Karma Nabulsi
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294078
- eISBN:
- 9780191599972
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294077.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This is the second of three chapters that set out the differing contexts through which the dilemma in the laws of war over the distinction between lawful and unlawful combatants can be viewed: ...
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This is the second of three chapters that set out the differing contexts through which the dilemma in the laws of war over the distinction between lawful and unlawful combatants can be viewed: political and diplomatic (Chapter 1), social (this chapter) and intellectual (Chapter 3). It explores the social history of army occupation and resistance to it in nineteenth century Europe – from the Napoleonic period to the Franco-Prussian war– and places these diplomatic failures in their broader social and political context. In particular it examines the range of army practices under occupation, and the effect that they had on civilian life. The different sections of the chapter discuss: pillaging, looting, requisitions and billeting; reprisals; hostage-taking; types of civilian behaviour –obedience to the occupier, political and armed acts of resistance, organized acts of resistance –guerrillas and franc-tireurs; levee en masse and other assorted insurrections; ideologies of resistance; religion as a source of resistance; and the influence of nationalism and patriotism.Less
This is the second of three chapters that set out the differing contexts through which the dilemma in the laws of war over the distinction between lawful and unlawful combatants can be viewed: political and diplomatic (Chapter 1), social (this chapter) and intellectual (Chapter 3). It explores the social history of army occupation and resistance to it in nineteenth century Europe – from the Napoleonic period to the Franco-Prussian war– and places these diplomatic failures in their broader social and political context. In particular it examines the range of army practices under occupation, and the effect that they had on civilian life. The different sections of the chapter discuss: pillaging, looting, requisitions and billeting; reprisals; hostage-taking; types of civilian behaviour –obedience to the occupier, political and armed acts of resistance, organized acts of resistance –guerrillas and franc-tireurs; levee en masse and other assorted insurrections; ideologies of resistance; religion as a source of resistance; and the influence of nationalism and patriotism.
Andrew Erskine
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199600755
- eISBN:
- 9780191738791
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199600755.003.0002
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Literary Studies: Classical, Early, and Medieval
This chapter treats Polybius' sixteen-year detention in Rome following the Third Macedonian War and asks what it meant to be a detainee in Rome. Consequently, although the chapter focuses on ...
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This chapter treats Polybius' sixteen-year detention in Rome following the Third Macedonian War and asks what it meant to be a detainee in Rome. Consequently, although the chapter focuses on Polybius, it also examines the situation of those deported with him, whether from Achaea or elsewhere in Greece. It explores the conditions in which he and others were detained, their attitude to detention, the kind of terminology that Polybius uses to describe himself and his fellow detainees, their status compared to those in Rome as hostages, their place of residence, and the degree to which they had freedom of movement. It concludes by reviewing the evidence for Polybius' eventual release.Less
This chapter treats Polybius' sixteen-year detention in Rome following the Third Macedonian War and asks what it meant to be a detainee in Rome. Consequently, although the chapter focuses on Polybius, it also examines the situation of those deported with him, whether from Achaea or elsewhere in Greece. It explores the conditions in which he and others were detained, their attitude to detention, the kind of terminology that Polybius uses to describe himself and his fellow detainees, their status compared to those in Rome as hostages, their place of residence, and the degree to which they had freedom of movement. It concludes by reviewing the evidence for Polybius' eventual release.
Thomas J. Laub
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199539321
- eISBN:
- 9780191715808
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199539321.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Military History, European Modern History
Historical precedents and international agreements provided scant protect to the inhabitants of an occupied territory during World War II. Although noble in design, the Hague Convention used vague ...
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Historical precedents and international agreements provided scant protect to the inhabitants of an occupied territory during World War II. Although noble in design, the Hague Convention used vague language to overcome fundamental disagreements between large and small powers and implicitly sanctioned collective reprisals by way of the Martens clause. American, British, French, and German manuals of military law sanctioned the execution of hostages and punished one man or groups of people for crimes committed by others. The first two men who served as the military commander in France, Generals Alfred Streccius and Otto von Stülpnagel, did not adopt abbreviated judicial procedures established by Hitler, viewed collective reprisals and hostage executions as a last resort, and exercised a degree of restraint. Supported by statistics that pointed toward a decrease in serious resistance activity, they endured petty attacks and avoided provocative reprisals that would undermine Franco‐German cooperation.Less
Historical precedents and international agreements provided scant protect to the inhabitants of an occupied territory during World War II. Although noble in design, the Hague Convention used vague language to overcome fundamental disagreements between large and small powers and implicitly sanctioned collective reprisals by way of the Martens clause. American, British, French, and German manuals of military law sanctioned the execution of hostages and punished one man or groups of people for crimes committed by others. The first two men who served as the military commander in France, Generals Alfred Streccius and Otto von Stülpnagel, did not adopt abbreviated judicial procedures established by Hitler, viewed collective reprisals and hostage executions as a last resort, and exercised a degree of restraint. Supported by statistics that pointed toward a decrease in serious resistance activity, they endured petty attacks and avoided provocative reprisals that would undermine Franco‐German cooperation.
