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Having argued, in Ch. 2, that there are universal moral values, the next logical step is to ask what these universal moral values are; this question is pursued in Chs 3 and 4, which consider arguments for two different types of universal value and link together to provide an analysis of what universal principles of justice should apply at the global level. This chapter examines claims that there are universal principles of civil and political justice, that is, those principles that specify what rights people have to what freedoms, and argues for universal human rights to certain civil and political liberties. It is arranged in 13 sections: Section I presents an analysis of human rights, since this term plays a central and important role in a plausible account of civil and political justice; Section II puts forward a general thesis about justifications for civil and political human rights; this is followed, in Sections III–VII, by an analysis of four cosmopolitan arguments for human rights that criticizes three of them but defends the fourth; Section VIII considers an alternative non-cosmopolitan approach to defending civil and political human rights, presented by John Rawls in The Law of Peoples (1999b); the next three sections (IX–XI) of the chapter explore misgivings about civil and political human rights, including the objections that such human rights are a species of imperialism and do not accord sufficient respect to cultural practices (IX), produce homogeneity/uniformity (X), and generate egoism/individualism and destroy community (XI); Section XII considers a further objection—the realist charges that foreign policy to protect civil and political human rights is in practice selective and partial and a cloak for the pursuit of the national interest. Section XIII summarizes the overall case made for civil and political justice.

This chapter argues that initial conditions associated with trade and agriculture shaped the occupational distributions of early state elites who, in turn, influenced the subsequent evolution of state political competition. It provides a summary of the relationships among initial conditions, occupational homogeneity of the elite, and state political competition. The chapter thus shows how conditions shaped the early comparative advantage of the state economy and that, moreover, the mix of elite occupations influenced state political competition. When state elites worked largely in the same profession, a single party that reflected the interests of this occupation tended to dominate. When state elites worked in a broader mix of professions, different groups supported different parties, and political competition was stronger from the outset.

This concluding chapter argues that the brilliance of Greek civilization was predicated in part upon the shiftlessness of its population. Being Greek meant facing the prospect of being displaced at some point in one's life without any certainty of return. When compelled to do so, the Greeks were fully capable of putting their roofs on their backs and moving an entire population elsewhere. It was also the case that the mobility of the Greeks, and the spirit of adaptability that this bred inside them, encouraged the construction of panhellenic institutions and fostered cultural homogeneity. Greece, in sum, was a civilization of displaced persons.

This chapter argues that the constraint on the distribution of for phrases, and thus a relevant definition of atelicity is best phrased using a notion of incremental homogeneity which we define and explain. We show that on this definition, accomplishment predicates with bare plural or mass objects are incrementally homogeneous on the assumption these nominal phrases are taken to denote kinds.

Tundra Nenets intransitive verbs are divided into three classes: A-verbs, B-verbs and A&B-verbs, according to their compatibility with one of the two intransitive paradigms. This chapter investigates the Aktionsart principles that govern (1) a verb's placement in one of the classes; and (2) the choice between the two paradigms for A&B-verbs.

This chapter examines whether there are perceptual differences in how partisan identifiers think about the in-group and out-group, and whether these judgments relate reliably to other attitudes and political behaviors. It first selectively reviews the psychological literature on social identity theory and group-based perceptual differences, focusing primarily on the out-group homogeneity effect. The subsequent analyses then consider and examine: how perceptions of in-group and out-group similarity and agreement vary among Democrats and Republicans, whether these judgments are systematically related to affective judgments about political groups and political figures, and whether these judgments relate to conventional political behaviors, such as voter turnout and vote choice. Finally, the chapter concludes with a set of recommendations for future research.

Exclusive experience with standardized languages produces an expectation that speech community members will assess competing variants by their supposed correctness. This does not happen in the persistently divergent but socially neutral variant use of Embo Gaelic speakers, including close kin and age mates. Communities elsewhere show both variation akin to Embo's personal‐pattern variation and similar social‐organization and social‐setting features: small population size, isolation, use of a minority language unrelated/distantly related to the dominant language, weak/absent extra‐community linguistic norms, social homogeneity with high interaction density and multiplex social roles, absence of linguistic accommodation. The ideologies of linguists from dominant‐language societies hamper recognition of different linguistic ideologies among other peoples. The importance of personal‐pattern variation to individual voice in homogeneous communities is discussed and exemplified. Ongoing transmission of individual variant‐use patterns is seen to have been in keeping with high‐variation language input to children and with diffuse child‐care patterns and peer‐group structure.

