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On Tuesday morning, May 9, Josephine and George received a cable from Philippa informing them that she would arrive on Friday and on that same day they received a letter from her. At 2 o'clock in the afternoon, the phone rang and Josephine answered it, startled with the news she heard from the other side of the line, informing her that Philippa had died in a helicopter crash. Josephine screamed and hung up the phone, while George was in the state of shock too, not moving from his chair. The CBS Evening Radio News treated her death as a national story since Philippa was the tenth American correspondent and only the second woman journalist to die in Vietnam. Her mother didn't handle her daughter's death well at all and committed suicide before the first anniversary of Philippa's death. George was left alone and wished to follow his wife and daughter soon, but his agony was prolonged and he lived for another eight years.

With his return, Yasin was a major symbol of greatness in affirmity: he was the mutilated king. People began to think about the man and the movement with renewed fervor. In a bold, deflationary gesture, the ailing sheikh likened himself to “a baby returned to his mother's womb”. Six years after returning home from his tour of Arab countries, he finally attained what he long said he wanted more than anything on earth. Shortly after the dawn prayer in a Gaza City mosque, he was struck to the ground by a missile fired from an Israeli Apache helicopter.

This chapter investigates the early years of French, German, and Franco-German second-generation combat helicopter politics. It begins with French and German defense planners' demands for new anti-tank combat helicopters in the first half of the 1970s. It then proceeds to analyze the two main outcomes of these years: France and Germany's initial “coming together” in combat helicopter matters between 1974 and 1979—even though their interests were fundamentally different—and their subsequent inability truly to collaborate in launching the program from 1979 on, faltering with the failed joint helicopter definition phase by 1982. As a case or observation, the first of these outcomes shows how the Franco-German institutionalized relations and the two states' historically rooted domestic constructions of self-understanding and roles in the world additively affected French and German interests and policies. The analysis of the second main outcome of these years shows that in the subsequent Franco-German interaction, diverging French and German interests, informed in important ways by their respective domestic constructions of French and German roles and purposes in the world, led to the stalling of cooperation during the first joint helicopter definition phase at the lower governmental and administrative levels. Both the logic of their institutionalized relations and their respective domestic constructions decisively drove the processes of French and German interest formation and policy formulation processes over the eight years covered in the chapter.

This chapter picks up where Chapter 3 left off, reconstructing and analyzing the continuation of Franco-German combat helicopter dealings from October 1982 to May 1984. At the end of this critical period, Germany and France, via an intergovernmental agreement in the form of a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU), jointly embarked on the common development of a second-generation combat helicopter. The chapter first discusses the history of Franco-German defense affairs, beginning with the bilateral re-launch of the program at the fortieth Franco-German summit consultation in Bonn in October 1982 and continuing through subsequent Franco-German interaction. It culminates in the initiation of the enormous joint armament project in May 1984, with the signing of the Franco-German MoU during the forty-third Franco-German summit in Rambouillet. It then investigates the contents of the MoU contract, as the definition or nondefinition of common interests, positions, and goals regarding all aspects pertaining to the helicopter program—including the machine's technical specifications, its delivery schedules, and its financing. After focusing on the institutionalized meanings and purposes underlying the political processes of the period under review, the chapter presents as cases the three main outcomes that need explanation during this period: the revival of the program in the fall of 1982; the French and German interests and positions that were modified during the interaction processes between 1982 and 1984; and the interests and positions that have remained unaffected by the interaction in the same time period.

This chapter covers the turbulent years from 1984 to 1987. It examines why and how the Franco-German combat helicopter program—due to mushrooming costs, massive delays, and multiple other obstacles—slid into a financial and technical impasse between late 1984 and mid-1986. It also scrutinizes why and how the program, barely escaping cancellation, survived deadlock and paralysis, and finally escaped the impasse in a yet further modified and revised form ultimately codified by the French and German governments in November 1987.

This chapter covers Franco-German political developments around the Tiger combat helicopter from 1988 to 2009. Focusing on these years' historical processes illustrates—notably through the evolving Franco-German pride regarding the high-end armament product and their joint salesmanship of the Tiger—that institutionalized relations may bring about events that in turn reflect back on the meaning of an institutionalized relationship itself. Three particular sets of outcomes need explanation during these years leading up to the Tiger's becoming a physical reality: French and German export interests in Dutch, British, Australian, and Spanish export episodes; the quite different French and German interest formation in the Turkish export episode; and the outcomes of the difficult year 1996, when the program's existence was questioned once again.