Thomas J. Laub
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199539321
- eISBN:
- 9780191715808
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199539321.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, Military History, European Modern History
On the morning of 21 August 1941, French Communist Party activists launched a wave of symbolic assassinations by shooting Alfons Moser, a young German naval cadet. Although preoccupied by events on ...
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On the morning of 21 August 1941, French Communist Party activists launched a wave of symbolic assassinations by shooting Alfons Moser, a young German naval cadet. Although preoccupied by events on the eastern front during the Moser attack, Hitler learned about subsequent assaults, condemned Stülpnagel's response of gradually increasing reprisals as ‘much too mild’, and ordered the execution of 50 to 100 hostages after every assassination. Wilhelm Keitel, Walther von Brauchitsch, Eduard Wagner, and other senior officers in Berlin condemned Stülpnagel's restraint, joined senior Nazis like Joseph Goebbels, and pressed for severe countermeasures against Jews who allegedly organized all resistance activity. Demonstrating the ideological purity of the SS, Helmut Knochen ordered SS minions to bomb seven Parisian Synagogues, embarrassed Stüpnagel, and earned the enmity of the German military administration. This chapter examines security debates between the military administration, SS, and German diplomats in Paris and a second argument between generals in Paris and Nazis in Berlin.Less
On the morning of 21 August 1941, French Communist Party activists launched a wave of symbolic assassinations by shooting Alfons Moser, a young German naval cadet. Although preoccupied by events on the eastern front during the Moser attack, Hitler learned about subsequent assaults, condemned Stülpnagel's response of gradually increasing reprisals as ‘much too mild’, and ordered the execution of 50 to 100 hostages after every assassination. Wilhelm Keitel, Walther von Brauchitsch, Eduard Wagner, and other senior officers in Berlin condemned Stülpnagel's restraint, joined senior Nazis like Joseph Goebbels, and pressed for severe countermeasures against Jews who allegedly organized all resistance activity. Demonstrating the ideological purity of the SS, Helmut Knochen ordered SS minions to bomb seven Parisian Synagogues, embarrassed Stüpnagel, and earned the enmity of the German military administration. This chapter examines security debates between the military administration, SS, and German diplomats in Paris and a second argument between generals in Paris and Nazis in Berlin.
Thomas J. Laub
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199539321
- eISBN:
- 9780191715808
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199539321.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, Military History, European Modern History
Assassinations in Nantes and Bordeaux on 20 and 21 October 1941 placed General von Stülpnagel and the military administration in the center of a political firestorm. Using assassinations as a pretext ...
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Assassinations in Nantes and Bordeaux on 20 and 21 October 1941 placed General von Stülpnagel and the military administration in the center of a political firestorm. Using assassinations as a pretext for genocide, Hitler ordered the execution of hundreds of hostages, sanctioned mass deportations through the Night and Fog Decree, and ordered subordinates to carry out severe reprisals that focused on Jews and communists after every resistance attack. General Otto von Stülpnagel condemned ‘Polish Methods' that neither made political sense nor sat well with his conscience, but this stance poisoned his relationship with Hitler, Armed Forces High Command (OKW), Army High Command (OKH), and Nazi leaders like Joseph Goebbels. Assassinations and brutal German reprisals divided communist resistance groups like Main‐d’œvre immigrée from Charles de Gaulle's movement, upset Germany's relationship with Marshal Pétain and the French government, and exposed sharp disagreements between various German institutions in Paris.Less
Assassinations in Nantes and Bordeaux on 20 and 21 October 1941 placed General von Stülpnagel and the military administration in the center of a political firestorm. Using assassinations as a pretext for genocide, Hitler ordered the execution of hundreds of hostages, sanctioned mass deportations through the Night and Fog Decree, and ordered subordinates to carry out severe reprisals that focused on Jews and communists after every resistance attack. General Otto von Stülpnagel condemned ‘Polish Methods' that neither made political sense nor sat well with his conscience, but this stance poisoned his relationship with Hitler, Armed Forces High Command (OKW), Army High Command (OKH), and Nazi leaders like Joseph Goebbels. Assassinations and brutal German reprisals divided communist resistance groups like Main‐d’œvre immigrée from Charles de Gaulle's movement, upset Germany's relationship with Marshal Pétain and the French government, and exposed sharp disagreements between various German institutions in Paris.
