subject:
- Law, Legal History
What for many years was seen as an oxymoron—the notion of an authoritarian rule of law—no longer is. Instead, the phenomenon has become a cutting edge concern in law-and-society research. In this ...
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What for many years was seen as an oxymoron—the notion of an authoritarian rule of law—no longer is. Instead, the phenomenon has become a cutting edge concern in law-and-society research. In this concluding chapter, I situate Fraenkel’s theory of dictatorship in this emerging research program. In the first section, I turn the notion of an authoritarian rule of law into a social science concept. In the second section, I relate this concept to that of the dual state and both to the political science literature on so-called hybrid regimes. Drawing on this synthesis, the third section makes the concept of the dual state usable for comparative-historical analysis. Through a series of empirical vignettes, I demonstrate the contemporary relevance of Fraenkel’s institutional analysis of the Nazi state. I show why it is essential reading for anyone trying to understand the legal origins of dictatorship, then and now.Less
What for many years was seen as an oxymoron—the notion of an authoritarian rule of law—no longer is. Instead, the phenomenon has become a cutting edge concern in law-and-society research. In this concluding chapter, I situate Fraenkel’s theory of dictatorship in this emerging research program. In the first section, I turn the notion of an authoritarian rule of law into a social science concept. In the second section, I relate this concept to that of the dual state and both to the political science literature on so-called hybrid regimes. Drawing on this synthesis, the third section makes the concept of the dual state usable for comparative-historical analysis. Through a series of empirical vignettes, I demonstrate the contemporary relevance of Fraenkel’s institutional analysis of the Nazi state. I show why it is essential reading for anyone trying to understand the legal origins of dictatorship, then and now.
Andreas Schedler
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199680320
- eISBN:
- 9780191760242
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199680320.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Electoral autocracies are hybrid regimes. This chapter explains the nature of their hybridity: They combine institutions of domination with formal institutions of representation. Institutions of ...
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Electoral autocracies are hybrid regimes. This chapter explains the nature of their hybridity: They combine institutions of domination with formal institutions of representation. Institutions of domination mobilize violence, money, or ideology. Institutions of representation either empower regime agents by dividing state power (legislatures, courts, and federalism). Or they empower regime adversaries by admitting political pluralism (media, civil society, parties, and elections). On paper, electoral authoritarian regimes introduce the entire set of representative institutions that define modern democracy. In practice, they subvert their democratic spirit through institutional manipulation. The chapter outlines their repertoires of manipulative strategies. It concludes, though, by pointing out the limits of manipulation. The “new institutionalism” in the study of authoritarianism has been analyzing formally representative institutions as instruments of authoritarian rule. By contrast, stressing their relative autonomy and inescapable ambivalence, the chapter conceives them as arenas of struggle.Less
Electoral autocracies are hybrid regimes. This chapter explains the nature of their hybridity: They combine institutions of domination with formal institutions of representation. Institutions of domination mobilize violence, money, or ideology. Institutions of representation either empower regime agents by dividing state power (legislatures, courts, and federalism). Or they empower regime adversaries by admitting political pluralism (media, civil society, parties, and elections). On paper, electoral authoritarian regimes introduce the entire set of representative institutions that define modern democracy. In practice, they subvert their democratic spirit through institutional manipulation. The chapter outlines their repertoires of manipulative strategies. It concludes, though, by pointing out the limits of manipulation. The “new institutionalism” in the study of authoritarianism has been analyzing formally representative institutions as instruments of authoritarian rule. By contrast, stressing their relative autonomy and inescapable ambivalence, the chapter conceives them as arenas of struggle.
John M. Owen IV
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780691173108
- eISBN:
- 9781400852154
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691173108.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter considers the fifth lesson: the winner may be “none of the above.” In the prolonged contest between Muslim secularism and Islamism, a number of questions arise: Will one ideology and ...