This book starts telling the story of Philippa Duke Schuyler, a child of a racially mixed marriage, with her death. It happened on a Tuesday, May 9, 1967, when a helicopter assigned to the 282nd Aviation Company crashed into the ocean just about ten miles north of Da Nang and Philippa was one of the passengers on board. The book also flashes back to three weeks before the death of Philippa, to April 15, 1967, when she gave a piano concert on South Vietnamese television. The book also describes how Philippa was involved in missions of mercy, evacuating children from an orphanage in Hue to Da Nang.

This chapter introduces the main themes that structure this book: class, risk, and the role of communication media in creating and sustaining class-related cultural distinctions. The book's perspective on the role of risk in relation to technology and parenting is closely related to our experiences of economics and social class. Because news and entertainment media aim to appeal to the wealthiest demographic, norms of parenting in advice manuals and in other media are focused on the upper middle class parenting value of “expressive empowerment”. The media-driven definition of middle class life also supports the culture of fear that pervades discussions of technology and leisure and sees media as a distraction. This chapter discusses the relationship between risk and digital/mobile media to get a clear perspective about what is new in the new media environment, how sociologists review these new situations in relation to society-wide heightened risk, how parents and young people address themselves to these new situations.

This chapter acknowledges that earlier sections of this book have largely relied on positive parenting stories, but that we need to pay attention to the cautionary tales. Therefore, the chapter introduces the story of Lori Drew, the “cyberbullying mom” implicated in Meghan Meier's suicide. It also introduces Kayla Torelli, a teen with unhealthy Facebook practices, and reviews a teen focus group discussion on experiences with would-be Internet predators. Exploring teen resistance to parental helicopter parenting, the chapter questions the ways in which technologies make it easier than ever for parents to become over-involved in their children's lives through surveillance and other forms of privacy invasion, and the impact that such practices may have on parent/child relationships.

This chapter deals with the political situation faces the Iraqi leadership after opening the war against Iran, and their efforts to bring to a ceasefire at this stage. It describes the battle to “liberate” Khorramshahr on October 1980, the crossing of the Karun river in order to encircle Abadan and the fighting in the Shatt al-Arab sector, as well as the fighting in other sectors in Khuzestan in the central and northern sectors of the front. It describes also the developments in the air and naval theaters of war in this period. It deals with the logistic and administrative matters that appeared on the Iraqi side as a result of the war, and the change in the Iraqi strategy in winter 1980 by transition to static warfare — “war of attrition”.

Here we take up three interrelated theoretical and empirical points, as follows: 1) Class formation in 21^st century U.S., with specific focus on the power and complexities of race/ethnicity/national origin as linked to class, in what will arguably become a “new upper middle class” of the 21^st century, one that is specifically linked to intensified struggle over particular kinds of postsecondary destinations; 2) The extent to which women's surge into highly valued postsecondary destinations within this class fraction portends altered roles and responsibilities for men and women of the new upper-middle class; and 3) The ways and extent to which this ties to the workings of the postsecondary sector of the future, particularly as linked to segmented pathways in a sector that itself is riddled by deepening stratification, linked inequalities, and division. We examine these points with specific focus on the extent to which student location at each stage in the structure of educational opportunities limits their possible locations at the next stage (Kerckhoff, 1995; 2001). We pay particular attention to the possible implications of this statement for both class structure, the fracturing of the middle class, and the workings of the postsecondary sector more broadly.

New World Order theory claimed to provide an overarching explanation for contemporary politics by fitting all events into a single scenario: a diabolically clever and unscrupulous secret organization was in the process of seizing control of the world. The New World Order came to include highly specific claims about both the identities of the conspirators and the means they would employ to seize power and defeat their opponents. Among the latter techniques, three allegations were particularly significant: that black helicopters are tangible evidence of the conspiracy's existence, that a network of concentration camps is being readied to incarcerate dissenters, and that a technology of mind control has been developed in order to make the rest of the population docile and malleable. New World Order beliefs had the special advantage of speaking with equal force to both the religiously and the secularly inclined.