Thomas G. Paterson
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195101201
- eISBN:
- 9780199854189
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195101201.003.0016
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
As long as the Americans remained abducted in the mountains, Batista's forces and planes were down. “One American is worth an anti-aircraft battery,” a rebel lieutenant stated. The Batista ...
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As long as the Americans remained abducted in the mountains, Batista's forces and planes were down. “One American is worth an anti-aircraft battery,” a rebel lieutenant stated. The Batista administration once again appeared weak and powerless, not to mention helpless. It was again made manifest that the government of Cuba could not protect the foreigners working in their country. Nor could Havana help but allow the U.S. to negotiate with the government's enemies. The crisis drew attention to U.S. armaments deliveries, destroying U.S. claims to neutrality. The hostage crisis also forced Washington to stop delivery of the T-28 airplanes.Less
As long as the Americans remained abducted in the mountains, Batista's forces and planes were down. “One American is worth an anti-aircraft battery,” a rebel lieutenant stated. The Batista administration once again appeared weak and powerless, not to mention helpless. It was again made manifest that the government of Cuba could not protect the foreigners working in their country. Nor could Havana help but allow the U.S. to negotiate with the government's enemies. The crisis drew attention to U.S. armaments deliveries, destroying U.S. claims to neutrality. The hostage crisis also forced Washington to stop delivery of the T-28 airplanes.
Haimanti Roy
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780198081777
- eISBN:
- 9780199081875
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198081777.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Indian History
This chapter examines the processes and legislations in India that sought to clear up such confusions. Although the laws defining citizenship came to be established by the Citizenship Act of 1955, ...
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This chapter examines the processes and legislations in India that sought to clear up such confusions. Although the laws defining citizenship came to be established by the Citizenship Act of 1955, ambiguities about who was an Indian citizenship continued and were prone to contextual interpretation with regard to those groups who would become ‘minorities’ within India and Pakistan after 1947. While in practice officials often failed to accurately implement equal rights when it came to India’s Muslim minorities, concern for Hindu minorities across the border in East Pakistan continued to guide official policy and actions in the post-Partition period. It argues that it was the continuing migration in the East (rather than in the West) that prompted legislators to confront specifically the modalities of defining a citizen and to formulate the rules for refugees to acquire Indian citizenship.Less
This chapter examines the processes and legislations in India that sought to clear up such confusions. Although the laws defining citizenship came to be established by the Citizenship Act of 1955, ambiguities about who was an Indian citizenship continued and were prone to contextual interpretation with regard to those groups who would become ‘minorities’ within India and Pakistan after 1947. While in practice officials often failed to accurately implement equal rights when it came to India’s Muslim minorities, concern for Hindu minorities across the border in East Pakistan continued to guide official policy and actions in the post-Partition period. It argues that it was the continuing migration in the East (rather than in the West) that prompted legislators to confront specifically the modalities of defining a citizen and to formulate the rules for refugees to acquire Indian citizenship.
Jim Host and Eric A. Moyen
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780813179551
- eISBN:
- 9780813179582
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813179551.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This chapter describes Host’s return to Kentucky, where Garvice Kincaid recruited him to broadcast University of Kentucky football and basketball games alongside Walter “Dee” Huddleston for the ...
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This chapter describes Host’s return to Kentucky, where Garvice Kincaid recruited him to broadcast University of Kentucky football and basketball games alongside Walter “Dee” Huddleston for the Kentucky Central Radio Network. Host also served as a DJ on WVLK; in addition, he was required to sell radio advertising for the station. While on the road broadcasting, Host spent a good deal of time with Coach Adolph Rupp and other sports broadcasters, such as Cawood Ledford. After a couple of years on the radio, he accepted a sales position with Procter & Gamble in Chattanooga. He was quickly promoted to a larger market in Washington, DC, where he learned a great deal from mentor Mike Hostage. After a few years away, Host moved back to Lexington and got involved in multiple business ventures, including insurance, real estate, and home construction. Because of his various connections and civic activities, the Fayette County Republican Party recruited him to organize Senator John Sherman Cooper’s reelection campaign.Less
This chapter describes Host’s return to Kentucky, where Garvice Kincaid recruited him to broadcast University of Kentucky football and basketball games alongside Walter “Dee” Huddleston for the Kentucky Central Radio Network. Host also served as a DJ on WVLK; in addition, he was required to sell radio advertising for the station. While on the road broadcasting, Host spent a good deal of time with Coach Adolph Rupp and other sports broadcasters, such as Cawood Ledford. After a couple of years on the radio, he accepted a sales position with Procter & Gamble in Chattanooga. He was quickly promoted to a larger market in Washington, DC, where he learned a great deal from mentor Mike Hostage. After a few years away, Host moved back to Lexington and got involved in multiple business ventures, including insurance, real estate, and home construction. Because of his various connections and civic activities, the Fayette County Republican Party recruited him to organize Senator John Sherman Cooper’s reelection campaign.