This chapter discusses how the rules of civility can vary, making them at times very hard to understand, let alone to accept. A contrast is drawn between the differential abilities of the European Union and the United States to “let in” immigrants so as to create one out of many—an area in which the contemporary United States far outperforms Europe. Civil nationalism is profoundly to be desired, but it is also rather hard to achieve. It is interesting to discover that the United States is more of a pioneer in this regard than European countries. However, both these great areas of the North have at their respective hearts a good deal of background homogeneity.

This chapter reflects on the legacies of the double effort to remake Bosnia-Herzegovina since 1990 and outlines a qualified answer to the question of whether ethnic cleansing succeeded or not. Perhaps the most appropriate answer to whether ethnic cleansing has succeeded in Bosnia is that it is too early to tell. If Bosnia-Herzegovina is allowed to break apart by its neighbors, the European Union, and other major powers, we can say that ethnic cleansing has succeeded. But ethnic homogeneity—a condition often overstated and superficially claimed for states that are more heterogeneous than imagined—is no formula for stability. Certainly in Bosnia-Herzegovina, any independence for Republika Srpska (with the border drawn “on ethnic lines”) is likely to result in a new war. Bosnia-Herzegovina is still in the process of being made, its form an evolving one. While there are certainly grounds for being pessimistic about its future given its current ethnoterritorial arrangement, institutional burdens, and polarized politics, there is also some recognition among most of its divided political class that they are stuck together.

People have voiced concerns that global cultural homogeneity is obliterating people's “sense of place” since the colonial-era condemnation of cultural imperialism. However, a considerable amount of research is showing that people refashion external cultural inputs to conform to local sensibilities. Specifically, people use the very elements of globalized, electronic culture to rediscover, invent, fashion, promote, and celebrate their place-specific distinctiveness. Regional culture is part of this process, and this book demonstrates that literary regionalism has benefited from the developments that some had thought would kill it off. This introductory chapter sets out the book's primary claims. First, cultural regionalism, and regional literature in particular, is flourishing. Second, a reading class, habitual readers of print with a distinct demographic profile, has emerged from the general public. Third, that the first two claims are connected. The reading class is an active agent that is constantly reinforcing regionalism.

This chapter addresses the question of how to visualize a large disordered structure and how to extract information describing the disorder from a large model crystal. Topics include the determination of occupancies and their homogeneity, the calculation of correlations, and the concept of bond valence sums.

This chapter begins to examine the practice of racework by considering a type of racework used by interracial couples in many public places—navigating racial homogeneity. It distinguishes between the racial segregation of neighborhoods, which is the result of almost a century of discriminatory housing and lending practices imposed by White-controlled institutions, and the racial separation of particular social spaces, which stems from some Blacks’ preference for all-Black environments as a response to Whites’ exclusion and as settings where people find safety and community. Although racial residential segregation affects innumerable communities in the United States, it is particularly onerous for interracial partners and families because of the strain of frequently being the only person of one’s race in a social setting. This strain creates race fatigue among both Blacks and Whites.

The issue of the comparative homogeneity of the NICs' manufactured exports are explored in this chapter. The hypothesis that the export responses of the four tigers to changes in the U.S. market after taking into account domestic supply capabilities were highly coordinated is examined. The authors utilize data extending over a longer period of time and employ a standard import demand model. In addition, various hypotheses that may explain the hitherto unobserved trade phenomenon are also discussed. Two polar explanations are offered for the observed homogeneity among NICs manufactured exports: a “collusive” approach and a “competitive” approach.

This chapter introduces the logical, linguistic, and philosophical considerations relevant to mass terms. The various tests used to identify mass versus count terms, categorized as syntactic, semantic, and pragmatic, are discussed, and certain background notions are mentioned, such as the “universal grinder,” divisibility, homogeneity, sortal terms, and countability.

Although in the southern hemisphere an extended household is regarded as a vital determinant of caretaking, its purposes and underlying processes have not been sufficiently explored. Propositions such as the homogeneity and the natural inclination to provide social protection and welfare of kin groups encourage further understanding of social policies in the international realm. Re-examination of the responsibilities of and the expectations from household members, relatives, and significant others as welfare endowers demonstrates that the distribution of public goods and services will be facilitated by heightened awareness and comprehension of caregiving practices and norms positioned in various cultural orientations. In view of this, it is valuable to take note of the caretaker's characteristics, potentials, personal necessities, and limitations as well as of the existing public provision policies.