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This chapter considers the fifth lesson: the winner may be “none of the above.” In the prolonged contest between Muslim secularism and Islamism, a number of questions arise: Will one ideology and regime type eventually win? If so, what will the winner be? Or might there be no winner? Western history shows that transnational ideological contests such as that between secularism and Islamism can end in one of three ways: victory, transcendence, or convergence. The chapter explains each outcome in greater detail by focusing on the triumph of democratic capitalism in the late twentieth century, the Dutch Republic's creation of a tolerant constitutional regime, and the end of monarchism versus republicanism in the 1870s. It suggests that the signs at present point to convergence, a hybrid regime of Islamists and secularists that Westerners may find counterintuitive but that may just work in many Muslim societies.Less
This chapter considers the fifth lesson: the winner may be “none of the above.” In the prolonged contest between Muslim secularism and Islamism, a number of questions arise: Will one ideology and regime type eventually win? If so, what will the winner be? Or might there be no winner? Western history shows that transnational ideological contests such as that between secularism and Islamism can end in one of three ways: victory, transcendence, or convergence. The chapter explains each outcome in greater detail by focusing on the triumph of democratic capitalism in the late twentieth century, the Dutch Republic's creation of a tolerant constitutional regime, and the end of monarchism versus republicanism in the 1870s. It suggests that the signs at present point to convergence, a hybrid regime of Islamists and secularists that Westerners may find counterintuitive but that may just work in many Muslim societies.
Melody E. Valdini
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- October 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190936198
- eISBN:
- 9780190936235
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190936198.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics, Democratization
Chapter 6 examines the context of hybrid regimes and argues that the incentive to mimic democracies in this regime type triggers governments to increase the legislative representation of women, ...
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Chapter 6 examines the context of hybrid regimes and argues that the incentive to mimic democracies in this regime type triggers governments to increase the legislative representation of women, particularly when the state is removing civil rights. That is, because of the stereotype that women are naturally more honest, cooperative, and democratic, women’s descriptive representation is strategically manipulated to signal a commitment to these ideals. This theory is tested through a cross-sectional, time-series model of election results of 27 countries over 16 years, which offers evidence that increases in women’s legislative presence in hybrid regimes correlates with a loss of civil rights. Two case studies are also presented, from Ethiopia and Bangladesh, two hybrid regimes that experienced a dramatic reduction in civil rights while simultaneously adopting gender quotas and increasing the presence of women in politics.Less
Chapter 6 examines the context of hybrid regimes and argues that the incentive to mimic democracies in this regime type triggers governments to increase the legislative representation of women, particularly when the state is removing civil rights. That is, because of the stereotype that women are naturally more honest, cooperative, and democratic, women’s descriptive representation is strategically manipulated to signal a commitment to these ideals. This theory is tested through a cross-sectional, time-series model of election results of 27 countries over 16 years, which offers evidence that increases in women’s legislative presence in hybrid regimes correlates with a loss of civil rights. Two case studies are also presented, from Ethiopia and Bangladesh, two hybrid regimes that experienced a dramatic reduction in civil rights while simultaneously adopting gender quotas and increasing the presence of women in politics.
Julio F. Carrión
- Published in print:
- 2022
- Published Online:
- December 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780197572290
- eISBN:
- 9780197572320
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780197572290.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, International Relations and Politics
The relationship between populism and democracy is a hotly debated topic. Some believe that populism is inherently bad for democracy because it is anti-pluralist and confrontational. Others argue ...