T. K. Wilson
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- August 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780198863502
- eISBN:
- 9780191895876
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198863502.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Political History, World Modern History
A bewildering feature of so much contemporary political violence is its stunning impersonality. Every major city centre becomes a potential shooting gallery; and every metro system a potential bomb ...
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A bewildering feature of so much contemporary political violence is its stunning impersonality. Every major city centre becomes a potential shooting gallery; and every metro system a potential bomb alley. Victims just happen, as the saying goes, to ‘be in the wrong place at the wrong time’. Killing Strangers tackles the question of how such violence became ‘unchained’ from inter-personal relationships. It traces the rise of such impersonal violence by examining violence in conjunction with changing social and political realities across Western Europe and North America since the late eighteenth century. In particular, it traces both ‘push’ and ‘pull’ factors. On the one hand, the rise of the modern state with its titanic bureaucratic resources of monitoring and coercion forced the violence of opponents into niche forms. On the other hand, social and technological changes offered fresh opportunities to cause mayhem in startlingly new ways. Both forces are necessary for any understanding of why contemporary political violence takes the forms that it does.Less
A bewildering feature of so much contemporary political violence is its stunning impersonality. Every major city centre becomes a potential shooting gallery; and every metro system a potential bomb alley. Victims just happen, as the saying goes, to ‘be in the wrong place at the wrong time’. Killing Strangers tackles the question of how such violence became ‘unchained’ from inter-personal relationships. It traces the rise of such impersonal violence by examining violence in conjunction with changing social and political realities across Western Europe and North America since the late eighteenth century. In particular, it traces both ‘push’ and ‘pull’ factors. On the one hand, the rise of the modern state with its titanic bureaucratic resources of monitoring and coercion forced the violence of opponents into niche forms. On the other hand, social and technological changes offered fresh opportunities to cause mayhem in startlingly new ways. Both forces are necessary for any understanding of why contemporary political violence takes the forms that it does.
Paul J. E. Kershaw
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198208709
- eISBN:
- 9780191594731
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198208709.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Medieval History
The preface sets out the historical questions pursued through the rest of the book: what did it mean to talk about peace in the centuries following the end of the Roman Empire in the West? What role ...
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The preface sets out the historical questions pursued through the rest of the book: what did it mean to talk about peace in the centuries following the end of the Roman Empire in the West? What role did it play in the wider conception of rulership? Beginning with a single case‐study — the coronation of Charles the Bald in Metz in 869, and the poetry written for the occasion by Sedulius Scottus, an Irish scholar — this opening sketches the modes by which early medieval kings and their theorists worked. Competing treatments of peace in the same year are explored, as are the means of making peace (oaths, hostages, treaties) to reveal the diversity of attitudes even within a single year. Peace in wider time and space is addressed. So, too, is earlier scholarship on the field. The chapter closes with an investigation of the place of peace in the early medieval imagination more broadly (Beowulf, the Waltharius).Less
The preface sets out the historical questions pursued through the rest of the book: what did it mean to talk about peace in the centuries following the end of the Roman Empire in the West? What role did it play in the wider conception of rulership? Beginning with a single case‐study — the coronation of Charles the Bald in Metz in 869, and the poetry written for the occasion by Sedulius Scottus, an Irish scholar — this opening sketches the modes by which early medieval kings and their theorists worked. Competing treatments of peace in the same year are explored, as are the means of making peace (oaths, hostages, treaties) to reveal the diversity of attitudes even within a single year. Peace in wider time and space is addressed. So, too, is earlier scholarship on the field. The chapter closes with an investigation of the place of peace in the early medieval imagination more broadly (Beowulf, the Waltharius).
Steven Hurst
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780748682638
- eISBN:
- 9781474453912
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748682638.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Chronologically, Chapter Two focuses on the 1980s, but the main theme of the chapter is the development of mutual antipathy between Iran and the United States. This development is traced through an ...