This chapter explores how, as new members joined Disaster Action, they brought with them different experiences. While these were inevitably devastating, sometimes aspects of these experiences reflected the difference Disaster Action had been able to make. There were instances when individuals and families were referred directly and quickly to Disaster Action, giving them the opportunity to make contact early on with people who could offer valuable information, support, and guidance. The chapter then considers the September 11 attacks in 2001; the Bali bombings in 2002; the 2004 terrorist attacks in Al Khobar, Saudi Arabia; the Indian Ocean tsunami in 2004; the London bombings in 2005; the Sharm El Sheikh bombings in 2005; and the North Sea helicopter crashes in 2009 and 2013. Disasters do not happen every day or week in the UK and yet there is always work to be done, keeping Disaster Action members busy, particularly at the office and within their informal and internal networks. This includes supporting each other and other individuals who may contact them for support at significant times such as anniversaries or when personal experiences and emotions are triggered through new disasters.

The division required every available infantryman operating in the paddies. It was obvious what had to be done for the division to build upon its experience to date and sharpen its combat edge. The division initiated two important, concurrent efforts to enhance its operational capabilities. The first was to ensure that the maximum number of well-supported, healthy infantrymen were available and utilized on daily combat operations. The second was to fine-tune and adjust techniques and tactics to make U.S. infantrymen as efficient as possible in the performance of operations by attriting the enemy while insuring the safety and well-being of U.S. troops. This chapter discusses the steps taken to enhance the combat capabilities of the 9th Infantry Division, including the optimization of the infantry solider, helicopter assets, and integration intelligence.

This film is based on true deadly events encountered by US troops in Somalia in 1993 that began when a rebel army shot down an American helicopter. Scott was interested in the story because of the theme of people caught on the edge of society, revealing human behavior stretched and challenged. The production was staged in Morocco. It took four months of diplomacy to bring this to a reality and even involved Colin Powell, then US secretary of state. Two thousand extras from twenty-four African communities were employed as well as a large cast of American actors, including Sam Shepard, Josh Harnett, Ewan McGregor, Tom Sizemore, and Eric Bana. As many as eleven cameras were used to shoot the intricately choreographed battle sequences. This highly respected film won the Academy Award for Best Editing and Best Sound.

This chapter considers the sonic representation of the helicopter in combat films set in Vietnam and the Greater Middle East. The sound of unseen helicopters has frequently been used as a kind of effects-made music underlining tense narrative moments or dialogue. The sound of helicopter rotors in scenes set on or near helicopters has often been modulated (lowered in volume) or replaced entirely by music. Special attention is given to scenes of soldiers inside helicopters riding into battle and to how music has been used to shape the cinematic experience of helicopter-borne battle. Film form often follows musical form when helos take to the skies on-screen. The helicopter attack on a Vietnamese village to the supposedly diegetic sound of Richard Wagner’s “Ride of the Valkyries” in Apocalypse Now is analyzed in detail. The editor Walter Murch built the sequence on Wagner’s musical form, expressing an equivalence between musical pleasure and the pleasures of firing weapons.

This chapter is about the joys and anxieties of parenting on the move. It begins with the concept of “extreme parenting” to orient a discussion of what it means to parent in a risk society and in the face of an uncertain future. Parents in late modernity are often forced to make a trade-off between safety and freedom, with intensive or helicopter parenting falling at one extreme of this trade-off and worldschoolers’ free-range parenting style falling at the other. Parents on both ends of this continuum are motivated by a desire to secure their children’s future success; however, worldschooling upends conventional parenting culture by encouraging children to embrace “good risk” rather than avoiding risk altogether. The chapter details four strategies worldschooling parents use to frame risk as a good thing in order to foster their children’s sense of independence and self-reliance. At the same time, however, they actively cultivate these qualities within the context of family togetherness. This results in a paradox of “cultivated independence” where the intertwined goals of independence and self-reliance must be monitored and directed by parents who are carefully attuned to their individual children’s needs.

Chapter 2 moves beyond nutritional discourse to consider the more social and emotional content of parents’ food talk. Much of this talk was oriented toward the concern to socialize and to train but not to overly limit children, project a negative adult persona, or come across as judgmental of others’ choices. The popular concept of the overprotective “helicopter parent” was an expression of these ambivalences, visible in national media and parenting blogs as well as in the ongoing commentaries of Atlanta parents; overattentiveness and food anxiety were seen as potentially negative influences on children. This chapter explores how food and feeding are wrapped up with models of personhood, that is, with conceptions of the kind of person one should be in order to be a good parent or a healthy child and socially attractive to others. In particular, it examines how power struggles around children’s food reflect ideas about individuality, relationships, and the fuzzy boundaries of the self.