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The relationship between populism and democracy is a hotly debated topic. Some believe that populism is inherently bad for democracy because it is anti-pluralist and confrontational. Others argue that populism can reinvigorate worn-out democracies in need of an infusion of greater popular participation. This book advances this debate by examining the empirical relationship between populism in power and democracy. Does populism in power always lead to regime change, that is, the demise of democracy? The answer is no. The impact of populism on democracy depends on the variety of populism in power: the worst outcomes in democratic governance are found under unconstrained populism. This book discusses the conditions that explain how populism becomes unconstrained, and advances a dynamic theory of change that shows how the late victories of populists build on early ones, resulting in greater power asymmetries. The book analyzes five populist presidencies in the Andes. In four of them (Bolivia, Ecuador, Peru, and Venezuela), populism became unconstrained and regime change followed. In one case, Colombia, populism in power was contained and democracy survived. The concluding chapter places the Andean cases in comparative perspective and discusses how unconstrained populism in other cases (Nicaragua and Hungary) also lead to the end of electoral democracy. Where populism in power was constrained (Honduras and the United States), regime change did not materialize. This book advances a theory of populism that help us understand how democracies transition into non-democracies. To that extent, the book illuminates the processes of democratic erosion in our time.Less
The relationship between populism and democracy is a hotly debated topic. Some believe that populism is inherently bad for democracy because it is anti-pluralist and confrontational. Others argue that populism can reinvigorate worn-out democracies in need of an infusion of greater popular participation. This book advances this debate by examining the empirical relationship between populism in power and democracy. Does populism in power always lead to regime change, that is, the demise of democracy? The answer is no. The impact of populism on democracy depends on the variety of populism in power: the worst outcomes in democratic governance are found under unconstrained populism. This book discusses the conditions that explain how populism becomes unconstrained, and advances a dynamic theory of change that shows how the late victories of populists build on early ones, resulting in greater power asymmetries. The book analyzes five populist presidencies in the Andes. In four of them (Bolivia, Ecuador, Peru, and Venezuela), populism became unconstrained and regime change followed. In one case, Colombia, populism in power was contained and democracy survived. The concluding chapter places the Andean cases in comparative perspective and discusses how unconstrained populism in other cases (Nicaragua and Hungary) also lead to the end of electoral democracy. Where populism in power was constrained (Honduras and the United States), regime change did not materialize. This book advances a theory of populism that help us understand how democracies transition into non-democracies. To that extent, the book illuminates the processes of democratic erosion in our time.
Weitseng Chen
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- November 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780198850403
- eISBN:
- 9780191885426
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198850403.003.0011
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter analyses legality in hybrid regimes in Asia, which refers to countries categorized by varying strands of literature as ‘semi-democracy’, ‘competitive authoritarianism’, or ‘electoral ...
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This chapter analyses legality in hybrid regimes in Asia, which refers to countries categorized by varying strands of literature as ‘semi-democracy’, ‘competitive authoritarianism’, or ‘electoral authoritarian regimes’. This type of hybrid regime is common in Asia and very much a product of the contemporary world where the functionalities of legality and constitutional law are recognized by not only democratic countries but also authoritarian states. This essay seeks to answer three questions: first, why would authoritarians accept the idea of legality and what exactly do they mean by legality? Second, what makes authoritarian legality functional and stable? Third, what are the factors that provide the conditions for the transition towards a more liberal and democratic system? The experience of East Asian hybrid regimes shows that authoritarian legality and constitutionalism is not only possible but actually exists in many Asian states associated with reputed prosperity. That being said, various limitations exist. It is also theoretically problematic and empirically wrong to assume a linear theory about the trajectory of legality development moving towards democracy.Less
This chapter analyses legality in hybrid regimes in Asia, which refers to countries categorized by varying strands of literature as ‘semi-democracy’, ‘competitive authoritarianism’, or ‘electoral authoritarian regimes’. This type of hybrid regime is common in Asia and very much a product of the contemporary world where the functionalities of legality and constitutional law are recognized by not only democratic countries but also authoritarian states. This essay seeks to answer three questions: first, why would authoritarians accept the idea of legality and what exactly do they mean by legality? Second, what makes authoritarian legality functional and stable? Third, what are the factors that provide the conditions for the transition towards a more liberal and democratic system? The experience of East Asian hybrid regimes shows that authoritarian legality and constitutionalism is not only possible but actually exists in many Asian states associated with reputed prosperity. That being said, various limitations exist. It is also theoretically problematic and empirically wrong to assume a linear theory about the trajectory of legality development moving towards democracy.