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Chronologically, Chapter Two focuses on the 1980s, but the main theme of the chapter is the development of mutual antipathy between Iran and the United States. This development is traced through an examination of their interactions from the 1953 coup to the Iran-Iraq War. The chapter emphasizes how the experiences of the 1953 coup in Iran, the Iranian Revolution and subsequent hostage crisis and the Iran-Iraq War contributed to the development of a profound and widespread mutual hostility between the two countries that would subsequently come to act as a major constraint on policy-makers on both sides. The chapter also examines the origins of the IRI's nuclear programme and its connection to the emerging conflict with the USA.Less
Chronologically, Chapter Two focuses on the 1980s, but the main theme of the chapter is the development of mutual antipathy between Iran and the United States. This development is traced through an examination of their interactions from the 1953 coup to the Iran-Iraq War. The chapter emphasizes how the experiences of the 1953 coup in Iran, the Iranian Revolution and subsequent hostage crisis and the Iran-Iraq War contributed to the development of a profound and widespread mutual hostility between the two countries that would subsequently come to act as a major constraint on policy-makers on both sides. The chapter also examines the origins of the IRI's nuclear programme and its connection to the emerging conflict with the USA.
Valery Tishkov
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520238879
- eISBN:
- 9780520930209
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520238879.003.0008
- Subject:
- Anthropology, European Cultural Anthropology
This chapter highlights the culture of hostage-taking in Chechnya. The lucrative business of holding hostages for ransom developed among Chechens during the first war, and after the peace agreement, ...
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This chapter highlights the culture of hostage-taking in Chechnya. The lucrative business of holding hostages for ransom developed among Chechens during the first war, and after the peace agreement, escalated into a full-fledged crisis by 1999. Submitting the subject of hostage-taking to social and cultural analysis has proved difficult, for a number of reasons. First, it was necessary to sweep aside certain popular myths that had been generated around this theme during the Chechen war. Second, the perpetrators of such deeds were not accessible for direct interviews. Third, their victims were often far from ideal sources of accurate information, owing to the intense physical and psychological traumas they had suffered. Finally, the people who liberated the hostages were so biased, both politically and personally, that they were also not very helpful in illuminating the character of the phenomenon.Less
This chapter highlights the culture of hostage-taking in Chechnya. The lucrative business of holding hostages for ransom developed among Chechens during the first war, and after the peace agreement, escalated into a full-fledged crisis by 1999. Submitting the subject of hostage-taking to social and cultural analysis has proved difficult, for a number of reasons. First, it was necessary to sweep aside certain popular myths that had been generated around this theme during the Chechen war. Second, the perpetrators of such deeds were not accessible for direct interviews. Third, their victims were often far from ideal sources of accurate information, owing to the intense physical and psychological traumas they had suffered. Finally, the people who liberated the hostages were so biased, both politically and personally, that they were also not very helpful in illuminating the character of the phenomenon.
Valery Tishkov
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520238879
- eISBN:
- 9780520930209
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520238879.003.0012
- Subject:
- Anthropology, European Cultural Anthropology
This chapter analyzes postwar Chechen society. Certain aspects of this period are self-evident, including the devastated infrastructure, a thorough economic collapse, a mass exodus from the republic, ...
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This chapter analyzes postwar Chechen society. Certain aspects of this period are self-evident, including the devastated infrastructure, a thorough economic collapse, a mass exodus from the republic, and the disintegration of civil institutions, leading to the proliferation of high-level criminal activities such as hostage-taking. The difficulty of getting back to normal essentially consists of the fact that the war did not truly end for Chechnya in August 1996, but lived on in the minds and actions of armed veterans, politicians, and various intellectuals. It was revived daily in the propaganda about the great victory that had asserted Chechen superiority over the rest of the world. Chechens had cultivated the image of an enemy (Russia and the Russians), and the resumption of fighting was encouraged by outsiders who supported complete secession from the Russian Federation. The circles supporting Chechnya's continued fighting after 1996 were in fact wider and more influential than those that had been dominant during the war.Less
This chapter analyzes postwar Chechen society. Certain aspects of this period are self-evident, including the devastated infrastructure, a thorough economic collapse, a mass exodus from the republic, and the disintegration of civil institutions, leading to the proliferation of high-level criminal activities such as hostage-taking. The difficulty of getting back to normal essentially consists of the fact that the war did not truly end for Chechnya in August 1996, but lived on in the minds and actions of armed veterans, politicians, and various intellectuals. It was revived daily in the propaganda about the great victory that had asserted Chechen superiority over the rest of the world. Chechens had cultivated the image of an enemy (Russia and the Russians), and the resumption of fighting was encouraged by outsiders who supported complete secession from the Russian Federation. The circles supporting Chechnya's continued fighting after 1996 were in fact wider and more influential than those that had been dominant during the war.
Aaron Ben-Zéev and Ruhama Goussinsky
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198566496
- eISBN:
- 9780191693595
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198566496.003.0002
- Subject:
- Psychology, Developmental Psychology
The essential role of love in our life and our profound personal involvement in love makes breakup of intimate relations and divorce very painful — particularly so when this separation involves ...
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The essential role of love in our life and our profound personal involvement in love makes breakup of intimate relations and divorce very painful — particularly so when this separation involves rejection and the people involved believe in the romantic ideology, such as the men who kill their wives or partners. This chapter discusses the meaning of separation and love in the face of romantic rejection. The chapter argues that what is perceived to be the ultimate expression of romantic love — ‘I can't live, if living is without you’ — is in fact a state of mind that turns the partner, who is perceived to be the sole supplier of this meaning, into a hostage. The chapter further analyzes the behavioral patterns and the emotional state characteristic of the rejected partner and its manifestation among men who killed their wives.Less
The essential role of love in our life and our profound personal involvement in love makes breakup of intimate relations and divorce very painful — particularly so when this separation involves rejection and the people involved believe in the romantic ideology, such as the men who kill their wives or partners. This chapter discusses the meaning of separation and love in the face of romantic rejection. The chapter argues that what is perceived to be the ultimate expression of romantic love — ‘I can't live, if living is without you’ — is in fact a state of mind that turns the partner, who is perceived to be the sole supplier of this meaning, into a hostage. The chapter further analyzes the behavioral patterns and the emotional state characteristic of the rejected partner and its manifestation among men who killed their wives.
Alexander L. Fattal
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780226590509
- eISBN:
- 9780226590783
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226590783.003.0003
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Latin American Cultural Anthropology
This chapter addresses the question: how did the state come to believe that branding could help defeat the FARC? It goes back in history to trace mediatization of the Colombian conflict, that is the ...
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This chapter addresses the question: how did the state come to believe that branding could help defeat the FARC? It goes back in history to trace mediatization of the Colombian conflict, that is the ways in which media played an increasingly central role in the war as it wore on. The chapter focuses on three inflection points. The first is the shift from agitprop, Soviet-style propaganda, to what the Colombian urban guerrilla group, the M19, called "armed propaganda." The second transformation was when Pablo Escobar, boss of the Medellín Cartel, adapted "armed propaganda" in his bid to avoid extradition to the United States, putting it at the service of an urban war that terrorized city residents and kidnapped high profile hostages, especially journalists. The third inflection point is the FARC's usage of hostages in a cynical bid to break what it describes as a "media siege" that does not allow it to speak for itself, and the public backlash to its efforts. In tracing the semiotic sensibility of Colombia's armed actors and the way the learned from each other, the chapter traces a history of the emergence of brand warfare.Less
This chapter addresses the question: how did the state come to believe that branding could help defeat the FARC? It goes back in history to trace mediatization of the Colombian conflict, that is the ways in which media played an increasingly central role in the war as it wore on. The chapter focuses on three inflection points. The first is the shift from agitprop, Soviet-style propaganda, to what the Colombian urban guerrilla group, the M19, called "armed propaganda." The second transformation was when Pablo Escobar, boss of the Medellín Cartel, adapted "armed propaganda" in his bid to avoid extradition to the United States, putting it at the service of an urban war that terrorized city residents and kidnapped high profile hostages, especially journalists. The third inflection point is the FARC's usage of hostages in a cynical bid to break what it describes as a "media siege" that does not allow it to speak for itself, and the public backlash to its efforts. In tracing the semiotic sensibility of Colombia's armed actors and the way the learned from each other, the chapter traces a history of the emergence of brand warfare.
Anja Shortland
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780198815471
- eISBN:
- 9780191853159
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198815471.001.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic Systems, Public and Welfare
Every year thousands of people are kidnapped for ransom. Their families, friends, or employers are forced into a fiendishly complex and harrowing transaction with violent criminals to retrieve them. ...
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Every year thousands of people are kidnapped for ransom. Their families, friends, or employers are forced into a fiendishly complex and harrowing transaction with violent criminals to retrieve them. How do you agree a ‘fair’ price for a loved one—who may be tortured or killed as you deliberate? How do you securely deliver a sack of cash to the criminals’ lair? What compels kidnappers to uphold their end of the bargain after payment? Well-off individuals, profitable firms, and international NGOs operate surprisingly safely in areas of high and extreme kidnap risks. Many of them have bought kidnap insurance. Kidnaps among the insured are very rare—and almost all insured hostages are safely retrieved. This book examines the intricate governance system created by special risk insurers at Lloyd’s of London to guide and shape their customers’ interactions with the criminal underworld, rebel groups, and traditional elites. By encouraging local leaders to protect rather than hassle the insured, most abductions can be prevented. If a kidnap occurs, there are robust protocols to structure the negotiation and maintain ransom discipline. Experienced specialists facilitate payments and safely retrieve hostages. Kidnap insurance underpins trade, aid, and investment in many informally governed, crime-ridden, and rebel-held areas of the world. In terrorist kidnaps, however, international law prohibits commercial resolutions and well-meaning politicians have stepped into the breach. The outcomes have been massive ransom inflation, political concessions, torture, and gruesome murders. This book explains why private governance works and why public governance is bound to fail in the market for hostages.Less
Every year thousands of people are kidnapped for ransom. Their families, friends, or employers are forced into a fiendishly complex and harrowing transaction with violent criminals to retrieve them. How do you agree a ‘fair’ price for a loved one—who may be tortured or killed as you deliberate? How do you securely deliver a sack of cash to the criminals’ lair? What compels kidnappers to uphold their end of the bargain after payment? Well-off individuals, profitable firms, and international NGOs operate surprisingly safely in areas of high and extreme kidnap risks. Many of them have bought kidnap insurance. Kidnaps among the insured are very rare—and almost all insured hostages are safely retrieved. This book examines the intricate governance system created by special risk insurers at Lloyd’s of London to guide and shape their customers’ interactions with the criminal underworld, rebel groups, and traditional elites. By encouraging local leaders to protect rather than hassle the insured, most abductions can be prevented. If a kidnap occurs, there are robust protocols to structure the negotiation and maintain ransom discipline. Experienced specialists facilitate payments and safely retrieve hostages. Kidnap insurance underpins trade, aid, and investment in many informally governed, crime-ridden, and rebel-held areas of the world. In terrorist kidnaps, however, international law prohibits commercial resolutions and well-meaning politicians have stepped into the breach. The outcomes have been massive ransom inflation, political concessions, torture, and gruesome murders. This book explains why private governance works and why public governance is bound to fail in the market for hostages.
Burrus M. Carnahan
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813125695
- eISBN:
- 9780813135380
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813125695.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, American History: Civil War
This chapter examines President Lincoln's attitude toward counter-guerrilla tactics, which could include the execution of civilian hostages in retaliation for unlawful enemy actions. Most of the ...
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This chapter examines President Lincoln's attitude toward counter-guerrilla tactics, which could include the execution of civilian hostages in retaliation for unlawful enemy actions. Most of the house burning that bothered the president had been carried out, by both sides, as acts of “retaliation.” Two highly effective acts of retaliation by the Confederacy—one threatened, the other executed—illustrate how the practice was supposed to work. Retaliation remained a major weapon of Union generals against guerrillas and the civilians who supported them. The forced movement of hostile civilian populations was another common response to guerrilla warfare. Abraham Lincoln himself signed one order for retaliation against Confederate prisoners of war. The distaste he felt for actually ordering the innocent to suffer for offenses they had not committed is explained.Less
This chapter examines President Lincoln's attitude toward counter-guerrilla tactics, which could include the execution of civilian hostages in retaliation for unlawful enemy actions. Most of the house burning that bothered the president had been carried out, by both sides, as acts of “retaliation.” Two highly effective acts of retaliation by the Confederacy—one threatened, the other executed—illustrate how the practice was supposed to work. Retaliation remained a major weapon of Union generals against guerrillas and the civilians who supported them. The forced movement of hostile civilian populations was another common response to guerrilla warfare. Abraham Lincoln himself signed one order for retaliation against Confederate prisoners of war. The distaste he felt for actually ordering the innocent to suffer for offenses they had not committed is explained.
Jennifer C. Hunt
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- February 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226360904
- eISBN:
- 9780226360911
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226360911.003.0002
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance
Despite being a fast, fluid, tactic police officer, Keith Ryan never expected he would be a cop until in 1986 he decided to take the test to become a New York police officer. It did not take long for ...
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Despite being a fast, fluid, tactic police officer, Keith Ryan never expected he would be a cop until in 1986 he decided to take the test to become a New York police officer. It did not take long for him to gain a reputation as an active cop who excelled in certain roles. There were, however, occasions when Ryan did stupid things, particularly during the early months when he was learning the job, but during this phase he learnt that if he wanted to continue his job he has to put his own safety first. After initial bad experiences, Keith Ryan did not repeat his mistakes and felt proud in 1997 to lead a six-man team into a most dangerous job.Less
Despite being a fast, fluid, tactic police officer, Keith Ryan never expected he would be a cop until in 1986 he decided to take the test to become a New York police officer. It did not take long for him to gain a reputation as an active cop who excelled in certain roles. There were, however, occasions when Ryan did stupid things, particularly during the early months when he was learning the job, but during this phase he learnt that if he wanted to continue his job he has to put his own safety first. After initial bad experiences, Keith Ryan did not repeat his mistakes and felt proud in 1997 to lead a six-man team into a most dangerous job.
Gene H. Bell-Villada
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807833513
- eISBN:
- 9781469604473
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9780807895382_bell-villada.20
- Subject:
- Literature, American, 20th Century Literature
In this chapter, García Márquez's foray into investigative journalism through his writing of News of a Kidnapping is the main focus. News is considered to be the most “Colombian” of all of García ...
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In this chapter, García Márquez's foray into investigative journalism through his writing of News of a Kidnapping is the main focus. News is considered to be the most “Colombian” of all of García Márquez's writing as it requires readers to be ultimately familiar with Colombia. A brief historical background is presented to establish context. News can be summarized simply as an account of the kidnapping of six men and four women of salaried thugs, their captivity, the government responses to the situation, the deaths of two female hostages, the anguish of the victims' kin, and finally the freeing of the remaining hostages. The narrative tells of different human interactions, mostly between guards and hostages.Less
In this chapter, García Márquez's foray into investigative journalism through his writing of News of a Kidnapping is the main focus. News is considered to be the most “Colombian” of all of García Márquez's writing as it requires readers to be ultimately familiar with Colombia. A brief historical background is presented to establish context. News can be summarized simply as an account of the kidnapping of six men and four women of salaried thugs, their captivity, the government responses to the situation, the deaths of two female hostages, the anguish of the victims' kin, and finally the freeing of the remaining hostages. The narrative tells of different human interactions, mostly between guards and hostages.
Keith Bodner
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- August 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780198743002
- eISBN:
- 9780191802904
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198743002.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Biblical Studies
The last act of Jeremiah’s eventful career takes place in the wake of Babylonian destruction, as he is part of a contingent left behind in the land of Judah after the invasion. Jer 40–44 is not among ...
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The last act of Jeremiah’s eventful career takes place in the wake of Babylonian destruction, as he is part of a contingent left behind in the land of Judah after the invasion. Jer 40–44 is not among the most popular sections of the Hebrew Bible, but a remarkable story is contained in these chapters. Despite the trauma of Jerusalem’s collapse, the community who remain have every reason for cautious optimism about their future: they are provided with reasonable leadership, the Babylonians seem unexpectedly benevolent, and the prophet Jeremiah resides in their midst. But any sanguinity disintegrates in the midst of factionalism, unsubstantiated rumors of covert foreign involvement, and then, more darkly, murder, carnage, and a hostage crisis that results in an armed clash among the remnant. So, in these chapters there is an internal war after the external invasion, prompting the reader to ask how matters go so terribly awry. In this book the narrative of Jer 40–44 is subject to a literary reading that analyzes a powerfully composed story that features a host of stylistic devices and deftly sketched characters.Less
The last act of Jeremiah’s eventful career takes place in the wake of Babylonian destruction, as he is part of a contingent left behind in the land of Judah after the invasion. Jer 40–44 is not among the most popular sections of the Hebrew Bible, but a remarkable story is contained in these chapters. Despite the trauma of Jerusalem’s collapse, the community who remain have every reason for cautious optimism about their future: they are provided with reasonable leadership, the Babylonians seem unexpectedly benevolent, and the prophet Jeremiah resides in their midst. But any sanguinity disintegrates in the midst of factionalism, unsubstantiated rumors of covert foreign involvement, and then, more darkly, murder, carnage, and a hostage crisis that results in an armed clash among the remnant. So, in these chapters there is an internal war after the external invasion, prompting the reader to ask how matters go so terribly awry. In this book the narrative of Jer 40–44 is subject to a literary reading that analyzes a powerfully composed story that features a host of stylistic devices and deftly sketched characters.
